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“Useful for anyone interested in sexuality and gender, the process
of interviewing is assessed at the micro level which shines a light
on complex personal dynamics. Using case studies to illuminate
the nature of the interviewer–participant encounter, this reflective
account provides an intimate expose of an area of methodology which
is rarely discussed. A must for anyone planning or doing sensitive
interviewing”.
Teela Sanders, Professor of Criminology, University of Leicester, UK
A CRITICAL REFLEXIVE
APPROACH TO SEX
RESEARCH

A Critical Reflexive Approach to Sex Research is a methodologically focused book

that offers rich insights into the, often secret, subjectivities of men who pay
for sex in South Africa. The book centres on the interview context, outlining
a critical reflexive approach to understanding how knowledge is co-produced
by both the interviewer and the participant in research about sex.
By attending to the complex dynamics of the research interview, this book
examines the historic and contemporary relationship between sex work, race,
coloniality, sexuality, masculinity, femininity, whorephobia, and discourses of disease
and contagion. It draws on both empirical interview data and Huysamen’s entries
in her research journal to offer a unique approach to building critical reflexivity
into every phase of the research process. The critical reflexive approach uses an
assemblage of poststructuralist and psychoanalytic theories and practices which
together provide tools to interrogate how interview dynamics facilitate, shape, and
restrain the meaning that is produced within the interview. This book will be a
valuable resource for anyone interested in researching sex work from intersectional
and feminist decolonial perspectives as it probes critical questions surrounding how
men make meaning of paying for sex, their motivations for doing so, and how they
negotiate their identities in relation to this stigmatised practice. It provides a unique
offering to researchers working on sexual, secret, and stigmatised topics, providing
them with a specific set of tools and resources to incorporate reflexivity into their
own sex research.
Encouraging the reader to look widely to draw on an array of theories
and frameworks across disciplines, this is fascinating reading for students and
researchers in critical psychology, research methods, and the social sciences.

Monique Huysamen, PhD, is a researcher at Manchester Metropolitan

University. She received her PhD in Psychology from the University of Cape
Town, where she now holds an honorary research position. Her research
focuses on sexualities, sexual health, and social justice. She has also published
on research ethics and critical approaches to doing qualitative research.
Concepts for Critical Psychology: Disciplinary
Boundaries Re-thought
Series editor: Ian Parker

Developments inside psychology that question the history of

the discipline and the way it functions in society have led many
psychologists to look outside the discipline for new ideas. This series
draws on cutting edge critiques from just outside psychology in order
to complement and question critical arguments emerging inside. The
authors provide new perspectives on subjectivity from disciplinary
debates and cultural phenomena adjacent to traditional studies of the
individual.
The books in the series are useful for advanced level undergraduate
and postgraduate students, researchers and lecturers in psychology and
other related disciplines such as cultural studies, geography, literary
theory, philosophy, psychotherapy, social work and sociology.

Most recently published titles:

A Critical Reflexive Approach to Sex Research

Interviews with Men Who Pay for Sex
Monique Huysamen

Psychology, Punitive Activation and Welfare

Blaming the Unemployed
Rose-Marie Stambe

For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com

A CRITICAL
REFLEXIVE
APPROACH TO SEX
RESEARCH
Interviews with Men Who
Pay for Sex

Monique Huysamen
Cover image: © Getty Images
First published 2022
by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an
informa business
© 2022 Monique Huysamen
The right of Monique Huysamen to be identified as
author of this work has been asserted in accordance with
sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents
Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted
or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission
in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be
trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for
identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the
British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested
ISBN: 978-0-367-62377-7 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-367-55447-7 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-09360-2 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003093602
Typeset in Bembo
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
CONTENTS CONTENTS

Acknowledgementsxi
Series preface for Monique Huysamen’s A Critical
Reflexive Approach to Sex Research: Interviews
with Men Who Pay for Sexxii

1 Setting the scene: researching men who pay

for sex in South Africa 1
Arriving at the research 1
Paying for sex in context: representations of sex work
in South Africa 3
Sex work and discourses of dirt and disease: a
historically informed account 4
An introduction to men who pay for sex 8
Who are the men who pay for sex? 9
What motivates men to pay for sex? 11
Outline of the book 14

2 An assemblage of theories, methods, and

practice: towards a critical reflexive approach 21
Introduction 21
Epistemological framework 21
An assemblage of theories 23
viii Contents

Feminist poststructuralism 25
Discursive approaches 25
Performance, performativity, and queer theory 26
Intersectionality and feminist decolonial
theories 27
The psychosocial approach 28
Theorising the interview encounter 29
Reflexivity 31
An eclectic approach to data analysis 32
Discourse analysis 32
Narrative analysis 34
The research process: interviewing men about paying
for sex 35
Research aims 36
The researcher 36
Recruiting participants 36
The participants 36
Theorising participants as arrivals 37
Interviews 39
Transcription 42
Research journal 43
Analysing data 44
Concluding thoughts: theoretical eclecticism and the
process of unknowing 45

3 Reasons for arriving: confessions, excitement,

and intimacy 51
Introduction 51
The interview as a confessional 52
The interview as an opportunity for excitement
and risk 60
Reasons for arriving: intimacy and connection 65
Concluding thoughts 69

4 Defences and desires in the research encounter 74

Introduction 74
Theorising interviewer and participant as
sexual subjects 74
 Contents ix

Theorising interviewer and the participant as

defended subjects 77
Defences and desires: examples from the field 78
Dan: the interview as a sexual encounter 79
Jez: consent and coercion in the interview 86
Carl: the researcher as the desiring subject 88
Concluding thoughts: reflecting on silences in
the interview process 91

5 “Out of Africa”: critical reflexivity as

decolonial method? 96
Introduction 96
Applying intersectionality and feminist decolonial
theories to critical reflexive practice 97
Discourses of disease: the intersections of gender, race,
and class in men’s talk about paying for sex 100
Splitting sex workers 100
Producing the Other 102
The intersections of race and class with discourses
of dirt and disease 104
The doubleness of discourse in racist narratives
about sex work 109
The idealised white body: proximity to whiteness
and internalised racism 110
The researcher’s positionality and the coloniality of
gender in the interview 114
Concluding thoughts: methodology as pedagogy and
praxis 114

6 Using the critical reflexive approach in your

research122
Introduction 122
The nine elements of the critical reflexive
approach 122
1 Research arrivals 123
2 Careful eclecticism 124
3 Theorising the interview as a social
encounter 124
x Contents

4Defended subjects 125

5Sexual subjects 126
6Producing the Other 126
7An intersectional approach to the research
encounter 127
8 A historically informed approach to the
research 127
9 The research journal as research tool and
data 128
Concluding thoughts 129

Index130
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank:

Foremost, my partner, Liam Stowell.
Professor Floretta Boonzaier and the Hub for Decolonial Feminist
Psychology in Africa for supervising this research and for instilling the
research values and principles upon which this book is based.
Professor Ian Parker and Professor Erica Burman for your support
with this book and for building a community of learning, support,
and solidarity through spaces like the Discourse Unit and Discourse
Unplugged, from which many of us benefit.
The Department of Social Care and Social Work at Manches-
ter Metropolitan University for supporting me with an invaluable
resource, time, to write this book.
Professor David Gadd.
Professor Teela Sanders.
Professor Rob Pattman.
Professor Julie Barnett.
Professor Chris Hatton.
Terry Dowdall.
Erin Coe and Jade Taylor Cooke.
Dr Jaime García-Iglesias, Chapter 4 is for you.
My mum and dad, Noela and Deon Huysamen.
My funders: the Harry Crossley Foundation, the National
Research Foundation (NRF), the Commonwealth Scholarship Com-
mission (CSC), and the University of Cape Town.
SERIES PREFACE FOR MONIQUE
HUYSAMEN’S A CRITICAL
REFLEXIVE APPROACH TO SEX
RESEARCH: INTERVIEWS WITH
MEN WHO PAY FOR SEX SERIES PREFACE

This book pushes at the “reflexivity” that is claimed by so many psy-

chologists now – an earnest well-meaning attempt to tell us more
about what is going on in the background of a publication – and
shows the limits of that. The limited standard response of supervi-
sors of projects and dissertations looking for reflexivity is to ask for
an additional “reflexive analysis” in which we might learn about the
personal trajectory of the researcher and perhaps have an account of
who they are, what they thought, and what they felt. That is, as a
complement to the assessment of the work – the disciplinary surveil-
lance aspect of academic and professional practice – there is a demand
that the writer tell us more about themselves, to configure themselves
in the trap of confession.
The further, deeper, more radical reflexive turn elaborated in this
book, in contrast, elaborates a “critical reflexive approach”, doing so
in a context that exactly demands that questions of context, institu-
tion, and power are put to the forefront. In place of personal individu-
alised reflexivity and all of the psychologised paraphernalia that the
discipline has now come to expect from qualitative research, we need
to focus on what might be termed “institutional reflexivity”. It is
this reflexive approach that is critical, and which Monique Huysamen
shows us must be intersectional; then we can work with subjectivity,
locating it instead of reducing everything else to it.
Every interview context is “difficult”, but these difficulties are too-
often smoothed over, smoothed into the illusory claim that “rapport”
 Series preface xiii

was established between interviewer and interviewee, and so the

reader can be confident that information was freely given, accurately
transcribed, and can now be “understood”. Every version of discourse
analysis tells us otherwise, shows us how the text, every text, is artfully
constructed, and constructed out of available resources that frame and
mislead the reader while indeed giving them the illusion of under-
standing what really went on and, if the interviewer is smart enough,
the illusion of understanding what went on inside the interviewee’s
head.
These difficulties are foregrounded in this book that is in line with
discourse-analytic sensitivity to the construction of text, designed
to shake us from these illusions and make us face what is going on,
how subjectivity itself is fabricated. That subjectivity, which is the
touchstone of humanist qualitative research, is actually always pieced
together. Here, with sex and “race” so evident as contextual-cultural
framing of what is said and what is “understood”, that discourse-
analytic sensitivity needs to take an explicitly intersectional approach,
theorising how sex is stigmatised and enabling us to decolonise the
accounts and the process and the very relationships that are con-
structed and challenged in the course of the interviews.
This book not only embeds reflexivity in this sex research but also
shows us how reflexivity must be embedded in every piece of good
research. It gives us a standpoint, many intersectionally aware stand-
points from which to view power and the construction of subjectivity,
standpoints that do not pretend to be “outside” the interview process
but are precisely so telling because they are an intimate part of that
process. It is inside and outside simultaneously, “outwith” the inter-
view as a tool of research, and “outwith” psychology as such.
Ian Parker
University of Manchester
1
SETTING THE SCENE SETTING THE SCENE

Researching men who pay for sex

in South Africa

Arriving at the research

As a doctoral student I, a white woman in my twenties, interviewed
43 cisgender men who pay women for sex in South Africa, a country
where sex work is criminalised and stigmatised. This methodologi-
cally focused book is about my research process. But, as I will discuss
throughout this book, research is about arrivals of various kinds, and
I arrived at the study and the approach outlined in this book via an
earlier research encounter. As a Master’s student, I set out to inter-
view men who had paid for sex in Cape Town. I hoped to uncover
their motivations for paying for sex and explore how these motiva-
tions were connected to broader questions of men and masculini-
ties, intimacy, and sexuality in post-apartheid South Africa. Indeed,
the interviews did offer important insights into these questions (see
Huysamen & Boonzaier, 2015). But it was after these interviews
were completed, as I sat down to analyse the transcripts, that I was
first struck by significance of the interviewer–participant dynamics.
As I thought more about the interviews – about what was said, what
was not said, how it was said, by whom, and to what ends – I was
struck by the complex and powerful ways that the interview relation-
ship influenced my research findings (see Huysamen, 2016). I became
more and more interested in how the dynamics occurring inside
the interview encounter provided crucial insights into participants’
lives outside that encounter and about how participants managed
and negotiated their identities in relation to this stigmatised sexual
DOI: 10.4324/9781003093602-1
2 Setting the scene

practice. I wished that I had more intentionally and systematically

captured these important dynamics at every stage of the research pro-
cess, rather than just trying to reflect and write about them after the
fact. This prompted the design of the present study, in which I aimed
to develop an approach which would allow me to foreground and
interrogate these fascinating interview relationships and the role that
they played in shaping the research. This book is the result of that
project. In its pages, I outline the critical reflexive approach which
enabled me to build reflexivity into the fabric of my research design.
This is a methodological book in so far as I lay out the combi-
nation of principles, philosophies, approaches, and techniques that
I used to build critical reflexivity into the research design. The book
draws on both the empirical interview data and my reflections of
the research process to present a critical reflexive approach to engag-
ing in qualitative research around topics that are of a sexual, secre-
tive, or stigmatised nature. It also offers in-depth insights into the
subjectivities of men who pay for sex, exploring questions around
men’s motivation for paying for sex, and their identity construc-
tion. The critical reflexive approach outlined in this book is neither
a step-by-step research guide, nor are the individual components of
which it is comprised novel. Rather the critical reflexive approach
is an assemblage of well-established theoretical and methodological
frameworks and approaches drawn from poststructuralist and psy-
choanalytic thought which can be used together to build reflexivity
into the research design with the intention of deepening the theo-
retical insights into the topics we study. The intention is that, by the
end of this book, the reader should have ideas about how they can
adapt and apply some of these insights, methods, and tools to their
own research processes.
As qualitative researchers, we know that reflexive practices are
important because they provide an opportunity for building both
rigour and transparency into our research design. However, my
central argument in this book is that attending to these seemingly
methodological aspects of interviews is also theoretically generative.
Attending to interviewer–participant dynamics as they unfold in the
interview encounter is not only important because it offers insight in
our research design, but also because it will provide deeper and more
nuanced insight into our research topics and into our participants’
subjectivities. Thus, true to this central principle, each chapter in this
book is structured around methodological themes but will also tell
 Setting the scene 3

you something new about men’s motivations for paying for sex and
how they managed and negotiated these client identities.

Paying for sex in context: representations of sex

work in South Africa
What does it mean to pay for sex in South Africa?1 The ways in which
sex work and those who engage with the industry are positioned by
and within South African society is directly and deeply connected
to how participants in this study felt about paying for sex, to their
motivations for participating in the study, to how participants posi-
tioned themselves in interviews, to where and how the interviews
took place, and to how I related and responded to participants in
interviews. These broader social meanings of sex work (or of any issue
we study, for that matter) form part of the conditions under which
our participants arrive to take part in our research and form a crucial
part of the interview context. To highlight the importance of under-
standing sex work in context, Zatz argues that,

It is quite common to talk glibly of prostitution as the world’s

oldest profession, existing universally across time and place.
Such talk obscures the differences in the social and cultural con-
text – differences in economic organization, normative sexual
practices, and the relationship between sexual practices and
identity, between economic practices and identity, and so on –
that shape the significance and structure of prostitution within
any particular historical space.
(Zatz, 1997, p. 278)

Men who pay for sex in South Africa do so in the context of an

unequal society where sex work is highly stigmatised and fully crimi-
nalised. All persons engaged in sex work – buyer, seller, and third
parties – are criminalised under South African law (Richter et al.,
2020). Criminalisation creates a context which not only stigmatises
people who participate in sex work but also significantly increases the
risk of violence and health-related risks involved (Platt et al., 2018).
In South Africa, sex work is complicated by high national levels of
unemployment, some of the highest rates of gender-based violence
in the world, crippling poverty, and a national HIV/AIDS epidemic
(South African Law Reform Commission, 2017).
4 Setting the scene

The stigmatisation of sex work in South African society is far from

unique, people involved in sex work remain stigmatised, to varying
degrees, throughout the world (Levine, 2003; Sanders & Campbell,
2008; Smith & Mac, 2018; Weitzer, 2018). A rise in antitraffick-
ing ideology internationally has seen sex work increasingly conflated
with sex trafficking, increasing moral panic around sex work in many
contexts. The onset of the coronavirus pandemic early in 2020 fur-
ther stoked public discussions about sex workers as “vectors of dis-
ease” in many parts of the world. But in South Africa, where legal
and academic discourses continue to position sex workers and their
clients as criminals and as responsible for the spread of HIV/AIDS,
the public panic and disgust in relation to sex work is exacerbated.

Sex work and discourses of dirt and disease: a

historically informed account
An intersectional and historically informed understanding of sex work
in South Africa is crucial for engaging with men’s narratives about
paying for sex that are presented throughout this book. Sex work
has a long history as a stigmatised practice in South Africa. Since the
colonial era, sex work has been associated with discourses of disease,
contagion, and moral decay. These discourses have repeatedly filtered
into public policy and legislation, where they have intensified public
panic about sex work and have been used to justify extending state
control over sex workers (Huysamen & Boonzaier, 2018; Van Hey-
ningen, 1984). For example, in an analysis of how women’s bodies
were portrayed in nineteenth-century art, medicine, and literature,
Gilman (1985) shows how “the prostitute” was constructed as the
essentially sexualised woman associated with moral corruption, phys-
ical pathology, disease, and societal decay. Similarly, Levine (2003),
in an archival case study of British colonial policies around “pros-
titution” and venereal disease, shows that between 1850 and 1880,
virtually every British colony, including the Cape Colony in South
Africa, was subject to contagious disease regulations that identified
“prostitutes” as the primary source of contagion. The Contagious
Diseases Act was passed in the Cape Colony in 1868 to “protect”
British armed forces from venereal disease. This legislation identified
prostitutes as the primary source of sexually transmitted disease and
allowed police officers to arrest women who were suspected of being
prostitutes, subject them to invasive checks for sexually transmitted
 Setting the scene 5

infections, and then confine them to hospitals for up to three months

(Gilman, 1985; Levine, 2003; Van Heyningen, 1984).
These colonial understandings of sex workers as vectors of disease
persist in contemporary South Africa, which continues to face the
largest HIV epidemic in the world (Huysamen & Boonzaier, 2018).
Sex workers are identified in public health policy as a “key popula-
tion” that are greatly affected by HIV (UNAIDS, 2016). This recog-
nition is very important for shaping the South African government’s
HIV response and ensuring that sex worker’s sexual health needs are
prioritised. However, sex work is also stigmatised by this association
with the spread of HIV (Lawless et al., 1996). Clients of sex work-
ers are also increasingly being associated with the spread of HIV, and
recent research suggests that clients of sex workers play “a funda-
mental role in HIV transmission” in South Africa (Stone et al., 2021,
p. 1). Much social science research on both clients and sex workers
has focused on HIV risk-taking behaviours and gender-based vio-
lence (Karim et al., 1995; McKeganey, 1994; Stadler & Delany, 2006;
Townsend et al., 2011; Wojcicki & Malala, 2001).
Discourses linking sex work to disease and contagion have real-
world policy implications that reach beyond informing the South
African government’s public health funding strategies and responses.
They are also currently used in arguments to support the continu-
ation of the full criminalisation of sex work under the Criminal
Law Sexual Offences and Related Matters Amendment Act 32 of
2007, also known as the Sexual Offences Act (South African Law
Reform Commission, 2017). Like the colonial-era legislation, the
Sexual Offences Act grants the police the power to search and arrest
sex workers at their discretion (Richter & Bodin, 2017). Unsurpris-
ingly, this legal position makes sex workers vulnerable. Research
consistently shows that sex workers experience physical and sexual
violence and human rights violations at the hands of police (Evans
et al., 2019; Wojcicki & Malala, 2001). The full criminalisation of
sex work in turn feeds into and fuels moral panic and public con-
demnation of sex workers and their clients. This creates a cycle that
is extremely difficult to break. Thus, long-held understandings of
sex work as a public health risk, a threat to the traditional family
unit, and a cause of the moral decay of South African society remain
pervasive (Gardner, 2009).
In South Africa, sex work is often over simplified and conflated
with human trafficking despite a lack of clear evidence to support this
6 Setting the scene

assertion, allowing migrant sex workers to be constructed as inevita-

ble victims of trafficking and clients as morally corrupt people who
support human trafficking (Yingwana et al., 2019). Simultaneously,
arguments for the decriminalisation of sex work are discounted due to
claims about the risks of increased trafficking (Yingwana et al., 2019).
The criminalisation of sex work in South Africa persists despite dec-
ades of tireless lobbying and advocacy for decriminalisation (Amnesty
International, 2016; Mgbako, 2016; Richter & Bodin, 2017) and
empirical research evidencing that the criminalisation of sex work
harms sex workers (Platt et al., 2018). Alternative discourses that move
beyond this moral panic to acknowledge sex work as a legitimate form
of work exist and inform the push for decriminalisation. However, in a
society where buying and selling sex remains a criminal offence, these
ideas about sex work remain relatively marginal (Richter et al., 2020).
In South Africa, the close relationship between sex work, dirt,
disease, and moral corruption is deeply complicated by both race
and class (Huysamen & Boonzaier, 2018). It has been more than two
decades since South Africa’s transition from apartheid to a constitu-
tional democracy in 1994, yet South Africa remains one of the most
economically unequal societies in the world (Richter et al., 2020).
Poverty and inequality in South Africa are strongly correlated with
race and gender: the most marginalised members of society are black
women (Statistics South Africa, 2017). It is thus not surprising that
the majority of the poorest street-based sex workers are black women
(Gould, 2014; Mgbako, 2016).
Not all sex workers are equally disadvantaged by the stigmatisation
and criminalisation of sex work. Levine (2003, p. 2) argues that laws
that criminalise sex workers have throughout history punished poor
working-class sex workers operating in visible contexts, for example,
streets, while “drawing a veil over the more discreet and hidden forms
of sexual servicing exclusive to the wealthy”. In contemporary South
Africa, it is primarily poor black sex workers who bear the brunt of
the laws and its associated stigma. By contrast, sex workers in better
economic positions working from discreet indoor settings are often
less directly affected by this stigma and its legal repercussions. Poor
black women selling sex outdoors are more visible to the public, more
stigmatised in their communities, more vulnerable to gender-based
violence, and more likely to be targeted by the police. It is the black
woman’s body that continues to be devalued (see Boonzaier, 2017)
and read through the lenses of dirt and disease.
 Setting the scene 7

The image of the black woman sex worker’s body as a vector for
disease in turn feeds into broader, long-held colonial tropes of the
black body as dirty and diseased and in need of management and
control. Zoia (2015), in his thesis, Sanitizing South Africa: Race, racism
and germs in the making of the Apartheid state, 1880–1980, shows how
the emergence of germ theory and sanitisation discourses during the
late-nineteenth century encouraged black African bodies to be con-
structed as dirty and diseased in relation to white bodies, which were
valorised and defined in terms of purity, sanitisation, and the absence
of disease:

Occurring at a time when the British Empire was at its zenith,

it would be the black body that was to assume the role of prin-
cipal germ-carrier for the white colonists could certainly not
blame their (imagined to be) superior selves for epidemic dis-
ease. Racism then resulted when a sense of disgust came to
characterize white encounters with said black body; a sense of
disgust that was given public legitimacy through the science and
social science of the first half of the Twentieth Century that rei-
fied racial difference as natural and unchanging.
(Zoia, 2015, p. 158)

These imaginaries of “dirty” and “diseased” black bodies are still very
much present in post-colonial, post-apartheid South Africa, and are
also given public and scientific legitimacy through biomedical HIV/
AIDS discourses. For example, Patton (1990) discusses how colonial
constructions of black sexuality have been revived in efforts to explain
the characteristics of the AIDS epidemic. Thus, we see a recurring
pattern: the policies that criminalise sex work and discourses that asso-
ciate women sex workers with contemporary concerns about disease
contribute to maintaining stigmatised understandings of sex work and
the dominance of colonial tropes about the black body. This high-
lights the circular and interlocking nature of the relationship between
representations and experiences of sex work, gender, class, race, and
the law. Colonial understandings of sex work in terms of contamina-
tion, dirt, and disease are reflected in contemporary discourses about
state responses to sex work, while these associations of dirt and disease
actively work to reproduce the colonial invention of the black wom-
en’s body as Other. This demonstrates how coloniality, race class, gen-
der, and sexuality not only intersect but also are fused and continue to
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