BAA 314

India’s Cultural Contact with outside World

Q1. Elaborate the impact of Indian culture in ‘Cambodia’.

INTRODUCTION
Indians Had Been Visiting Foreign Countries to Encourage Trade Activities Since Ages. In
The Beginning They Had Been Trading Through Land and Sea Routes. Antiques
Recovered from SUMER and SINDH Speak About the Trade Relation Between the Two
Countries. Antiques Of Sindhu Culture Were Sold in Markets of Sumer, From Where These
Were Reaching to the Then Developed Cultures of Egypt, Antoliya, Kreet Etc. Like
Countries. In The Literature of Western Countries, We Find the Words of Vedic Age Which
Exhibit the Trade Relation Among the Countries. The Words Ofir (Abhir), Koaf (Kapi),
Karpas (Kapas) Etc. Are Found in Bible Which Probably Have Reached to Western
Countries from India. In The Inscription of Asia Minor of Second Century (BC), The
Incorporation of Mitra, Nasatya, Varun Etc. Deities Exhibit the Proper Connection of
Indians with Foreign Countries.In My Opinion, If Indian Literature and Deities Are Spread in
Asia Minor and Nearby Countries Then It Is Certain That Indians Had Been Living There
Who Spread the Indian Literature and Culture in Asia Minor and Neighboring
States.Inscripts Available on Weight-Measures Recovered from ASERIA Is in BRAHMI
Inscript, Neem Wood and Malmal Like Indian Articles Are Found with Mummies in Egypt.
Many Indian Articles Have Been Recovered from the Grave of The Then Egyptian King
TUTAN KHAMEIN. Many Indian Articles Were Sold in the Athens City of Greek. Indian
Articles Were Exported to Western Countries from The Ports of Sopara, Bharukaccha and
Konkan.
In Buddha Era (6th Century BC) Western and Eastern Countries Had Trade and Cultural
Relationship with India. Crows And Peacock Like Birds from India Were Sold by Indian
Businessmen For 500 And 1000 KARSHARPAN In Foreign Countries.
OUTFLOW OF INDIANS TO CAMBODIA
Indian Foreign Trade Was on Its Peak In 5th Century B.C. Indian Businessmen of Eastern
States Were Going to SUVARNABHUMI Through CHAMPA Port. Suvarnabhumi Consisted
of Areas Like Burma, Malaya, Myam, Cambodia Etc. Indian Businessmen Were
Journeying Frequently to Suvarnabhumi. After Trading Many Articles, They Were Earning
Money With Great Hardships And Then Returning To Own Country .It Implies That Indians
Established Their Culture in South-East Asia Through Business Exchange. Some Of These
Businessmen Settled Permanently in Foreign Land and Involved Themselves to Begin the
Political System of That Country. Brave Kshatriya Princes Established Their State Through
Bravery and Wandering Monks Established and Extended Their Religion and Philosophy.
By 2 nd Century B.C., Many Indian States Were Established Within Indo-China Region.
Cambodia Was Situated in South of Indo-China Where Indian Diaspora Established A
KAMBUJ State Under Funan. Most Of the Countries of South –East and South Asia Were
Part of India in Ancient Times (1st Century B.C.). Indians Made Colonies in States Like
Indonesia, Malaysia, Cambodia and Ciyam and Enlightened Their Citizens by Taking Them
in The Fold of Indian Religion and Culture. Hundreds Of Sanskrit Inscriptions Have Been
Recovered from These Countries, Probably Sanskrit Became the State Language Of
These Countries Which Was Brought in By Indians. Indonesia Of South-East Asia Was
First Under Holland and Indo-China Countries Like Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam Were
First Under France.
In The First Century AD The Funan State of Cambodia Was Established by A BRAHMIN
Named Kaundinya Who Probably Went There to Preach Religion and Philosophy. Before
The Arrival of Kaundinya, The Citizens Were Non-Social and Living in Woods. Kaundinya
Spread the Message of Civilization and Even Taught Them to Wear Clothes.In the South of
Indo-China, The Indians Established Kambuj State in Cambodia as Their Own Colony.
These Were the Indians Who Moved to The Mouth of Kang River in The Early Years of
First Century AD. In The Beginning It Was a Small State of Funan Where the Descendants
of Hindu King Kaundinya Ruled for About 100 Years. First Of All, Hindu Kings of Funan
Won Over Cambodia, Cochin, Some Parts of China, Siam and Malaya and Established a
Big Kingdom Within Indo-China Region. They Established Diplomatic Relations with India
and China. In The 6 th Century AD, JAYAVARDHAN And RAJYAVARDHAN, The
Descendants of Kaundinya Were the Powerful Rulers of Funan.
ESTABLISHMENT OF FUNAN AS STATE
Funan Was One of the Colonies Established by Indians Within Cambodia. In The Mid of
Third Century AD, The Chinese Writer KANG TAI Has Described About This State As, “In
the Beginning Funan State Was Ruled by a Lady Named Leeu-Ya, And in Other State
Named Ho-Fu State Lived a Pauranik Brahmin Named Huain-Chain Who After Seeing a
Dream Set on a Business Trip in a Ship with His Divine Arrows. When The Ship Reached
the Shores of Funan, then with the Intention of Looting It, The Lady Leeu-Ya Approached
the Ship in a Boat. Guessing The Wild Intentions of The Lady, The Brahmin Huain-Chain
Shot the Arrow Which Pierced Through the Boat of Lady. Out Of Fear the Lady
Surrendered to Huain-Chain and Married with Him to Make Him the King of Funan.
Definitely, Huain-Chain Is the Synonym of Indian Kaundinya in Chinese. Thus, It Can Be
Said Confidently That Civilization Entered the Funan Through Kaundinya. Probably He
Was the First Man Who Reached Funan Along with Many Indians and Setup Indian
Colonies There. Since Women Did Not Accompany This Lot So All of Them Married to
Women of Funan and This Increased Their Population and Spread the Indian Culture and
Religion. According To Chinese Descriptions, In the Beginning Of 5th Century an Indian
Resident Brahmin Kiao-Chain (KAUNDINYA) Was the Ruler of Funan. The People of
Funan Welcomed Him Warmly and Accepted Him as Their King.
In 5th Century This Was the New Lot of Indians Which Reached Funan and Due to That
Indian Culture Got More Cemented. In Chinese Literature This Second Indian Lot Was
Also Led by Another Kaundinya. It Must Be Noted That We Find the Repetition of One
Name in Indian History as Well Like Chandragupta.After Kaundinya, Cho-Ya-Pa-Mo
(JAYAVERMA) Was Another Ruler of Funan. He Also Encouraged the Business. In His
Regime the Name of Bicchu Namsen Is Found Who Went There to Spread Religion and
Indian Philosophy in Champa and Cambodia. In 484 AD Jayaverma Sent a Group of Wise
People to The King of China Which Was Led by Nagsen. Nagsen Apprised the Chinese
King That Residents of Funan Worship Maheshwar (Shiva). Namsen Recited a Poem in
The Honour of King Which Was an Appreciation of Maheshwar, Lord Buddha and The
King. In The Treyang State of Southern Cambodia an Inscription in Sanskrit Has Been
Recovered Which States the Construction of One Retiring Room, Pond by The Queen
Kulprabhavati of King Jayaverma. In The Year 619 AD Kambuj Was Also the Indian Colony
on The Lines of Funan. The Chinese Name of Kambuj Was Chain-La. Kambuj Was First
Under Funan but After Rudraverma, It Got Independence and Became Cambodia in the
Early Years Of 7th Century.
ESTABLISHMENT OF KAMBUJ STATE
[1] In 600AD The King of Kambuj BHAVVERMA Annexed the Territory of Funan State Also.
By 700 AD Complete State of Funan Came Under the Rule of Kambuj State.
[2] In 700 AD Kambuj Became Independent of Funan and Rose to Become Cambodia with
The Course of Time. It Is Said That Originals of Kambuj Were Nagvanshi. The Team
Leader Who Went from India to Establish Indian Colony Married the Daughter Of
NAGRAJ. It Was the King Shrutverma Who Made Kambuj Independent of Phoonaun. The
Capital of Kambuj Was Named in The Honour of Son of Shrutverma as Shreshthverma. It
Was Situated in Laos Near Bassak. Shrutverma Is Taken as the Root of Kambuj Kings
Clan and Called Vasudhadhar Vanshyonih. In The Inscriptions of Baksayi Chamkron
(947AD) It Is Written That Shrutverma Got Independence to Kambuj State and Became the
Root of Kambuj Dynasty (SHREE KAMBUJ BHUDAR BHRITAH SHRUT VERMA MULA
MAULADPAST BALI BANDHA KRITA BHIMANA)
[3] In 800 AD Kambuj Won Over the Other States to Become the Biggest Hindu Kingdom
of Indo-China Region.
[4] By 900 AD Kambuj Annexed Many States Like Recent Cambodia, Cochini-China, Laos,
Ciyam Hyam and Malaya. Hindu Kings Ruled on This Vast State Upto 1500 AD And
Enriched the State.
[5] An Inscription (Ang Chumnik) Recovered from Cambodia Names Five Kings
RUDRAVERMA, BHAVVERMA, MAHENDRAVERMA, ISHANVERMA And JAYAVERMA.
[6] Chronologically These Names Can Be Put in Order as Below: –
1. SHRUTVERMA, 2. SHRESHTHAVERMA, 3. RUDRAVERMA, 4. BHAVVERMA, 5.
MAHENDRAVERMA, 6. ISHANVERMA, 7. JAYAVERMA
EFFECT OF INDIAN CULTURE ON KAMBUJ STATE
Kambuj State Situated in South-East Asia Was One of the Important Centers of the Indian
Culture Where Living Was Completely Affected by Indian Culture and Philosophy.
Brahmins Were Placed on Important Positions Who Were Engaged in Teaching and Study
of Religious Scriptures. Most Of the Brahmins Were Leading the Life of Saints and
Ascetics in Ashrams and Were Completely Devoted to Meditation and Discussion to Direct
the Society for Betterment. Such Thinkers Were Studying Social Structures and Were
Coming Forward with the Ideas of Developments. Wise And Famous Brahmins Were
Appointed on Highest Religious Positions. There Was a Large Number of Rich Business
Communities in the Society. Many Brahmins and Business People Were Coming from
India. Sanskrit Was the Language of the State and Intelligentia. In State Records, Highest
Class of Sanskrit Poetic Language Is Found. Many Scriptures Written in Sanskrit Like
Philosophy, Vedas, Puranas, Ramayana, Mahabharata and the Works Written by Padini,
Patanjali, Manu, Vatsyayan, Kalidas Etc Were Being Studied Thoroughly. Governing Body
of Kambuj State Was Totally Based on Structure Like India, The Principles of Government
Advocated by Politicians in India Were Also Applied in Kambuj.Scripts of AMCHUMNIK
Described the Qualities of Two Ministers of King BHAVVERMA Who Were the Masters of
Religion and Economics. “TASYATAU MANTRIDAVASTAM SAMYATAU
KRITEYAVADINAU DHARMASHASTRARTHA SHATRAGYAU DHARMARTHANIV
RUPIDAU”
From The Above Shloka It Can Be Inferred Probably That Kambuj State Was Also
Following the Policies of Chanakya. This Fact Is Verified by Another Evidence. A Minister
of King BHAVVERMA Installed A SHIVLINGA And Inscribed a Statement That, “He Was
the Closest of AMATYA KING Because He Was SARVOPADHASHUDDHA Or
ANTARANGATWAMAST-HITAH. Here, It Must Be Noticed That It Was CHANAKYA Who in
This ARTHASHASTRA Describes That the Government Servant Who After Being Testified
for Purity and Impurity Comes Out With SARVOPADHASHUDDHA, He Only Be Appointed
as Minister. In The Inscriptions of Kambuj, Use of SARVOPADHASHUDDHA For a Minister
Exhibits That the State Policy of Kambuj Was Also Influenced by KAUTILYA
ARTHASHASTRA. The Pillars of TUOL PRAHDHAT Describe the Installation of
KEDARESHWAR SHIV By King JAYAVERMA. It Must Be Noted That the Presence of
RAJYASABHA And Installation of SHIVLINGA Both Depict the Influence of Indianness.
As In India, Scriptures of Kambuj Also Begin with the Prayers of Deity Eg. “NAMOSTU
PARAMARTHAY TRAILOKYAMURTAYE” Or TAM VANDE HARIM. Upto 8 th Century AD
Ancient Hindu Religion Was Predominant in Kambuj And SHIV, VISHNU Etc. Were Being
Worshipped. Inscriptions Of King ISHANVERMA (549AD) Describe About YAGYIK
KARMAKAND. SHIVA Was Principal Deity of Kambuj. Many Names of Shiva Are Found in
the Ancient Scriptures of Kambuj- Rudra, Amratkeshwar, Vyomeshwar, Pingleshwar, Ishan,
Naimisheshwar, Kedareshwar, Shambhu, Trayambak, Etc. Worshipping Of Vishnu Was
Also Popular in Kambuj. This Comes as Evidence in Scriptures by Describing Different
Names Like Hari, Achyuta, Narayana, Trialokyasaar Etc. Shiva And Vishnu Were Also
Worshipped Jointly as Evident from the Names Like Harihar, Shankar Narayan, Shambhu-
Vishnu, Hari-Shankar, Harachyuta, Shiv Vishnu Etc. All The Deities Described in
PAURANIK Literature in India Were All Idolised in Kambuj State and Were Installed in the
Temples. The Influence of India on Religion Is Clearly Visible. Buddha Religion Also
Entered in Kambuj Whose Evidence Is Available in One of the Inscriptions.
Ancient Indian Literature Like Vedas, Vedang, Puranas Etc. Were Studied and Taught in
Full Swing by Indian Diaspora in Kambuj State. According To One Inscription Brahmin
Somverma (The Sister’s Husband of Bhavverma) Established A Temple of
TRIBHUVANESHWAR And Donated Ramayan, Mahabharat, And Puranas for AKHAND
PATH. In One of the Inscriptions Of 6th Century It States the Installation of Shivlinga by
Acharya Vidya Vinaya That Starts with Wordings “AUM JEMINYE SWAHA” This Indicates
Kambuj Citizens Were Aware of JEMINIKRIT POORVA MEEMANSHA.
In Kambuj State Many Ashrams Were Established. In One of the Inscriptions of the Time of
ISHANVERMA There Comes Description of Establishing One Ashram by Arya Vidyadeo. In
These Ashrams Violence, Wearing of Chhatra, Use of Chawnwar, Using Dogs and Hens
as Pets Were Totally Banned. Habitants Of the Ashram Were to Lead the Life with All
Rules and Regulations. This Ashram Order Was Founded on the Basis of Indian Customs,
Which Is Described in Vedas, Was Taken in Cambodia by Indian Diaspora of Ancient
Times.
In All the Inscriptions Found in Kambuj We Find Only Brahmin and Kshatriya Words.
Vaishya And Shudra Words Find No Place in Kambuj. Probably The Diaspora Was
Consisting Brahmins and Kshatriyas. Brahmins And Kshatriyas Can Go for Marital
Relationships Which Was Also in Vogue in India and According to Scriptures, Here One of
the Marriage Between Sister of King Bhavverma and Brahmin Somsharma Took Place in
Kambuj Whose Son Was Named HIRANYAVERMA, Which Indicates the Carrying Forward
of the Gotra of MOTHER And Not of the Father. It Indicates the Custom of Mother Oriented
Family.
In The Inscriptions of Kambuj the Language Used Is Pure Sanskrit. The Poetic Beauties of
Inscriptions Are the Reflections of Indian GUPTA CLAN Inscriptions. By Reading Them
One Is Unable to Believe That Such Inscriptions Could Be Found in a Country Which Is
Thousands of Miles Away from India. Definitely It Can Be Said That It Were Indian
Diaspora Who Spread the Indian Culture and Religion in Kambuj to the Extent of
Indianisation. The Inscriptions Found from Ancient Cambodia Are the Size of KHAND
KAVYA And Are Good Source of Knowledge. In The MEBONE Inscription of King Rajendra
Verma There Are 218 Shlokas and Prey Roop Inscriptions Bears Up To 298 Shlokas.In the
PRAH TOAK Inscription of Senapati Sangram There Are 161 Shlokas. All These
Inscriptions Are in Sanskrit. In These Shlokas We Find the Use of Ehhandas Like
Anushtup, Arya Sragdhara, Shardulvikriditam, Indravajra, Upendravajra, Malini, Vasant
Tilak, Mandakranta. These Inscriptions Describe the Glory of King and the Chain of Their
Progeny, Which Is Another Indicator of Indian Custom. Inscriptions Also Describe the
Installation of Idols, Construction of Temples, And Donation for Associated Ashrams. The
Sanskrit Used in the Inscriptions Is Pure and Follows All the Grammatical Rules as
Described in Ashtadhyayi of Padini and MAHABHASHYA Of Patanjali. Later Inscriptions of
Kambuj Find the Use of Khmer Language Along with Sanskrit.
Indian Culture Finds Solid Impact on Art and Architecture of Buildings in Kambuj. In The
Year 889- 909, The Then King Yasho Verma Selected the Angkor Region for His Capital. It
Is Mentioned in the Inscriptions Of STOKE-KAL-DHOAM Of UDAYADITYA VERMA As
“Then Param Bhattarak Param Shivlok (Yashoverma) Established A City Named
YASHODHARPURI And Brought JAGAT-TA-RAJA (DEVRAJ) From HARIHARALAYA And
Then Param Bhattarak Constructed the SHIKHAR (Temple) And Then Vama Shiva
Installed the Pious Linga (Devraj) In the Center.” This Yashodharpuri Setup by YASHO
VERMA Was Established Taking the Temple of Phnom Bakhed as Center. Phnom Bakhed
Temple Is Positioned In Between Angkorvat and Angkor Dhoam, And the City Developed
by Yashoverma in His Name Around This Temple Remained the Capital of Kambuj State
for Three Centuries.
In The Year 1181-1201 AD The King JAYAVERMA Seventh Had Developed a New City
Whose Centre Was Bayon Temple Which Is Called Angkor Dhoam. During The Year 1112-
1152 AD The Then King Suryaverma Second Got the Famous Temple of Angkorvat Built
Which Is the Exemplary Piece of Architecture. Angkorvat Is a Vast Temple Which Has 650
Feet Wide Trench. Temple Is Situated in a Surrounding of Two and Half Miles Along with
Trenches and Boundary Wall, It Has Fort Like Structure. To Go Across the Trenches Filled
with Water It Has a Bridge Which Is Thirty-Six Feet Wide. Both Side of Bridge Has
Barricading Whose Pillars Bear the Shape of Nag (Serpents). After Crossing the Bridge, It
Has a Vast Gate Whose Both Sides Have Buildings Which Were Earlier Used as Library.
The Vast Gate Is West Facing. The Gallery Measures 265 Yards from East to West And
224 Yards from North to South. A Portion of Nearly 2500 Feet Bears the Description of
Vishnu and Yamlok. To Reach the Temple, Stairs Have Been Constructed Around the
Mountain, Like Pyramid. Height Of SHIKHAR Of This Temple Is 210 Feet. There Are Four
More Shikhars One in Each Corner of Devasthan Which Has Lower Than Central Shikhar.
Earlier In This Temple, The Idol of Devraj Was Installed. The Walls and Gallery of
Angkorvat Temple Bears Very Good Relief Work Which Exhibit Indian Culture. In This
Picture the Story of Vishnu and Krishna, Ocean Churning by Devils and Devtas,
Ramayana Find Prominent Place. The Study of Temple Indicates the Custom of Shikhar,
Relief Work and Painting Reached Cambodia Due to Awareness of Indians Who
Influenced the Establishment There.
Q2. Write an essay on the spread of Buddhism in Sri Lanka.
From the beginning to 20th century A.D an even now, Indian Ocean has been crucial part
of the history of Indian subcontinent and other countries surrounding it. The Indian Ocean
has a rich history of trade, migration and has also been characterized as a culturally
diverse section of the world. According to KN Chaudhary this diversity was rooted in four
different civilizations: the Indi-Arabic, the Hindu, the Indonesian, and the Chinese.
Maritime trade through Indian ocean had created a strong sense of unity. This nature of
trade and cultural networking in Asia has developed in stages over long period of time. The
routes of trade voyages developed fully only after the diffusion of knowledge of the
monsoon winds for navigation by Roman Empire.
But when westerners reached India in the first century the found that there was already an
existing maritime networking between India and south east Asia. There had been regular
voyages between India or Sri Lanka, Ceylon at that time, to south east Asian ports.
Historically if we see the Indian Ocean rim was socially progressive for its time with cultural
interrelation between different south Asian and South East Asian Countries.
The spatial boundaries of the Indian Ocean have varied according to the nature of cultural,
economic, and political interactions and have certainly altered over time.
The ocean subject’s different kind of unity and influence. It offers means of travel,
movements of peoples, economic changes and in some cases cultural exchange. The sea,
Braudel emphasizes, is everything it is said to be: it provides unity, transport, the means of
exchange and intercourse.
MN Pearson calls ocean a transmitter of disease, religion, tourists, goods, information, and
not just pepper and cotton cloths.
The trade between countries were not mere a exchange
of products. There are many examples of outspread of one culture to far regions through
trade only, as a voyage sailing in ocean didn’t only carry products for sale but humans too
along with their identities, customs and lifestyles. At the broadest level the rhythms of long-
distance oceanic trade can be recognized as having provided a basis for the unity of the
Indian Ocean until the eighteenth century. There are many principles of unity and disunity
that could be seen to have secured the Indian Ocean as an interregional arena of
economy and culture. There are also many problems of unity and commonalities, that has
been addressed in various ways by different historians of the Indian Ocean. There are
several references of Indian foreign trade via sea during the ancient and early medieval
period. Initially this oceanic trade was shared between Romans, Persians, Indians,
Indonesians and Ceylonese but after the rise of Arabs, the established their dominance by
replacing Persians, who were major participants in this trade. After eliminating Persians,
Arabs became the foremost maritime power by ninth century and expanded their influence
in the east. Historians have written much on trade. KN Chaudhuri writes that the
assumption behind the desire for trade and the consequences following it were responsible
for many important historical events and movements.
The overemphasis on trade has tended to obscure much else that went along with it,
especially the flow of ideas and culture. To understand the nature of Indian ocean one
needs to look beyond the general aspect of trade, and explore its impact on human culture
of one region. The exploration of the Indian Ocean as a cultural milieu is quite as important
as its role as a trading zone. The impact of trade on human civilization has been well
recognized by anthropologists and archaeologists.
In this paper, the attempt will be made to understand the spread on Buddhism to Sri Lanka
in context of Indian ocean.
The relationship between India and Sri Lanka is more than 2,500 years old. Both countries
have a legacy of intellectual, cultural, religious and linguistic interaction. In recent years,
the relationship has been marked by close contacts at all levels. Trade and investment
have grown and there is cooperation in areas of defense and maritime. Situated in
the middle of two historic webs of commerce: one towards west Asia and Africa and
another to the east and south east Asia, Sri Lanka has been a nodal point of migration and
maritime. Over centuries it has been attracting waves of traders, conquerors, and holy men
from India and West and East Asia.
Over the year there has been a revival of interest in the Buddhist traditions in Asia. In past,
the spiritual and philosophical content of Buddhism has already acquired a degree of
attention. In Asia, Buddhism has been dominant cultural discourse with enormous
branches and aesthetic that has crossed borders and polities. It is in this aspect of
Buddhism that this paper seeks to address. The aim is to understand the ways, with main
focus on trade as a transmitter of culture, through which Buddhism spread in Sri Lanka,
Ceylon at that point of time, in context of Indian Ocean. The ‘travelogue of Fa-Hein, a
Chinese traveler Who travelled to Sri Lanka crossing India and went back to China through
Indian Ocean, and Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa, the Buddhist Chronicle of Buddhism in Sri
Lanka in its early phase are primary sources for this paper. Through these two texts,
Mahavamsa and Dipavamsa, I have tried to show the existence and practice of Buddhism
and popular narratives about the spread of Buddhism in Ceylon at that point of time.
Travelogue of Fahein has been used to see the reach of Buddhism in southern Kingdoms
of India and presence of trade connections and sea routes used by locals and merchants
for trade and personal use.
The early historic period, starting from about the third century BCE, witnessed the spread
of north Indian religions in the Deccan and further south to Ceylon. Archaeological and
epigraphical data is a major source of information for this study. Ashokan pillars and rock
edicts are also important source to trace the spread of Buddhism in south India and
Beyond. Under the patronage of Ashoka Buddhism prospered like never before, the edicts
he ordered to be carved on pillars, rocks and caves throughout his empire provide the first
tangible historical evidence of Buddhism. Buddhism was brought to the Sri Lanka only in
third century BC after its development in north India.
Buddhism’s introduction to the island proved to be remarkable catalyst which aided the
transformation of a number of largely undifferentiated societies into a single powerful kingly
polity.
According to Dipavamasa and Mahavamsa, Buddhism was introduced to Sri Lanka
by Ashoka in the form form of royal gift from emperor to his Devanampiya Tissa, the king of
Ceylon. The early history of Buddhism in Sri Lanka is constructed from its two chronicles,
the Deipavamsa which was composed at the end of fourth century and Mahavamsa,
composed in fifth century. According to these texts Ashoka sent his son Mahinda , who had
accepted Buddhism, to Sri Lanka. H.R. Perera in his book Buddhism in Sri Lanka gives a
excerpt from Dipavamsa;
“ Aham Buddhan ca Dhamman ca Sanghan ca saranamgato
upasakattam vedesim sakyaputtassa sasane
tvamp Imani ratanani uttamani naruttama cittam
pasadayitvana saddhaya saranam bhaja.”
(“I have taken refuge in Buddha, his Doctrine and his order, I have declared my self a lay
disciple in the religion of the sakya son, seek then, O best of men, refuge in these best
gems, converting your mind with believing heart.”)
Mahinda reached Anuradhapuram, a Bodhi tree was also planted in the capital and at the
end of the journey the mahinda succeeded. The documents imply that the establishment of
Buddhism in Sri Lanka was a royal prerogative. Right after the conversion of Ceylon’s king,
Buddhism became the state religion. Thus from religious accounts it is known that the
religion of the Buddha was well established in Sri Lanka under the patronage of
Devanampiya-Tissa.
Throughout the reign of Ashoka the Ceylon remained the friendly independent neighbor in
south. Ashoka’s relationship with Ceylon was not purely political. Both kings were on very
close terms. However, Romila Thapar provides a different story from the same source,
according to her it would have been more of a relationship emerged from mutual
admiration between Ashoka and Tissa as they knew each other for long and Ceylon
already had political ties and trading facilities with India.
Apart from this, only the patronage sent from Ashoka can’t be the only reason for the
spread of Buddhism in Sri Lanka. Both in the time of the Buddha and in subsequent times,
Buddhist monks went about from village to village spreading the word. Of the beginning
Buddhism started its campaign, winning over the hearts of the people by telling the
great ideals of the Buddha. As a result of this they went out to each and every village and
city of South India and propagated the Buddha Dhamma, building monasteries and
erecting centres of Buddhist learnings. Buddhism spread rapidly in South India. In history
there are three main popular reasons for the transmission of Buddhism across India and
outside India were diplomatic missions, trade and commerce and emigration. Buddhism is
a missionary religion, though one that doesn’t aggressively seek converts. When Ashoka
sent Mahinda to Ceylon, Monks accompanied him. These Monks carried their teachings
with them and spread the teachings of Dhamma. Apart from royal patronage, trade routes,
covering the Asia by land and sea, were one of the main conduits for the transmission of
Buddhism. Monks would often accompany caravans on their over land journey or sea
travelling. The market towns which sprang up along these routes were host to most vibrant
communities made up of many races and nationalities, and made sure that ideas travelled
rapidly. At these coasts and communities’ merchants were wealthy and had the leisure to
indulge their curiosity about new beliefs as well as resources to make donations and
sponsor religious activities. Here trade acts as a driving factor between two different
cultures and provided a platform where it can happen.
Fa-hein (also known as Faxian) while travelling from north to south came across many
stupas and Buddhist shrines. Through his travel records Fa-hein highlighted the sites of
Buddhist practices. Following the course of Ganga he reached Champa and
Tamalipti (Tamil Nadu).
In Tamalipti he found from where he boarded the boat to Ceylon. Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka
had maintained close contacts since ancient times due to their geographical proximity.
From the early period, the South Indian mercantile communities has played an important
role in the economic and political history of the island. Proto-historic Sri Lanka was more
closely linked with South India. In the excavations conducted in Anuradhapura,
Pomparippu, Kantar Odai and Ibbankatuwa, substantial quantities of potsherds were found
which parallel the Iron Age and early historical wares of South India, such as Megalithic
Black and Red Ware and the Rouletted Ware.
There has also been appearance of same graffiti or owner’s mark or clan marks at
excavation sites, This occurrence of the same graffiti marks both in Sri Lankan and Tamil
Nadusites enable us to suppose without much of a risk there was a continuous cultural and
tradecontact between these two regions.
There are many samples of ceramics, beads and coins,that have been found at different
excavation site, mainly at ArikMadu, in South India and SriLankan highlight the close
communication networks linking both countries. Hundreds of beadsmade of crystal, glass,
stone, ivory, bone, shell, clay and, were found at Ridiyagama and Kelaniya(Sri Lanka).
Another article found in excavation at Arikmadu, (Tamil trade port),Rouletted Ware, which
has Indian origin was also found in Sri Lanka at different excavation sites indicating a close
communication network. A large number of coins of the South Indian dynasties belonging
to the historical period were also found in Sri Lanka. There are many epigraphic and
literary evidence are available in Tamil literature for the active role played by Tamil
merchants in the early phase of Sri Lanka’s history.
The archaeological and anthropological sources emphasise that the Sinhalese traders and
Tamil traders had close connections with each other and had well established
communication links. These links also indicate that there would have been cultural
exchange between both communities. While the article so far has tried to establish the
presence of Buddhism in the south and South east Asian region of the Indian Ocean
domain, I would like to conclude by staring the possible reasons for Buddhism to sail and
ground itself successfully while many other religions of Indian origin have tried and failed.
In contrast to Brahmanical injunction against sea voyage the philosophy of Buddhism has
actively supported Voyage. Apart from the earliest iconographies of Buddhism in India and
Ceylon depicting seafarers and dangers associated with sea voyage, certain cults of
Buddhism were associated with the oceanic voyage. Examples are the depiction of
Avalokita, a Bodhisattva as a Saviour of maritime traders in sculptures and Tara, who is
identified with maritime activity in both epigraphical and sculptural remains. A folklore of
Orissa also associates traders with the worship of Tara. For instance, the folklore
associated with the origin of Kakatpur refers to how goddess Mangala was worshipped in
Sri Lanka as Tara; a maritime trader brought her to the present site and worshipped her as
Mangala . On close examination, Kakatpur Mangala reveals to be Buddhist goddess Tara.
Therefore, if say that the Indian ocean acted as an agent for spread of Buddhism, it is
because of the accommodative nature of the religion and also the ocean was not just the
passage for trade but also a passage of cultural exchange.
Q3. Evaluate the contribution of king Anarwrahata on the Propagation of Buddhism in
Myanmar.
Buddhism during the reign of King Anawrahta in Myanmar

First Contacts with Buddhism

The Sasanavamsa (chronicles) mentioned several visits of the Buddha to Myanmar and 1
other important event; the arrival of the hair relics in Ukkala (Yangon) soon after the
Buddha’s enlightenment. Tapussa & Bhallika returned and enshrined 3 hairs in a 27-ft high
stupa which is today the great Shwedagon Pagoda in Yangon.

Missionaries of Buddhism sent by King Asoka after 3rd Buddhist council brought in
Buddhist teachings into Myanmmar.

Buddhaghosa was considered the greatest commentator on the Pali Buddhist texts. His
influence led to great religious activity in the kingdoms of Lower Myanmar.

Theravada Buddhism Wentto Pagan(Upper Myanmar)

Pagan (Bagan) was believed to be founded in 849-850 CE by the Burmans. King

Anawrahta united the region by subjugating chief-tans and gave the then Burma a sense
of being a nation.

The crucial event in the history of Myanmar is Pagan’s acceptance of Theravada

Buddhism in the 11thC CE. The religion was bought to the Burmans by a Mon bhikkhu
named Shin Arahan.

The religion prevailing was some form of Mahayana Buddhism which had probably found
its way into the region Bengal. Buddhism amongst the Mon in Suvannabhumi (Thaton) was
on the decline in 11thC as people were disturbed by robbers and raiders, by plagues, and
by adversaries of the religion.

Shin Arahan must have feared that monks would not be able to continue to maintain their
religion practice and the study of scriptures under these circumstances. He, therefore,
went upcountry where a new, strong people were developing, prosperous and safe from
enemies.

Shin Arahan Converted King Anawrahta

Shin Arahan arrived near Pagan and was discovered in his forest dwelling by a hunter. The
hunter who never saw a monk thought he was some kind of spirit and took him to the king
Anawrahta. Having arrived at the palace, Shin Arahan naturally sat down on the throne as
it was the highest seat. When asked where he came from, Shin Arahan told the king that
he came from the place where the Order lived and that the Buddha was his teacher.

Then he gave the king the teaching on mindfulness. Shin Arahan then told the king that the
Buddha had passed into Parinibbana but his teachings, the Dhamma, enshrined in the
Tipitaka, and the 2-fold sangha remained.
King Anawrahta must have felt that he had found what he has been missing in his life and
a genuine alternative to the superficial teachings of the Ari monks. He built a monastery for
Shin Arahan and, according to some sources, stopped all worship of the Ari monks and
forced them to serve in the army.

Anawrahta Acquired the Scriptures

Through Shin Arahan, Anawrahta had now found the religion he had been yarning for. He
set out and procured the scriptures and the holy relics of his religion for he wished his
kingdom to be secured on the original teachings of the Buddha.

He did not limit his quest only to Thaton, he searched among the Khmer in Angkok, in Tali
the capital of Nanchao (modern day Yunnan-China) but everywhere he was refused. He
then went to Thaton, where his teacher Shin Arahan came from to request a copy of the
scriptures.

According to the tradition of Myanmar, Anawrahta’s request was refused. Unable to

endure another refusal, he set out with his army in yr 1057 to conquer Thaton and acquired
the Tipitaka by force.

Before conquering Thaton, he had to subjugate Sri Ksetra, the Pyu capital. From there, he
took the relics enshrined in King Dwattabaung’s Bawbaw-gyi Pagoda to Pagan. Anawrahta
returned with the King of Thaton and his court, with Mon artists and scholars and about all
of Thaton’s bhikkhus and their holy books, the Tipitaka.

Anawrahta’s Contributions to Buddhism in Myanmar

In Bagan, the Bhikkhus were accorded the greatest respect and their master, the Buddha
Gotama, was honoured with the erection of pagodas and shines. Nevertheless, the king
and his court continued to pray to their traditional gods for worldly gain as the new religion
was considered a higher practice.
Theravada Buddhism does not provide much rites and rituals. But a royal court could not
do without them. So the traditional propitiation of the Nagas continued to be used for court
ceremonials and remained part of the popular religion.

Anawrahta is mentioned in the Myanmar, Mon and Khmer, Thai and Sinhalese chronicles
as a great champion of Buddhism because he developed Pagan into a major regional
power and laid the foundations for its later glory.

He built pagodas wherever his campaign took him and adorned them with illustrations from
the Jatakas and the life of the Buddha. He left behind innumerable clay tablets adorned
with imagines of the Buddha, the King’s name and some Pali and Sanskrt verses.

A typical aspiration on these tablets was: “By me, King Anawrahta, this mould of Sugata
(Buddha) has been made. Through this may I obtain the path to Nibbana when Metteyya is
awakened.” Anawrahta aspired to be become a disciple of the Buddha Metteyya (the future
Buddha), unlike many later kings of Burma who aspired to Buddhahood.
Q4. Throw light on the salient features of Indo-Javanese Literature.
Javanese literature is, generally speaking, literature from Java and, more specifically,
from areas where Javanese is spoken. However, similar with other literary traditions,
Javanese language works were and not necessarily produced only in Java, but also
in Sunda, Madura, Bali, Lombok, Southern Sumatra (especially around Palembang)
and Suriname.
The Javanese language is an Austronesian language and heavily influenced principally
by Sanskrit in its earliest written stage. Later on it has undergone additional influences
from mainly Arabic, Dutch, and Malay/Indonesian. Beginning in the 9th century, texts in
Javanese language using a Brahmic derived script were written. The oldest written text in
Javanese is the so-called Inscription of Sukabumi which is dated March 25, 804. Although
this is not a piece of literature, this inscription is often mentioned as the starting point of
Javanese literature.
The Dutch scholar Theodore Pigeaud divides the history of Javanese literature in four
major periods
Pre-Islamic period
The first era is a pre-Islamic period of about six centuries, beginning about 900 AD, up to
about 1500 AD: the traditional date of the victory of Islam over pre-Islamic belief in the East
Javanese kingdom of Majapahit. Javanese texts indubitably written in the pre-Islamic
period have been preserved for posterity mainly in eighteenth and nineteenth century
Balinese manuscripts. The idiom is called Old Javanese. In Java the original Javanese
tradition of literature was interrupted and all but cut off by the rise of Islam.
The remnants of pre-Islamic Javanese literature are scanty. In some cases, it is doubtful
whether a given text was written in Java or in Bali. In the relatively small number of Old
Javanese texts a chronological distinction can be made between works of authors living in
the period of suzerainty of the Kadiri Kings (up to about 1200 AD) and their predecessors,
on the one side, and books written in the subsequent Singosari Majapahit period on the
other. Almost all Old Javanese texts were written in East Java, mainly in districts situated in
the basin of the river Brantas. The few exceptions are some very old texts probably written
in the tenth century in Central Java in the district of Mataram, in the basin of the rivers
Opak and Praga.
In the pre-Islamic period Indian culture was a most important factor in the development of
Javanese literature. During some centuries, perhaps up to the twelfth century, Indian
literary influence was dominant in all respects. Afterwards indigenous Javanese concepts
came gradually to the fore. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries Javanese authors
wrote some books containing ideas and mythic speculations which seem pre-eminently
autochthonous Javanese. At that time an amalgamation of imported elements of Indian
culture and native Javanese concepts was effected in literature.

Javano-Balinese period
The second era of the chronological scheme is a Javano-Balinese period of about
fourteenth centuries, beginning about 1500 AD and lasting up to the present time. Javano-
Balinese literature is written in the Javano-Balinese literary idiom. Since the thirteenth
century, or even earlier, the island of Bali seems to have been brought gradually within the
sphere of influence of East Javanese Kings, and in the fourteenth century the dynasty of
Majapahit ruled the country. According to Javanese historical tradition, about 1500 AD the
last Majapahit King, ousted from his Royal residence by Muslim insurgents, fled eastwards
and found a refuge in Bali. There may be some truth in this tradition. Anyway, the Balinese
rulers did not embrace Islam, and in Bali Old Javanese literature was preserved and
cherished. In the course of time at the Courts of the sixteenth and seventeenth century
South Balinese
Kings of Gèlgèl of Klungkung, Old Javanese letters developed into a Javano-Balinese
literature with characteristic features of its own. Indigenous Balinese mythical and historical
traditions were introduced, and a new style of prosody, well suited to the structure of the
Balinese and Javanese languages, was cultivated.
Side by side with Javano-Balinese literature, and stimulated by it, a purely Balinese
literature developed. Before the period of Javanese cultural and political domination in Bali,
since the thirteenth century, an Old Balinese literary idiom had been in use at the Courts of
native Balinese rulers. Like Old Javanese, Old Balinese had developed under the influence
of Indian culture. After an interval of about five centuries, the period of Javanese
domination, the native Balinese language was used again as a medium of literary activity.
Probably this was in the seventeenth or the eighteenth century. Balinese language and
literature of the second flourishing period, which endures up to the present time, are
strongly influenced by Old Javanese and Javano-Balinese. In some cases it is difficult to
decide whether a given text should be registered as belonging to Javano-Balinese or to
Balinese literature.
It is very difficult to establish any kind of chronological order in the mass of Javano-
Balinese literature, because scarcely any text is dated. In some cases older texts
belonging to the Gèlgèl period can be distinguished from younger texts belonging to the
subsequent eighteenth and nineteenth century Klungkung reigns by the growing
prominence of Balinese forms and vocabulary in the latter texts.
Javano-Balinese literature developed out of Old Javanese letters and Balinese tradition.
No foreign influence was in evidence except Islam. Though the ruling classes of Bali, the
Courts and the clergy, adhered to ancestral religious concepts and ritual, somehow
Javanese Islamic literature penetrated into mercantile middle-class communities in the
country, and a small Muslim Javano-Balinese literature developed. Its exact chronology is
unknown, but its relationship with seventeenth and eighteenth century Javanese Pasisir
literature or the following era is indubitable.
Islamic era or Javanese Pesisir literature
The third era of the chronological scheme introduced in the present Synopsis is the era of
Javanese Pesisir literature of about three centuries, beginning about 1500 AD. So it
coincides with the first half of the era of Javano-Balinese literature. Texts belonging to the
era of the scheme were written in the literary idioms of East Java, Madura and the North
Coast districts. Pesisir is a Javanese word meaning ‘coast’ or ‘costal line’.
In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Islam was in the ascendant in Java. Political power
devolved from the inland Court of Majapahit to Muslim dynasts ruling in various maritime
districts and trading centers on the North Coast. In these districts, from Surabaya and
Gresik in the east up to Cirebon and Banten in the west, a rejuvenated Javanese literature
developed under the influence of Islam.
In the period of Pesisir culture authors were very active in writing books on all subjects
belonging to the sphere of Muslim Javanese civilization. Far from ignoring pre-Islamic
literature, however, they assimilated many elements of Old Javanese culture. The result
was an amalgam of Muslim and pre-Islamic culture, in several respects showing survivals
of ancient indigenous Javanese concepts.
The three centres of Pesisir literature in Java were Surabaya (with Gresik), Demak (with
Japara) and Cérbon (with Banten). East Javanese Pesisir texts came first, for in East Java
Muslim religious influence first became an important element in civilization. Starting from
Java, Islamic Pesisir culture spread to some other islands of which the coasts are washed
by the Java sea. The most important outlying cultural provinces were Lombok and
Palémbang. In the island of Lombok a remarkable Islamic Javano-Balinese literature came
into existence. The texts contain reminiscences of indigenous Sasak culture. The native
Sasak language developed into a medium of literary activity side by side with the Javano-
Balinese idiom.
Probably for centuries, even in the pre-Islamic period, the district of Palémbang in South
Sumatra was ruled by dynasts of Javanese extraction. In the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries Javanese Pesisir literature was cultivated at Court. In the nineteenth century
Javanese cultural influence in Palémbang declined in consequence of the fall of the
dynasty. Malay took the place of Javanese.
The important oversea expansions of Javanese Pesisir literature, both eastwards and
westwards, started from East Java. Minor expansions, of Javanese Pesisir culture took
their course from Banten and from Central Javanese maritime towns. The districts affected
by them, Lampung in South Sumatra by Banten, and Bañjar Masin in Borneo by Central
Java, did not produce Javanese literary texts of any importance, however.
In, Javanese Pesisir literature, the influence of Islamic culture was strong. Islam first
reached Java by the intermediary of Malay literature, Malay being the medium of the
interinsular commerce which brought Muslim traders from India to the Archipelago. Asa
result, Pesisir literature contains borrowings, from Malay and from Arabic, the sacred
language of Islam, but also, from other continental languages, in the first place Persian,
which was the universal Islamic medium in India in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
Renaissance of classical literature
The fourth era of the chronological scheme is the period of the renaissance of classical
Javanese literature in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Literature belonging to this
era was written in the Surakarta and Yogyakarta idioms. The cultural centre was the Court
of the inland Central Javanese Kings in Kartasura, Surakarta and Yogyakarta. The fame of
the Surakarta authors, called pujanggas, spread all over Java, and their style was much
imitated. In consequence in the nineteenth century Surakarta renaissance literature was
considered as the Javanese literature par excellence, and works of authors belonging to
the preceding Pasisir era fell into oblivion or were disregarded. The Surakarta Court idiom
with its rigid rules of class distinction in vocabulary (the so-called manners of
speech, krama and ngoko etc.) was accepted almost everywhere as exemplary. Probably
in the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century Pasisir literature was
already on the decline in consequence of economic and political retrogression in the
mercantile towns on the North Coast where the authors and their patrons lived. One by
one the maritime districts were vanquished by the forces of the despotic Kings of inland
Mataram. Their over-sea trade, the source of their prosperity, receded as a result of the
rise of Batavia.
The Central Javanese, renaissance culture of the nineteenth century was the successor of
seventeenth and eighteenth century Pasisir civilization, which in its time formed a cultural
link between maritime districts along the coasts of Java, Madura, Bali and Lombok. The
differences between the two are geographical and ideological. Geographically,
seventeenth and eighteenth century Javanese Pasisir culture was interinsular. But then it
was mainly confined to the maritime districts of the islands. It was not in all respects
unified, using different languages and idioms. Nineteenth-century Central
Javanese pujangga culture, on the other hand, was national Javanese. Belonging to the
interior of the country, and using the mannered Court idiom of Surakarta and Yogyakarta, it
was unified to a high degree.
Ideologically the difference between Pasisir and pujangga literature consists in their origin
and development. In the Pasisir literature of the seventeenth and eighteenth century, on
the one hand, the principal concern was religion. It superseded the culture of the preceding
non-Islamic period, in the meantime retaining several features of pre-Islamic civilization. Its
origin was middle-class. In the Central Javanese civilization of the nineteenth century, on
the other hand, Muslim religion was taken for granted. The pujanggas were mostly
interested in the remains of pre-Islamic belletristic literature. Their books were meant to be
reading-matter for gentlemen.
Eighteenth and nineteenth century renaissance authors were masters in adapting the
products of former periods of literature, as far as known to them. Some Old Javanese epic
kakawins were turned into modern Javanese poems. Historical, romantic and theatrical
literature flourished. The wayang theatre became the favourite pastime at Court, and plays
were composed by Kings and princes, Originating from the interior of the country,
Surakarta renaissance literature lacked stimulating contacts with foreign cultures oversea,
like its predecessor in Central Java, Pasisir literature, had. Neither international Islam nor
interinsular Malay literature were appreciated at Court. Javano-Balinese letters, which in
the eighteenth century were flourishing in Bali, were unknown in Central Java.
Eighteenth and nineteenth century renaissance literature was heavily indebted to
eighteenth century Pasisir literature, especially of the Central and East Javanese maritime
districts. After a long period of dynastic troubles and internal wars, which were detrimental
to the mercantile towns on the seacoast, peace was finally restored in Central and East
Java in the middle of the eighteenth century. Probably since that time traffic by prao on the
river Bengawan was instrumental in establishing contacts between Surakarta and Gresik,
the ancient centre of the decaying East Javanese Pasisir culture. It is a fact that the
Surakarta scholars’ knowledge of the admired Old Javanese kakawins was second-hand.
Manuscripts written in Pasisir districts were intermediaries. The superior Balinese codices
of Old Javanese texts were not available in Central Java.
In the nineteenth century Surakarta authors were stimulated by the presence of three
European scholars: Winter, Gericke and Wilkens, who were studying Javanese language
and literature in Central Java. Through their intermediary some knowledge of European
culture spread at Court. The Bible was translated into Javanese.
The second half of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century
were the period of development of Surakarta renaissance letters into a common Javanese
belletristic literature characterized by its predilection for the wayang theatre and wayang
plays. In consequence of the maintenance of peace and order in the interior of the country
and an unprecedented increase of traffic by means of the railways, Surakarta (and, in a
minor degree, also Yogyakarta) Court culture developed into a common spiritual sphere of
the priyayi class, the gentlefolk of Java. Probably never before the nineteenth century such
a sense of cultural unity was prevalent among the members of the well-educated classes
in the interior of the country. Henceforth the Court culture radiating from Surakarta and
Yogyakarta was considered by educated people as the only genuine Javanese civilization.
Notwithstanding the early nineteenth century contacts of Surakarta authors with Dutch
scholars, the modern European novel and short story did not begin to develop in Javanese
literature before the second or third decade of the twentieth century. Apparently for a long
time the appeal of the well-known phantastic wayang play literature was stronger than the
interest in new fiction dealing with problems of modern times.
In all periods of history conservatism and a tendency to retrospection and mythography
have been characteristic features of Javanese literature. Its endurance for many centuries,
adapting elements of foreign cultures, Indian and Islamic, but not superseded by them, is,
remarkable. Apparently cultural conservatism upheld Javanese authors and scholars in the
critical periods when foreign ideologies were introduced into their national society. It
remains to be seen whether in times to come Javanese conservatism will prove strong
enough to adapt and integrate foreign elements with the same success as it did in the
past.
Anyway, Javanese cultural conservatism seems a valuable asset in the amalgam of
modern Indonesian civilization which is developing in the twentieth century. The present
Synopsis of Javanese literature up to about 1900 is not the place to discuss modern
developments at any length, however.
Q5. Discuss Influence of Indian Literature on Ceylon and Southeast Asia.
The earliest records of Java, such as the inscriptions of King Purnavarman 5th century AD.
of West Java and of the Sailendra rulers are all written in Sanskrit. No old Javanese texts
are available prior to the 9th century. The earliest inscriptions in Old Javanese reveal the
growing infiltration of Sanskrit words into the vocabulary of the former. The Indo-Javanese
language took literary shape in the period between 650 to 850 AD, when Sanskrit-Old
Javanese dictionaries and simple grammars appeared to have been written. The lexicon
Amaramala belongs to a period prior to the 10th century to which the Old Javanese
Ramayana is usually assigned.
Indo-Javanese literature began to flower in Central Java, but it developed its golden age in
the courts of the east Javanese kings from about 925 to 1400 AD. The literary output of
this period i.e. about five centuries may be reviewed under the following heads –
Vedas and Puranas
The Vedas were studied in Java, as in Indo-China, in the ancient period but what
today pass under this name are mantras and stutis meant for different deities of the
Hindus and Buddhist pantheons. It is worth noting that no complete mantra, as
given in these texts, has been found in India. What has been preserved in Bali are
called Rk, Yajus and Samavedasiras, which are sung and not recited on the first day
of the bright half of the month and on full-moon nights. Other mantras containing
many subsidiary mantras are to be accompanied by various mudras and by
pranayama, nyasa etc.
In fact no Vedic mantra has been found anywhere in Indonesia, except fragments of
gayatri which also occur in the post-Vedic and post-epic Indian literature. Besides a
number of Buddhist hymns, dedicated to Surya, Sri, vayu, Prithvi and others have been
discovered in Bali. The spiritual tenor of these mantras is Indian, but no full text of the
hymns have been traced in India.
Of the Puranas, only Brahmanda Purana has been discovered in Java. The subject matter
of the prose recension has been borrowed, for the most part directly from a Sanskrit
recension, though in certain aspects the text tallies with relevant portions of the Vayu,
Matsya and Varaha Puranas. The versified recension, called Brahmanda Purana-kakavin
was composed in 18 cantos probably in the 12th century.
Many works written in Puranic style and of a cosmological nature have been discovered in
Bali. Most of the Old Javanese works contain anustubh stanzas in Sanskrit with Old
Javanese elucidation. A work of a Puranic nature is Agastyaparva containing some
Sanskrit stanzas and Agastya’s answers to the questions of his son Srdhasya. There were
other works too.
Agamas and Dharma-Sastras
Among the works, which constitute the Agamas and Dharma-Sastras, Bhuvanakosa
and Bhuvanasamksepa of the Saiva Tantric School contain some Sanskrit stanzas.
Tattva Sang Hyang Mahajnana expounds the implications of linga worship and
Vrhaspatitattva contains many Sanskrit verses, and discussed various doctrines of
Saiva theology.
Among the works of the Niti class Kunjarakarna, an old Javanese text composed between
the 12th and 14th centuries, recounts how the yaksa Kunjarakarna sought the advice of
Vairocana for gaining birth as a higher being. Sara-samuccaya, another text of the Niti
class, has about 517 slokhas, of which 321 have already been traced in the Mahabharata,
Pancatantra and Hitopadesa. It was so important that an old Javanese text called
Purvadhigama refers to it among the texts, which a judge must study.
On the books of statecraft and allied matters, mention should be made of the
Rajapatigundala of King Bhatati, Raja Kapa Kapa. Ethical matters mixed with statecraft
form the subject of Nitisastra-kakavin (9second half of the 15th century). In the old
Javanese texts called Nitipraya, Sage Vyasa played a leading role. A large number of old
Javanese texts such as Kutaramanava, Svarajambu and Adigama belonging to Smriti
literature of Java and Bali, are based on the Manu Samhita.
Kanda Works
Adisvara, Krtavasa, Suksavasa are some of the works on grammar. The references
to Panini and Katantra Vyakarana in Karaka-sangraha in the inscriptions of ancient
Java seem to be indicative of the tradition of the study of Sanskrit grammatical
literature in Java.
Of the works on prosody, the most outstanding is the Vrttasancaya, written by Mpu
Tanakung, probably in the 12th century. It deals with more than 100 Sanskrit verses. The
impact of Sanskrit rhetoric on the Old Javanese kakavins is considerable. These remind
one of the Buddha-carita, Raghuvamsa etc. Some works dealing with medicine, astrology,
astronomy has been found in Java, which contain may words of Sanskrit.
Epic Works
The oldest Javanese Ramayana was probably composed about the first quarter of
the 10th century by Yogisvara, whose real name, according to Balinese tradition seemed to
be Rajakusuma. The text contains 2,774 stanzas, divided into 26 cantos and written in
Sanskrit metres. The story broadly follows Valmiki’s Ramayana, but ends with the return of
Lord Ram, Sita, Lakshman and their entourage to Ayodhya. The old Javanese
Uttarakanda, is not part of Yogisvara’s Ramayana but constitutes an independent work.
There are also later recensions like Rama Kling, Serat Kanda and many others of lesser
importance. The Ramayana stories furnished the themes of local shadow plays, and were
depicted on temple relief’s. There were numerous other stories based on the epic.
No less popular was the Old Javanese Mahabharata, of which the Adi, Virata, Udyoga and
Bhisma parvans were composed under orders of King Dharmavamsa 991-1007, some
other portions were composed as late as the 14th century. Bharta-yuddha-kakavin dealing
with the middle section of the epic was completed by the Buddhist author Mpu Panuluh in
1157. The text has 52 cantos with 731 stanzas and is written in various Sanskrit metres.
The Old Javanese Bhagwad Gita, which contains many Sanskrit slokhas, is an abridged
version of the original. There were many kakavins belonging to the Mahabharta cycle of
stories, Arjuna-vivaha was composed in 36 cantos by Mpu Kanava between 1019-42 AD.
There are numerous other works on individuals of the epic like Abhimanyu, Ghatotokach.
Smaradahana, written in the 12th century by Mpu Dhamaja in 40 cantos, describes the
burning of Kama by Siva’s wrath. Sutasoma, narrates how Purusada, who had conquered
all the kings of Bharatavarsha was ultimately subdued by Sutasoma, an incarnation of
Bodhisattva. Krsna-vijaya deals with the fight between Krishna and Kamsa. Bhomakavya,
written perhaps in the 14th century by Mpu Bradah, relates the fight between Krishna and
Bhoma (Narakasura). The story supplied material for shadow plays of the entire Malayo-
Indonesian world.
The Indian epics and Puranas supplied many themes for the shadow plays of Indonesia.
These plays, which have kept alive the Indian epic and Puranic stories even in Muslim
Indonesia, were popular as the beginning of the 11 century.
After the fall of the Hinduized state of Majapahit around 1500 AD., Javanese literature
became divided into two streams. The main one in Bali laying there the matrix of the
Middle Javanese literature as an offshoot of Old Javanese and distinct from Old Balinese.
The other stream continued in Java under stagnant conditions. The preservation of the
much of the Indian legacy was owing to the fact that when Majapahit was destroyed, the
princes, elite and priestly community fled to Bali taking with them their earthly possessions
including books.
The age which marked the end of the Middle Javanese literature and the beginning of the
New Javanese literature may be taken as 1628 AD. Indonesian literature of the Middle and
New periods has been greatly influenced by the penetration of Islamic theology and literary
ideals and have been responsible for creating a hybrid composition of a very peculiar type.
It has been mentioned earlier that the order of the Devanagari alphabet was followed in the
Sumatran and Celebes languages. The impact of Indian influence was also felt in the
domain of loan words in these areas. Moreover, there is every reason to believe that in the
pre-Islamic period there existed a rich Indian and Indianized literature in Sumatra.
The foregoing survey would convince any one of the appropriateness of the remarks of S.
Levi, quoted by G. Coedes: “Mother of wisdom, India gave her mythology to her neighbors
who went to teach it to the whole world. Mother of law and philosophy, she gave to three
quarters of Asia, a god, a religion, a doctrine, an art. She carried her sacred language, her
literature, her institutions into Indonesia, to the limits of the known world, and from there
they spread back to Madagascar and perhaps to the coast of Africa, where the present
flow of Indian immigrants seems to follow the faint traces of the past”.
Globalization is the mantra of the nineties. Some say it is a tool to increase market access
for multinational corporations while others think it is a means to export the Western way of
life – values and Christianity. After reading this article am convinced that Indians were
amongst the earliest proponents of Globalization.
The beauty is that they exported their culture, language and literature without attempting to
rule others or exercise political domination. Their influence enhanced the quality of local
language and literature, sometimes even created it.
Post independence we are caught in the chains of Socialism such that interaction with the
world was reduced to the minimum. Our share of world trade has been going down.
Swami Vivekananda said, “India must conquer the world and nothing less is my ideal. Our
eternal foreign policy must be the preaching of the Shastras to the nations of the world.
One of the reasons for India’s downfall was that she narrowed herself, went into a shell, as
the oyster does and refused to give her treasures and jewels to the other races of
mankind, refused to give the life-giving truths to thirsting nations outside the Aryan fold “.
Q6. Discuss about the Silk Roads.
The vast trade networks of the Silk Roads carried more than just merchandise and
precious commodities. In fact, the constant movement and mixing of populations brought
about the widespread transmission of knowledge, ideas, cultures and beliefs, which had a
profound impact on the history and civilizations of the Eurasian peoples. Travellers along
the Silk Roads were attracted not only by trade but also by the intellectual and cultural
exchange taking place in cities along the Silk Roads, many of which developed into hubs
of culture and learning. Science, arts and literature, as well as crafts and technologies
were thus shared and disseminated into societies along the lengths of these routes, and in
this way, languages, religions, and cultures developed and influenced one another.
Silk is a textile of ancient Chinese origin woven from the protein fibre produced by the
silkworm as it makes its cocoon. The cultivation of silkworms for the process of making
silk, known as sericulture, was, according to Chinese tradition, developed sometime
around the year 2,700 BCE. Regarded as an extremely high value product, silk was
reserved for the exclusive usage of the Chinese imperial court for the making of cloths,
drapes, banners, and other items of prestige. Its production technique was a fiercely
guarded secret within China for some 3,000 years, with imperial decrees sentencing to
death anyone who revealed to a foreigner the process of its production. Tombs in Hubei
province dating from the 4th and 3rd centuries BCE contain the first complete silk
garments as well as outstanding examples of silk work, including brocade, gauze and
embroidered silk.
At some point during the 1st century BCE, silk was introduced to the Roman Empire,
where it was considered an exotic luxury that became extremely popular, with imperial
edicts being issued to control prices. Silks popularity continued throughout the Middle
Ages, with detailed Byzantine regulations for the manufacture of silk clothes, illustrating its
importance as a quintessentially royal fabric and an important source of revenue for the
crown. Additionally, the needs of the Byzantine Church for silk garments and hangings
were substantial. This luxury item was thus one of the early impetuses for the development
of trading routes from Europe to the Far East.
Knowledge about silk production was very valuable and, despite the efforts of the Chinese
emperor to keep it a closely guarded secret, it did eventually spread beyond China, first to
India and Japan, then to the Persian Empire and finally to the west in the 6th century CE.
This was described by the historian Procopius, writing in the 6th century:
“About the same time [circa. 550 CE] there came from India certain monks; and when they
had satisfied Emperor Justinian Augustus that the Romans should no longer buy silk from
the Persians, they promised the emperor in an interview that they would provide the
materials for making silk so that never should the Romans seek business of this kind from
their enemy the Persians, or from any other people whatsoever. They said that they were
formerly in Serinda, which they call the region frequented by the people of the Indies, and
there they learned perfectly the art of making silk. Moreover, to the emperor who plied
them with many questions as to whether he might have the secret, the monks replied that
certain worms were manufacturers of silk, nature itself forcing them to keep always at
work; the worms could certainly not be brought here alive, but they could be grown easily
and without difficulty; the eggs of single hatchings are innumerable; as soon as they are
laid men cover them with dung and keep them warm for as long as it is necessary so that
they produce insects. When they had announced these tidings, led on by liberal promises
of the emperor to prove the fact, they returned to India. When they had brought the eggs to
Byzantium, the method having been learned, as I have said, they changed them by
metamorphosis into worms which feed on the leaves of mulberry. Thus began the art of
making silk from that time on in the Roman Empire.”
Beyond Silk: a diversity of routes and cargos
These routes developed over time according to shifting geopolitical contexts throughout
history. For example, merchants from the Roman Empire would try to avoid crossing the
territory of the Parthians, Rome’s enemies, and therefore took routes to the north instead,
across the Caucasus region and over the Caspian Sea. Similarly, whilst extensive trade
took place over the network of rivers that crossed the Central Asian steppes in the early
Middle Ages, their water levels rose and fell, and sometimes rivers dried up altogether, and
trade routes shifted accordingly.
The history of maritime routes can be traced back thousands of years, to links between the
Arabian Peninsula, Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley Civilization. The early Middle Ages
saw an expansion of this network, as sailors from the Arabian Peninsula forged new
trading routes across the Arabian Sea and into the Indian Ocean. Indeed, maritime trading
links were established between Arabia and China from as early as the 8th century CE.
Technological advances in the science of navigation, in astronomy, and also in the
techniques of ship building, combined to make long-distance sea travel increasingly
practical. Lively coastal cities grew up around the most frequently visited ports along these
routes, such as Zanzibar, Alexandria, Muscat, and Goa, and these cities became wealthy
centres for the exchange of goods, ideas, languages and beliefs, with large markets and
continually changing populations of merchants and sailors.
The map above illustrates the great variety of routes that were available to merchants
transporting a wide range of goods and travelling from different parts of the world, by both
land and sea. Most often, individual merchant caravans would cover specific sections of
the routes, pausing to rest and replenish supplies, or stopping altogether and selling on
their cargos at points throughout the length of the roads, leading to the growth of lively
trading cities and ports. The Silk Roads were dynamic and porous; goods were traded with
local populations throughout, and local products were added into merchants’ cargos. This
process enriched not only the merchants’ material wealth and the variety of their cargos,
but also allowed for exchanges of culture, language and ideas to take place along the Silk
Roads.
Routes of Dialogue
Despite the Silk Roads history as routes of trade, the man who is often credited with
founding them by opening up the first route from China to the West in the 2nd century BC,
General Zhang Qian, was actually sent on a diplomatic mission rather than one motivated
by trading Sent to the West in 139 BCE by the Han Emperor Wudi to ensure alliances
against Chinas enemies the Xingnu, Zhang Qian was ultimately captured and imprisoned
by them. Thirteen years later he escaped and made his way back to China. Pleased with
the wealth of detail and accuracy of his reports, the emperor then sent Zhang Qian on
another mission in 119 BCE to visit several neighbouring peoples, establishing early routes
from China to Central Asia.
These routes were also fundamental in the dissemination of religions throughout Eurasia.
Buddhism is one example of a religion that travelled the Silk Roads, with Buddhist art and
shrines being found as far apart as Bamiyan in Afghanistan, Mount Wutai in China, and
Borobudur in Indonesia. Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Zoroastrianism and Manicheism
spread in the same way, as travellers absorbed the cultures they encountered and then
carried them back to their homelands with them. Thus, for example, Hinduism and
subsequently Islam were introduced into Indonesia and Malaysia by Silk Roads merchants
travelling the maritime trade routes from the Indian Subcontinent and Arabian Peninsula.
Travelling the Silk Roads
As trade routes developed and became more lucrative, caravanserais became more of a
necessity, and their construction intensified across Central Asia from the 10th century
onwards, continuing until as late as the 19th century. This resulted in a network of
caravanserais that stretched from China to the Indian subcontinent, Iranian Plateau, the
Caucasus, Turkey, and as far as North Africa, Russia and Eastern Europe, many of which
still stand today.
Maritime traders had different challenges to face on their lengthy journeys. The
development of sailing technology, and in particular of ship-building knowledge, increased
the safety of sea travel throughout the Middle Ages. Ports grew up on coasts along these
maritime trading routes, providing vital opportunities for merchants not only to trade and
disembark, but also to take on fresh water supplies, as one of the greatest threats to
sailors in the Middle Ages was a lack of available drinking water. Pirates were another risk
faced by all merchant ships along the maritime Silk Roads, as their lucrative cargos made
them attractive targets.
The legacy of the Silk Roads
Today, many historic buildings and monuments still stand, marking the passage of the Silk
Roads through caravanserais, ports and cities. However, the long-standing and ongoing
legacy of this remarkable network is reflected in the many distinct but interconnected
cultures, languages, customs and religions that have developed over millennia along these
routes. The passage of merchants and travellers of many different nationalities resulted
not only in commercial exchange but in a continuous and widespread process of cultural
interaction. As such, from their early, exploratory origins, the Silk Roads developed to
become a driving force in the formation of diverse societies across Eurasia and far
beyond.
Q7. Write a note on Sigiriya Frescoes or Murals.
The Sigiriya Frescoes were painted in 480AD on the western surface of Sigiriya
Rock, located in central Sri Lanka. This artwork was the highlight of a massive palace
complex built in by King Kasyapa. Today only a few of these murals survive, in a small
pocket about 100 meters above ground.
Protected in this small, sheltered depression a hundred meters above ground, they float
effortlessly among the clouds. Some say they are celestial nymphs carrying flowers to
shower upon kings and mortals below. Others suggest that they are queens and
concubines of Kasyapa’s harem.
The ladies of the Sigiriya fresco paintings have been the subject of speculation for nearly
one thousand six hundred years. They, in turn, have remained silent, smiling enigmatically,
their secret intact for over 1,600 years. The names of the ladies and the artists who painted
them are lost to history. Their legacy has survived for over half a million days, a testament
to the genius of their creators and the king who commissioned them.
Ancient graffiti on the Mirror Wall refers to the existence of as many as five hundred
frescoes covering the western surface of Sigiriya Rock. They were a colorful and awe-
inspiring sight clearly visible from all vantage points of the complex, most prominently from
the grand ceremonial western entranceway.
What did Sigiriya Look Like with Frescoes?
The Sigiriya complex was completed nearly 1600 years ago. The frescoes were an integral
part of the overall awe-inspiring sight and were part of a huge tapestry that extended in a
gigantic band around the waist of the rock. This immense picture gallery of over 500 semi-
naked females covered an area of approximately 5600 sq meters. It extended from the top
of the zigzag stairway at the Terraced Gardens on the southern end of the rock, to the
north-eastern end, terminating at the Lion Staircase.
Why were the Sigiriya Frescoes Painted?
Sigiriya was the royal capital of King Kasyapa, who ruled from 477 to 495 AD. As a result
of his unpopularity with the clergy and the citizens of his previous capital at Anuradhapura,
Kasyapa abandoned the old capital and set up a new one at Sigiriya.
Unbridled by the constraints of religion he chose to use the vast wealth and energy of his
kingdom in creating a lavish masterpiece to himself. Having chosen this site with the
massive 200-meter-high rock, Kasyapa set about creating his vision of the mythological
city of Alakamanda – the city of the gods. In Buddhist mythology, Alakamanda was said to
be an exquisitely beautiful city amongst the clouds. Thus inspired, Kasyapa painted
Sigiriya Rock white to appear like a cloud. But a stark white rock would have been an
impressive but unattractive sight. So Kasyapa and his architects set about decorating the
rock. Having fallen afoul with the clergy Kasyapa choose to decorate his rock with a non-
religious theme. What better example of beauty could he behold than the striking women
who graced his court?
So the women of Kasyapa’s court were depicted like Apsaras—celestial nymphs
showering flowers from above on the human beings below while Kasyapa the god-king
lived in his magnificent Sky Palace on top of a cloud.
Who are the Women in the Sigiriya Frescoes?
The rich adornments, sophisticated clothing, lifelike appearance, vibrant use of color, and
the accurate rendition of facial and anatomical characteristics support the view that the
artist drew his inspiration from the ladies of King Kasyapa’s court — his harem. The most
telling validation of this view is that they all wear a delicate three-circled tattoo around their
necks.
The prominent but unobtrusive display of this tattoo, worn with pride, was meant to clearly
identify these ladies as belonging to the king. They were ladies of the king’s harem,
dressed in their finest. They were to be admired but not touched. For this reason, they
were depicted in true form, voluptuous and desirable, but shorn of any earthly sexuality.
They were not intended to be titillating. Depicted as supernatural beings they are portrayed
with flowers to shower upon humans below. They were intended to evoke a sense of
wonderment and to project the opulence and grandeur of Kasyapa, the all-powerful god-
king. They are a celebration of beauty.
What Artistic Style is Used?
The Sigiriya Frescoes bear some resemblance to the Gupta style of painting in the Ajanta
Caves in India. Given the close proximity of the two countries and the fact that at the time
in the 5th century, both shared the Buddhist faith, there is little reason to doubt that the
Sigiriya Frescoes were influenced by the paintings at Ajanta. The Sigiriya Frescoes,
however, are judged to be far more vibrant, fluid, and lifelike than their counterparts in the
Ajanta Caves.
These paintings offer a rare glimpse of ancient Sinhala art at its zenith. The bold
representation of well-formed bodies, ample bosoms and full lips are unusually
provocative. They are the only open display of female sensuality depicted in Sri Lankan
art. (Numerous female figures of a religious nature exist, but they follow a strictly stylized
form).
These paintings are uniquely Sri Lankan in their character. They are the only surviving
secular (non-religious) art from antiquity found in Sri Lanka today. The Chitrasutra, an
ancient manuscript on the art of painting, notes:
The masters praise delineation and articulation of form.
The connoisseurs praise the display of light and shade.
Women like the display of ornaments.
The richness of colors appeals to common folks.
The artists, therefore, should ensure that the painting is appreciated by everyone.
How were the Sigiriya Frescoes Painted?
Work on the Sigiriya murals started after the exterior wind-break wall of the Sky Palace on
the summit had been completed. Tens of thousands of pieces of bamboo were transported
to the site and assembled into a massive latticework of scaffolding extending from the base
of the rock all the way to the summit two hundred meters above. The entire structure was
held together with nothing more than rope made from coconut fiber. There were no ladders
or safety rails. Access to the working platforms was by clambering up the scaffolding’s
bamboo cross members. All raw materials were hauled up by hand.
Stonemasons were the first to start work on the rock face. They chiseled away at the
surface, creating a drip ledge. This prevented water from flowing down the natural
curvature of the rock and over the area where the frescoes were to be painted.
The plasterers followed the stonemasons. They cleaned the surface and then applied up to
three layers of lime plaster. The plasterers and artists worked closely together. The
plasterers prepared the surfaces, and the artists then painted on the final layer while it was
still wet. Because these are fresco paintings and had to be drawn on wet plaster, the
topmost surface was laid down in new sections each day.
The technique used in these paintings is called ” fresco lustro”. It varies slightly from the
pure fresco technique in that it also contains a mild binding agent or glue. This gives the
painting added durability, as clearly demonstrated by the fact that they have survived,
exposed to the elements, for over 1,600 years. Each fresco was painted on a wet plaster
surface consisting of two or sometimes three distinct layers. The first layer was clay
plaster. The second, when present, was a clay-lime plaster. The topmost layer was a very
fine lime plaster. Only red, yellow, green, and black pigments were used. The red, yellow
and green colors were extracted from earth-minerals. The black pigment was charcoal
black. These pigments were used because they were resistant to the alkalinity of wet
plaster and were impervious to sunlight which would have quickly faded vegetable dyes.
The paintbrushes were made from hair collected from the ear of a calf, the belly of a goat,
the tail of a muskrat, the tail of a squirrel, the whiskers of a cat and the tips of grasses.
Early each day, the chief artist drew an outline of each fresco, on fresh wet plaster, with a
fine brush dipped in red paint. These outlines were then painted in with layer upon layer of
paint until the desired richness of color was attained. It was at this time that the final and
most important aspect of the painting was undertaken. Known as the “opening of the
eyes”, only the chief artist was entrusted with this delicate ritual. It was he who breathed
life into the painting by performing the final and most important detail to be painted.
Once the frescoes were completed, the rest of the surface of the rock was covered in white
paint, and the scaffolding progressively dismantled, revealing a site to behold.
The Frescoes aren’t Perfect
The Sigiriya Frescoes, like all true frescoes, were painted quickly on wet plaster. This
painting technique leaves little room for error. When applied, the paint is immediately
“sucked into” the plaster. As a consequence, it is almost impossible to erase or
successfully over-paint a mistake. The Sigiriya Frescoes have several such errors.
The Sigiriya Frescoes were painted 100 meters above ground. They were never intended
to be examined at closed quarters as they are today. When viewed from a reasonable
distance, minor blemishes are not visible. It is also important to keep in mind that the
frescoes that survive today are in a small indentation in the rock occupied only a minor
position in the massive tapestry that covered the rock. Consequently, they may have
received less artistic attention than the larger frescoes that were more prominently
displayed. Also, keeping in mind that the frescoes were painted by artists high above the
ground, working long hours, perched on flimsy bamboo scaffolding. Mistakes would
inevitably have been made.
The frescoes on the left contain two errors. Firstly, the lady holding the lotus blossom has
had her thumb repositioned. Secondly, the handmaiden on the right has a mistake just
above her left breast. The artist originally positioned her hand in front of her breast but
subsequently changed his mind and repositioned her hand elsewhere. He then covered up
his mistake by painting a red blouse referred to as thanapatiya to hide his mistake.
Sigiriya Frescoes – Ancient Tourist Attraction
Tourists have been visiting Sigiriya from as early as the 6th century, a mere hundred and
fifty years after it was abandoned as a royal citadel and converted into a monastery. As the
monastery started to fall into hard times, it may have supplemented its income by allowing
visitors and pilgrims to see the rather titillating frescoes.
Little statues depicting a fresco have been discovered in the Boulder Gardens, which
appear to be replicas of the frescoes. These trinkets for tourists were probably sold from
stalls to supplement the monastery’s income. This further confirms the view that Sigiriya
became a novelty tourist attraction from a very early time.
Sigiriya Frescoes – Destroyed & Vandalized
There is unsubstantiated speculation that once Sigiriya was converted to a Buddhist
monastery, many of its frescoes were removed, as they were seen to be too provocative
for a religious establishment.
The most recent act of vandalism was committed on the night of the 13th of October 1967.
Under cover of darkness, vandals snuck into the unguarded Sigiriya site and made their
way up to the frescoes. There they hacked away major parts of two of the frescoes and
daubed green paint on fifteen of these priceless works of art. Some say it was the work of
local shop owners angry at a plan to relocate them away from the historic site. Others
suggest that it was the work of zealots with a misplaced sense of puritanism. The culprits
were never apprehended. Many months of painstaking restoration work was carried out to
salvage these treasures. The restoration process did, however, strip some of the vibrancy
from the original colors.
How Many Sigiriya Frescoes are there today?
Only nineteen Sigiriya frescoes survive today. Hundreds of these paintings were lost over
the years due to environmental factors such as wind and rain and intentionally destroyed
by human intervention.
Q8. Discuss the architectural features of Angkor Wat Temple.
ANGKOR WAT
Angkor Wat (six kilometers — four miles — north of Siem Reap) is arguably the most
beautiful and impressive historical monument in the world, outclassing even the great
Egyptian temples in Luxor, the great churches of Europe and the great Mayan temples of
Mexico. Perhaps only the Taj Mahal and Macchu Pichu are as impressive. One writer
described Angkor Wat as the “Mother of All Lost Cities.” Another said it deserved the top
spot on a modern list of Seven Wonders of the World. According to the Guinness Book of
World Records it is the largest temple in the world and the largest religious structure ever
built.
Angkor Wat is the world’s largest religious edifice and the largest monument of the Angkor
group and the best preserved. An architectural masterpiece. Its perfection in composition,
balance, proportions, relief’s and sculpture make it one of the finest monuments in the
world. Angkor Wat means “Capital City Temple.” Deeply revered by Cambodians, it is
pictured on the Cambodian national flag and the Cambodia currency. It is also painted on
fuselages of the national airline and featured on the bottles of Cambodia’s best-selling
beer. In 2003, massive riots broke out and the Thai embassy was attacked after a Thai
actress was accused of inferring that it belonged to Thailand.
Built by King Suryavarman II (1113-1150) and originally dedicated to the Hindu gods Shiva
and then Vishnu, Angkor Wat spreads out over 402 acres (about three quarters of a square
mile) and required 37 years and an estimated 5000 stone carvers, workers and slaves,
using 3000 ox-carts for carrying stones, to complete. Even though Angkor Wat is the most
photographed Khmer monument, nothing approaches the actual experience of seeing this
temple. Frank Vincent grasped this sensation over 100 years ago” “The general
appearance of the wonder of the temple is beautiful and romantic as well as impressive
and grand it must be seen to be understood and appreciated. One can never look upon the
ensemble of the vat without a thrill, a pause, a feeling of being caught up onto the
heavens. Perhaps it is the most impressive sight in the world of edifices.”
Maurice Glaize wrote in “A Guide to Angkor Monuments” (1944): “The ornamentation is the
triumph of Khmer art, where the architecture is but the realization of ritual.” In a single
gallery, 12,917 square feet is devoted to bas reliefs.
What Exactly Is Angkor Wat?
Historians and archeologists are still not sure whether Angkor Wat was built as a temple,
shrine, mausoleum, observatory or all of some of the above. It looks like a temple. But
traditionally Hindu temples had their main entrance to the east. Angkor Wat has its main
gate to the west, which is associated with death.
Wat is the Khmer name for temple (the French spelling is “vat “), which was probably
added to “Angkor “when it became a Theravada Buddhist monument, most likely in the
sixteenth century. After 1432 when the capital moved to Phnom Penh, Angkor Wat was
cared for by Buddhist monks. Most scholars believe Angkor Wat was a funerary temple for
King Suryavarman II and oriented to the west to conform to the symbolism between the
setting sun and death. The bas-reliefs, designed for viewing from left to right in the order of
Hindu funereal ritual, support this function.
Most scholars agree that the temple itself, like other Angkor temples, is a representation of
Hindu cosmology. The central towers symbolize the peaks of Mt. Meru. The outer wall
represents the edge of the universe, and the moat symbolizes the oceans around the
Hindu universe. Many scholars believe the temple linked King Suryavarman II with the
Hindu gods and was intended to boost to his divine status.
Angkor Wat originally was the center of royal phallic cult dedicated to the Hindu god Shiva.
A linga (the phallic symbol of Shiva) was installed in the temple’s main sanctuary. Later
Vishnu became the most important Hindu god and his image was placed in the sanctuary
at Angkor Wat. In the Angkor era, people who visited the temple walked down the
causeway over the moat and made offerings to sacred Hindu statues at the entrance
before entering the temple compound. Walking along the hallway toward the central tower
they passed a cuneiform pavilion, where temple dancers sometimes performed. Located
under the main tower, in the sanctuary, was a shrine dedicated to Vishnu. It once held a
statue of Vishnu and was regarded as the cosmic vortex of the temple and its universe.
Climbing up the steep stairs to the main sanctuary was regarded as an act of separating
oneself from the world.
Angkor Wat Architectural Features
Angkor Wat occupies a rectangular area of about 208 hectares (500 acres) defined by a
laetrile wall. The first evidence of the site is a moat with a long sandstone causeway
(length 250 meters, 820 feet; width 12 meters, 39 feet) crossing it and serving as the main
access to the monument. The moat is 200 meters (656 feel) wide with a perimeter of 5.5
kilometers (3.4 miles).
Angkor Wat is influenced by the Hindu temple architecture of southern India, which
combines harmony and symmetry with a high degree of outer adornment. The five
beehive-shaped domes that rise impressively from the center of the temple are adorned
with rows of lotuses and are designed to look like lotus buds. The temple is conceived so
that all five domes are visible when the temple is viewed from certain angles.
The largest dome sits over the main sanctuary. Four slightly smaller domes are organized
in a square plan around the central dome. The five domes represent the five peaks of Mt.
Meru, arranged in the shape of a lotus blossom. What makes the towers and Angkor Wat
as a whole so beautiful are the way the small details harmonize and mix with the massive
architecture. The dome-topped main sanctuary is surrounded by halls, arranged together
in a square plan, with lower walls and ceilings, and smaller temples on their corners that
represent the mountains on the edge of the world. The galleries, corridors and halls are
aligned with directions of the compass.
The wall that surrounds Angkor Wat is 5/8th of a mile long on each side; the central tower
is eight stories (213 feet) high; the square moat around the compound is three miles long;
and the causeway that leads across the moat to the temple is 1,500 feet long. The
sandstone blocks at Angkor Wat were quarried from at least 50 different quarries at the
foot of Mt. Kulen 32 kilometers to the northeast. They are believed to have been
transported by canals visible today with satellite imagery.
Architectural Plan of Angkor Wat
Angkor Wat is a miniature replica of the universe in stone and represents an earthly model
of the cosmic world. The central tower rises from the center of the monument symbolizing
the mythical mountain, Meru, situated at the center of the universe. Its five towers
correspond to the peaks of Meru. The outer wall corresponds to the mountains at the edge
of the world, and the surrounding moat the oceans beyond. [Source: Tourism of
Cambodia]
The plan of Angkor Wat is difficult to grasp when walking through the monument because
of the vastness. Its complexity and beauty both attract and distract one’s attention. From a
distance Angkor Wat appears to be a colossal mass of stone on one level with a long
causeway leading to the center but close up it is a series of elevated towers, covered
galleries, chambers, porches and courtyards on different levels linked by stairways.
The height of Angkor Wat from the ground to the top of the central tower is greater than it
might appear: 213 meters (699 feet), achieved with three rectangular or square levels (1-3)
Each one is progressively smaller and higher than the one below starting from the outer
limits of the temple.
Covered galleries with columns define the boundaries of the first and second levels. The
third level supports five towers –four in the corners and one in the middle and these is the
most prominent architectural feature of Angkor Wat. This arrangement is sometimes called
a quincunx. Graduated tiers, one rising above the other, give the towers a conical shape
and, near the top, rows of lotuses taper to a point.
The overall profile imitates a lotus bud, Several architectural lines stand out in the profile of
the monument. The eye is drawn left and right to the horizontal aspect of the levels and
upward to the soaring height of the towers. The ingenious plan of Angkor Wat only allows a
view of all five towers from certain angles. They are not visible, for example, from the
entrance. Many of the structures and courtyards are in the shape of a cross. The. Visitor
should study the plan on page 86 and become familiar with this dominant layout. A curved
sloping roof on galleries, chambers and aisles is a hallmark of Angkor Wat. From a
distance it looks like a series of long narrow ridges but close up from identifies itself. It is a
roof made of gracefully arched stone rectangles placed end to end. Each row of tiles is
capped with an end tile at right angles the ridge of the roof.
The scheme culminates in decorated tympanums with elaborate frames. Steps provide
access to the various levels. Helen Churchill Candee, who visited Angkor in the 1920s,
thought their usefulness surpassed their architectural purpose. The steps to Angkor Wat
are made to force a halt at beauteous obstruction that the mind may be prepared for the
atmosphere of sanctity, she wrote In order to become familiar with the composition of
Angkor Wat the visitor should learn to recognize the repetitive elements in the architecture.
Galleries with columns, towers, curved roofs, tympanums, steps and the cross-shaped
plan occur again and again.
It was by combining two or more of these aspects that a sense of height was achieved.
This arrangement was used to link one part of the monument to another. Roofs were
frequently layered to add height, length or dimension. A smaller replica of the central
towers was repeated at the limits of two prominent areas-the galleries and the entry
pavilions. The long causeway at the entrance reappears on the other side of the entry
pavilion.
Terrace and Causeway of Angkor Wat
Entry and exit to Angkor Wat can only be accessed from its west gate. The west entrance
begins with steps leading to a raised sandstone terrace in the shape of a cross at the foot
of the long causeway. Giant stone lions on each side of the terrace guard the monument.
Looking straight ahead, one can see at the end of the causeway the entry gate with three
towers of varying heights and with collapsed upper portion. This entry tower hides the full
view of the five towers of the central group. A long covered failure with square columns and
a curved roof extends along the moat to the left and right of the entry tower. This is the
majestic facade of Angkor Wat and a fine example of classical Khmer architecture.
[Source: Tourism of Cambodia]
Helen Churchill Candee must have been standing on this terrace almost 70 years ago
when she wrote Any architect would thrill at the harmony of the fasade, an unbroken
stretch of repeated pillars leading from the far angles of the structure to the central
opening, which is dominated, by three imposing towers with broken summits. This facade
originally had another row of pillars with a roof. Evidence of this remains in a series of
round holes set in square based in front of the standing pillars.
Before proceeding along the causeway turns right, go down the steps of the terrace and
walk along the path a few meters for a view of all five towers of Angkor Wat. Return to the
center of the terrace and walk down the causeway towards the main part of the temple.
The left-hand side of the causeway has more original sand stone than the right-hand side,
which was restored by the French.
In the 1920 when RJ Casey walked on this causeway he noted it was an oddity of
engineering The slabs were cut in irregular shapes, which meant that each had to be
chiseled to fit the one adjoining. The effect as seen under the noonday sun…is like that of
a long strip of watered silk’10 On the left side just before the midway point in the causeway
two large feet are carved in a block of sandstone. They belong to one of the figures at the
entrances to Angkor Thom and were brought to Angkor Wat in this century the causeway
was repaired with reused stones.
Q9. Analyse the architectural and symbolic features of Shwedagon Pagoda.
History of Shwedagon Pagoda
According to a report submitted to UNESCO: The Shwedagon Pagoda on Singuttara Hill is
an outstanding example of the transformation, over time, of the funerary reliquary stupa
(tumulus) enshrining relics of the Buddha(s) into a center of pilgrimage and cult veneration.
Currently scholarly research by historians and archaeologists indicate that the pagoda was
first built between the 6th and 10th centuries AD. [Source: Ministry of Religious Affairs and
Culture of Myanmar]
Subsequently, the stupa fell into disrepair until the 14th century, when King Binnya U
(1323–1384) rebuilt it to a height of 18 meters. A century later, Queen BinnyaThau (1453–
1472) raised its height to 40 meters. She terraced the hill on which it stands, paved the top
terrace with flagstones, and assigned land and dedicated hereditary workers for its
maintenance. Her son-in-law undertook a series of significant repairs and renovations to
the Shwedagon. An in-situ inscription catalogues a list of repairs beginning in 1436 and
finishing during Dhammazedi’s reign. By the beginning of the 16th century, the Shwedagon
Pagoda had become the most famous Buddhist pilgrimage site in Burma, and one of the
most frequented pilgrimage destinations among the wider Buddhist community of South
and Southeast Asia.
A series of earthquakes during the following centuries caused some damage to the
pagoda, the worst of which was a 1768 earthquake that brought down the top of the stupa,
but King Hsinbyushin (1763-1776) later raised it to its current height of 99 meters. A new
crown umbrella was donated by King Mindon Min in 1871 after the annexation of Lower
Burma by the British, increasing the height of the monument to its current 112 meters.
Over time, many shrines have been added to the site. The stupa atop Singuttara Hill is
now surrounded by hundreds of monasteries on three terraced platforms (pissaya),
imparting to the site the form of a three-dimensional mandala (representation of the
cosmos). The property contains the hill, its encircling levels and monasteries, covered
staircases, a uppermost platform with pavilions, bells, planetary posts and astrological
directionality, upon which the central stupa accessed through four devotional halls
(ayongantazaung), oriented to the cardinal directions.
With a traditional history dating to the time of the historical Gautama Buddha (ca 6th
century BCE) and a recorded history since the 14th century CE, the Shwedagon on
Singuttara Hill has sustained and evolved a unique expression of the timeless Buddhist
teachings inspired and energized by the cosmological significant of the hill as a sacred
place.The numerous structures on the hill, notably the reliquary stupa, but also
includingthe directional devotional halls (ayongantazaung), monasteries, pavilions and
donation halls on the ascending terraced platforms (pissaya) have stimulated and
sustained the distinctive and outstanding repertoire of artistic expressions, the intent of
which is to propagate, through tangible, didactic expressions of devotion, the sublime,
ageless teaching of the Buddha(s).
At the Shwedagon can also be seen marks of conflicts and conquest Upper and Lower
Myanmar in the 15-16th century, during British occupation of the hill in the 19th to early
20th century, and the Independence movement before and after World War II. These are
indicative of the prominent role of the Shwedagon in the region’s inter-twined political and
cultural narrative.
Composition and Parts of Shwedagon Pagoda
Shwedagon Pagoda is a solid brick stupa (Buddhist reliquary) that is completely covered
with gold. It rises 326 feet (99 meters) on a hill 168 feet (51 meters) above the city. The
perimeter of the base of the Pagoda is 1,420 feet. 326 feet above the platform. The base is
surrounded by 64 small pagodas with four larger. one in the center of each side. There
also are 4 sphinxes. one at each corner with 6 leogryphs. 3 on each side of them.
Projecting beyond the base of the Pagoda. one on the center of each side are Tazaungs in
which are images of the Buddha and where offerings are made. There are also figures of
elephants crouching and men kneeling. and pedestals for offerings all around the base.
There are four entrances leading into the base of this great Shwedagon Pagoda. No one is
sure what is inside. According to some legendary tales, there are flying and turning swords
that never stop. which protect the pagoda from intruders; some says there are even
underground tunnels that leads to Pagan and Thailand.
The 10 Parts of Shwedagon Pagoda are: 1) The Diamond Bud (Sein-phoo); 2) The Vane;
3) The Crown (Htee); 4) The Plantain Bud-Shaped Bulbous Spire (Hnet-pyaw-phu); 5) The
Ornamental Lotus Flower (Kyar-lan); 6) The Embossed Bands (Bang-yit); 7) The Inverted
Bowl (Thabeik); 8) The Bell (Khaung-laung-pon); 9) The 3 Terraces (Pichayas); 10) The
Base.
On the: 1) Bud there are 4,350 diamonds, weighing 2,000 ratis; 9,272 plates of gold,
weighing 5004 ounces and 93 other precious stones. On the 2) Vane there are 1,090
diamonds, weighing 240 ratis and 1,338 other precious stones. On the 3) Crown there are
1,065 gold bells and 886 precious stones.
Architecture of Shwedagon Pagoda
According to a report submitted to UNESCO: The traditional history, the architectural
development and the artistic features of Shwedagon Pagoda demonstrate an important
interchange of Buddhist architecture, art, and iconography with South Asia over several
centuries. From the time of overland journey, recorded in traditional chronicles, of local
merchants to India and their return by sea to deliver the hair relics of Gautama Buddha, the
stupa has been the focus of domestic and international pilgrimage. Decoration, design and
spatial arrangement embody the design debt of the Shwedagon to South Asian prototypes,
fused and embellished with locally significance repetitive reliquary endowments (gifts of
buildings, statuary, and other material) intended to enhance the veneration of this
traditionally sacred place. The decoration of the pavilions on the ascending platforms
(pissaya) on the approach to the topmost stupa narrate numerousAsian religious texts,
notably those depicting the life and previous lives of Gautama Buddha, in his search for
enlightenment – a spiritual journey re-enacted by all devotees who visit the Shwedagon.
[Source: Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture of Myanmar]
The stupa’s plinth is made of bricks covered with genuine gold plates and the main stupa
itself is entirely covered in gold, adorned with a crowning umbrella encrusted with
diamonds and other jewels. Following a tradition began in the 15th century by the Queen
Shin Sawbu (BinnyaThau), who donated her weight in gold to the pagoda, Buddhist
devotees from all walks of life and all regions of Buddhist Asia, as well as monarchs
throughout Burma’s history, have donated gold to the Shwedagon in order to maintain the
monument, and in so-doing gain merit in this life and in future lives.
There are four covered monumental stairways leading from the four cardinal directions
from the base of Singuttara Hillup to the main stupa. On the ascent to the main stupa,
these stairways give access to three intermediary terraces, or platforms (pisssaya).On
these platforms are located circumambulatory walkways around the hill punctuated with
Buddhist monasteries and community lecture-cum-prayer halls (dhammayons). The main
golden iconic reliquary stupa is located on the fourth, uppermost terrace/platform,
surrounded by numerous pavilions and shrines, large bronze bells, and other decorative
features related to Hindu-Buddhist iconography.
TheShwedagon Pagodaon the summit of Singuttara Hill is a unique masterpiece of
Buddhist architecture, adapting a natural hill, imbued with sacred significance since time
immemorial, into one of the most iconic historic Buddhist stupas of the world. The four
broad covered staircases rise across three intermediary platforms lined with hundreds of
monasteries and donation halls encircling the ascending levels of Singuttara Hill. Emerging
onto the white (45 meter-wide) marble curve of the upper platform (5.66 hectares in area),
the tall spire and sky open out to frame the pathways and the shrines that surround the
iconic golden stupa (112 meters high). The integration of the hill, the monasteries, the
stupa and the art and architecture of the platform pavilions embody the creative genius of
Buddhist teachers in the design of public space where pilgrims can participate in
communal rituals, chanting sermons and silent prayers, connecting the physical icon and
the intangible experience.
The form of the Shwedagon has become the prototype for stupa design within Myanmar
and abroad. It is the direct descendant of the Shwezigon stupa of 12th century CE Bagan,
keeping the basic form of the bell and lotus leaves while modifying the form of the upper
octagonal and circular terraces and the ornamental umbrellas on top (hti)and replacing the
staircases with satellite stupas on the first square terrace. The spatial experience of the
Shwedagon space is intensified by the ascent up the shaded covered stairways onto the
wide top-most platform on which the main stupa is located, open to the sky. The movement
of pilgrims and visitors on the circumambulatory walkways around the central stupa and in
front of and inside numerous shrines defines a meaningful and fluid architectural space
that separates the stupa from its surrounding spatial envelope. The outer rim contains over
a hundred religious structures, numerous bells and other devotional objects, and many
sacred trees. On the northwest edge of the platform is a chute to discard and re-cycle
offerings (of flowers, candles and incense) into new images sold in aid of the pagoda’s
sustenance. The development of many architectural norms such as the tiered roof (pyat-
that), wooden sculptural reliefs, glass-mosaic work and the art of bell-casting have been
stimulated and enabled by the continuous patronage of the Shwedagon.
Q10. Comment on the condition of Pre-Buddhist Tibet.
Most people just had their folk-religion of honoring their ancestors and local gods. Life is
very hard in Tibet and the climate is unforgiving so many offerings given to local mountain
gods who they depended on keeping them happy enough not to destroy them. There
were/are a lot of shamans doing shaman things: weather making, healing, exorcising
demons, divintation and such. The state religion prior to Buddhism was the Bon tradition
which was very similar to the Old School of Buddhism but without the Buddhism per se.
However they took on more Buddhist influences over the years.
Long before Buddhism was introduced into Tibet, the Bon religion had been spread far and
wide on the Roof of the World for millennia. It was the most important faith of the Tibetans.
The Bon religion was successor of the Zhang Zhung culture (ཞང་ཞུང་). Zhang Zhung was
a tribal confederation established in around 1500 BC and replaced by Tubo in 645 AD. At
its prime, the Bon religion was divided into three branches: White Bon (བོན་དཀར་), Black
Bon (བོན་ནག་), and Striped Bon (བོན་ཁྲ་). The Bon is a pantheistic belief that
worshipped deities, fairies, all beings of nature, forests and all kinds of waters. Its religious
practices include sacrificial rites, shamanic dances, fortune-telling, prayers, and a number
of mudras (ritual postures), mantras (sacred speech), yantras (sacred art) and secret
initiation rites.
They practiced the Bon religion, which was multi-god and is now referred to as being very
pagan.
When Buddhism came into Tibet, they kept the images of the Bon “gods” but transformed
their meaning into representations of qualities that the practitioner was supposed to
develop in themselves. Buddhism is about what YOU do to change yourself, so higher
powers are not involved.
BUT the old traditions die hard, and many villagers did not have the time, focus or training
to DO Buddhism … and since the monasteries relied on the support of the villagers, they
catered to the villager’s need to believe that crops could be blessed by appealing to a
deity, and that auntie could be cured in the same way.
Q11. Name any two materials which were exported from India.
In ancient India, the exports majorly consisted of spices, wheat, indigo, opium, sugar,
sesame live animals’ oil, cotton, and animal products such as hides, skin, furs, horns,
tortoise shells, pearls, sapphires, crystal, lazuli, granites, turquoise, and copper etc.
Q12. Write the original name of Hiuen Tsang.
Xuanzang
Q13. Name the country where the chan Sect flourished.
China
Q14. The bi-lingual inscription of Ashoka is found near which ancient city?
Chehel Zina, near Kandahar, Afghanistan.
Q15. Write the name of any two previous Buddhas.
Gautama Buddha’s predecessors in the present world-cycle were Kakusandha,
Koṇāgamana and Kassapa. These four Buddhas have already performed their great
task. According to Buddhist scripture, Metteyya will be a successor of Gautama who will
appear on Earth, attain enlightenment, and teach Dhamma.
Q16. What was the height of the Bigger Buddha statue of Bamiyan?
Two enormous figures of the Buddha were created there in the 4th and 5th centuries; the
larger was 175 feet (53 metres) high, and the smaller was 120 feet (about 40 metres). The
statues were carved from the living rock and were once finished with fine plaster and
painted.
Q17. The ‘Dhammapada’ in Prakrit language is found from which site?
Khotan.
The first discovery of the Prakrit text of the Dhammapada in Kharosthi was made in 1892
by the French traveller Dutreuil de Hhins, who found altogether three fragments in Khotan,
which lie despatched to Paris.
Q18. Name any two cities situated on the ancient Silk Route.
Xi’an in China , Bukhara in Uzbekistan
Q19. What is Stucco?
Fine plaster used for coating wall surfaces or moulding into architectural decorations.
Stucco or render is a construction material made of aggregates, a binder, and water.
Stucco is applied wet and hardens to a very dense solid. It is used as a decorative coating
for walls and ceilings, exterior walls, and as a sculptural and artistic material in
architecture.
Q20. ‘Devaraja Sect’ is related to which country?
Cambodia
The concept of devaraja or God King was the ancient Cambodian state religion, but it
probably originated in Java where the Hindu influence first reached Southeast Asia. Circa
8th century, Sailendras allegedly ruled over Java, Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula and parts
of Cambodia.
Q21. Write an essay on the Buddhism in Tibet.
There are several dominant religions in the world. Christianity and Islam are considered
some of the most numerous and well-represented around the world. They are very similar
to one another in many ways, including religious teachings and the concept of One God.
Buddhism, however, is different. It is a religion widely-spread in the Far East, particularly in
India, China, Japan, and some portions of the Middle East. Buddhism has no specific god
to worship, which differs it from other religions. Instead, Buddhism focuses on how to solve
real-life problems. One of its defining traits is the absence of the concept of revenge.
Buddhism is not about who stabbed you with the sword but about how to pull it out.
Buddhism is like a journey on a boat towards the shore. It provides the boat, but it is up to
the person to sail. There are 2 major schools of Buddhism, called “The big boat” and “the
small boat.” The Big Boat focuses on allowing others to accompany you on the journey to
Nirvana, while the Small Boat only allows room for oneself. On the journey to Nirvana,
traditions of donation of money and donation of the body are important, as charity is said to
benefit those around you and make the journey easier.
When people die, they are brought to the mountains, where the body is given to the
vultures. Without the spirit, the body is useless, so it is viewed as the last step of
separating the spirit from the body.
Before Buddhism, Tibet had the religion of Bon. Similar rituals and symbols, different in
history and religious authority. Buddhism has different wings. The Chinese, Indian, and
Tibetan Buddhism. Chinese Buddhism is about Oa Chun – big boat. Sothern (Indian) –
Show Chun (small boat). Tibetan Buddhism is very close to Bon – the religion it merged
with during the establishment of Buddhism in Tibet.
In Bon, as it is in Tibetan Buddhism, there are three regions – evil, human, and divine.
Human lies in between and is in this world to find its path between good and evil.
Witchcraft is used to communicate. Bon and early Tibetan Buddhism have strong ties to
witchcraft.
In Tibet, Buddhism and Bon competed with one another, being supported by different
social groups. Royalty supported Buddhism, while rich and noble families – Bon.
Eventually, Buddhism won. The two religions became incorporated into one another, with
Buddhism taking some elements from Bon while disregarding those considered faulty.
Buddhist temples play an important part in preserving the legacy of Buddhism, its history,
traditions, and beliefs. They are scattered all around the world, but the majority of the
temples can be found in China, India, and Japan. Afghanistan holds one of the largest
Buddha statues in the world. In Tibet, Buddhist temples are few and far between due to the
scarcity of materials necessary for construction. It is the reason why the concept of
“Temple within oneself” is so important for Tibetan Buddhists – as long as they have it, they
can conduct the rituals and practice their faith whenever they go, with no need for walls
and altars to justify the divinity of their experience.
These are the main points of the lecture about Buddhism that I attended. It was fairly
informative, and the translator did a good job explaining to us the meaning of the lecturer’s
words. However, I believe that having a foreign lecturer and a translator is not a very
effective model. It takes twice the time to deliver the information. Instead, the foreign
lecturer should have written his script on the paper, had it translated, and let someone else
read it to us. It would have been much more efficient and informative.
Q22. Describe the introduction and expansion of Buddhism in Myanmar.
Burma first came in contact with Buddhism with the trade relationship with India. Many
messengers and monks were sent to Thaton to spread the teaching of the Buddha by
the King Ashoka of India. A trading centre of Southern Burma, Thaton was the main trade
hub for trade between India and Burma. This led to the increase of contact with the
traders from India in Burma and so did the religious beliefs. The relationship between the
traders helped the people of Burma accept the religion of Buddhism as more and
more Buddhist monks and missionaries arrived from various Buddhist centers,
universities and monasteries in ancient India. Under the influence of these missionaries
and traders, the local people began to practice a mixture of Buddhism and Hinduism while
retaining many of the old beliefs and local customs they had from before.
The earliest evidence of Buddhism in the Southeast Asian nation is some inscriptions
written in Pali from around 5th century AD. Though Mahayana Buddhism and Tantric
Buddhism became popular in the later period of history in Burma, Theravada’s stronghold
has been very firm. In the 11th century AD, King Anawrahta, who converted to Theravada
eventually led to the disappearance of the Tantric Buddhism in Burma. The conversion of
faith of the people was greatly helped by the incoming flood of monks and books all the
way from the island of Sri Lanka.
Many cities and states like Mandalay, Rakhine (Arakan), Karen, Shan converted to
Buddhism following the conquest of king Anawratha. Pagan soon flourished as a centre of
Buddhist culture. Regardless of several wars and political unrest, Buddhism continued to
flourish under the patronage of various kings. Buddhism soon became a part of life of the
common people. Various monasteries established Buddhist schools in villages to spread
the wisdom of Buddha to the people of Burma.
The original structure of Buddhist community and monasteries suffered largely when
Burma came under the occupation of the British colonial rule in the late nineteenth century.
During the administration, the government policies were non-religious. It meant, the monks
were not protected by the law. Buddhism was not supported by the colonial government as
they tried to impose Christianity upon the local people. This led to the tension between the
colonial rulers and local Buddhists. And there was a lot of opposition to the efforts of the
Christian missionaries to convert the Burmese people into Christians.
Since the country’s independence from the British colonial rule in 1948, Buddhism has
regained its traditional place of importance in the life of the Burmese people. Both civil and
military governments have supported Theravada Buddhism throughout the time after the
independence.
The culture of Burma is greatly influenced by the religion of Buddhism people follow. With
plenty of festivals throughout the year related to Buddhism, the rich Burmese culture is one
of the most unique Buddhist cultures as the festivals blends the faith
of Hinduism, Buddhism and local old beliefs. For example, one of the most culturally
important festivals in Burma, the Burmese New year festival, Thingyan, also known as
the Burmese water festival, has its origins in Hindu tradition.
Buddhism in Burma is not only famous for its unique history and culture, the Buddhist
art from Burma is equally famous all over the world for their sheer uniqueness. Much of
the Burmese art has been left unexplored since the nation’s military rule and this has
made the artifacts ofBuddhism like Buddha statues and Buddha images very popular in
the western world. Boasting a rich history of Buddhism, the Buddhist art has helped
Buddhism keep its stronghold tremendously in Burma.
Q23. Write an essay on the geographical features of ancient Sri Lanka.
Ans: Visit https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Sri_Lanka
Q24. Throw light on the elements of Indian Culture in ancient Afghanistan.
In the early 1960s a series of discoveries in Afghanistan put the focus on the country;
revealing it as a treasure trove of archaeological finds. The findings revealed the
importance of the country, and turned it into an essential part in the study of the historical
and cultural evolution of central and south Asia, Iran, China, and India. Starting from the
pre-historic era the region is now central in understanding the socio-cultural, religious, and
political interactions within the entire aforementioned geographical area. This article will
take a brief look at the interesting parts in the history (pre-historic, proto-historic, and
historic eras) of Afghanistan, cultural links with India, and explore a bit of its Hindu past.
PRE-HISTORIC PERIOD
In 1974, Louis Dupree and his team discovered various Lower and Middle Paleolithic tools
from a site in the Ghazni province. The Lower Paleolithic tools comprised of pebble tools,
choppers, chopping tools, hand axes, etc., and according to the scholars the culture
showed remarkable similarities with the Soanian culture of India (archaeological culture of
the Lower Paleolithic in the Sivalik Hills).
As V.C. Srivastava (1982) in his book “The Prehistoric Afghanistan” suggested, it was likely
that there existed a common cultural zone stretching from southern Afghanistan to India
during the Lower Paleolithic era. Similarly Middle Paleolithic artifacts found at the Dasht-I
Newur site again suggests closeness to the Indian cultural zone. In 1976 the Soviet
excavation team headed by A.V. Vinogradov excavated many epi-Paleolithic or Mesolithic
sites (Samangan and Turkestan) near the sandy deserts, and the alluvium deposits by the
rivers descending from the Hindu Kush Mountains. Here again, as Srivastava pointed out,
there were many common cultural traits among the epi-Paleolithic or Mesolithic sites of
Afghanistan (Dasht-I Newur and Tukestan sites) and the Ganga valley sites in India
(Mesolithic lake cultures).
PROTO-HISTORIC PERIOD
Shortugai, situated on the eastern bank of the river Amu or Oxus has been the most
important site in Afghanistan, which was excavated in 1975 by a French archeological
team headed by H.P. Francfort, where the the remains of four Bronze Age sites were
found. The cultural periods discovered at Shortugai are Shortugai I, II, III, and IV; and of
these, the period I coincides with the Harappan era culture, while II and III match with the
post or late Harappan culture (Jhukar area, as shown in the map).
The Shortugai I matches well with the Harappan culture, as evident from the Harappan era
pottery found at the site. Furthermore, large finds of lapis lazuli and gold, along with a
Harappan seal with a rhinoceros and inscription engraved on it suggest that the site would
have been a trading colony serving as a trade outpost. As Kenoyer (1998) tells us,
“Another source of gold was along the Oxus river valley in northern Afghanistan where a
trading colony of the Indus cities has been discovered at Shortughai. Situated far from the
Indus Valley itself, this settlement may have been established to obtain gold, copper, tin
and lapis lazuli, as well as other exotic goods from Central Asia” (Ancient Cities of the
Indus Valley Civilization, OUP, p.96).
Besides Shortugai, the Soviet team found three other Bronze era farming and cattle
breeding cultures in the oases parts of northern Afghanistan—Daulatabad, Dashli, and
Farukabad. In India, evidences of farming and animal domestication from some sites in UP
from the Neolithic (late Mesolithic) period were found (G.R. Sharma, et al. Beginnings of
Agriculture: From Hunting and Food Gathering to Domestication of Plants and Animals,
1980). Based on these finding reports, Srivastava (The Prehistoric Afghanistan, 1982)
points out that with further researches it could be possibly established farming and cattle
breeding cultural links between India and the various Afghanistan bronze era sites. Of the
three aforementioned sites, Dashli is significant as it shows the building plan of a round
building, which is a probable point of the origin of arch, and has ceramic kilns for melting
metals as evident from traces of a melted dagger blade— thus proving it to be a place
where old metals were melted to form new items. In 1974 Dupree explored the site Abai
Istata in Ghazni and found Bronze era pottery of the Harappan variety, and concluded that
it was a similar Harappan trading site as Shortugai, thus again showing the close cultural
connectivity.
HISTORICAL PERIOD
The Tillya Tepe site in northern Afghanistan, which was earlier considered a farming
settlement from 1000 BCE to 500 CE, later revealed Iron Age artefacts in the 1969, 1971,
and 1978 excavations by the Soviet team. However, what is interesting is the large amount
of gold found from what is said to have been the graveyard for the people living in the
nearby ancient city of Emchi. The site yielded 15000 pieces of gold relics, which included
earrings, crown, nose-rings, bangles, finger-rings, belts, plates, figures of deities, etc., all of
which belong to the Kushana period. A-Khanum, another site, which was an urban centre
with continuous habitation from 4th c. BCE to 2nd c. CE, has yielded a coin of Agathocles
(early 2nd c. BCE), which shows the prevalence of Vasudeva Samkarsana worship at that
time. Various other sites have revealed Kushana era Shiva-Parvati iconographic presence,
Buddhist stupas, along with many other artefacts, all of which can help to make a good
study of the socio-economic, religious, and political history of Afghanistan under the
Kushanas, with a comparative analysis of the Indian scenario under the same dynasty
(one must note here that during ancient times the current geo-political boundaries didn’t
exist). While some theories postulate that after the Kushana period urban culture seemed
to have disintegrated in India, the evidences from the Afghanistan excavated sites however
speak otherwise and do not support this theory.
A further look at Afghanistan’s historical period shows various Kushana era coins that
represent both Hindu and Buddhist deities. In fact most of the Kushana-Sasanian and
Kidara-Kushana coins show Shiva with nandi. The Chinese travelers have recorded in their
books the presence of many ‘deva’ temples in Afghanistan, and one such remaining deva-
sthal is the Surya temple in the Khairkhana pass of Kabul. The late Kushana and
Hephthalite kings also showed reverence for Shiva and Nrshimha, while sculptures
showing distinct influences of the Gupta period, and the Kanauj school of Gupta traditions
of art (7th -8th c. century) have been also been found.
The Kanuaj school of Gupta sculptures most likely entered Afghanistan through the
powerful yet short-lived rule of king Lalityaditya of Kashmir, a kingdom which he had
inherited from his predecessors. The Karkota dynasty had already expanded their kingdom
by 7th c. CE, and under their king Candrapida (Rai Ratbil of the Arab chroniclers) the
dynasty ruled entire Punjab, and had the Hindu Shahis of Afghanistan as their vassals. The
Hindu presence continued in Afghanistan as late as 9th-10th centuries when the Hindu
Shahi dynasty that started as governors under the Kashmir kings but later declared their
independence, took control of the Afghanistan Mountains as the ruling family.
Afghanistan has been seeing wars and violent clashes in the post modern era, starting
from the Cold War period to the recent second time takeover by the Taliban terrorists,
which has left very little hope for further researches into its pre-Islamic past. The
iconoclastic Taliban terrorist regime is an open and obvious threat to the Kabul museum,
which stores some of the priceless artifacts from ancient Afghanistan (such as the beautiful
head of Mahisauramardini). While by the late 19th century, Afghanistan had turned into a
hotspot for sale of its ancient artefacts (trade in antiquities) with buyers primarily from the
US and Europe, and which resulted in most of its valuables moving out of the country;
however, one can still hope that the remaining artefacts in the museum do not face the
same fate as the Bamiyan Buddhas.
Q25. Name the travelogue written by Xuanzang.
Xuanzang, who was born in 600 CE in Zhenliu (today called Kaifeng), China, had become
one of the most renowned and influential men in Asian history by the time of his death in
664 at Jade Flower Palace Monastery near Changan (the capital). His fame stemmed from
three related accomplishments:
1. Despite being expressly forbidden by the Emperor to journey to India, in 629 he
risked his life to make a pilgrimage to the homeland of the Buddha, hoping to
retrieve and study texts still unknown in China. The travelogue he composed (at the
insistence of the Emperor, who embraced and supported Xuanzang once he
triumphantly returned in 645), entitled Record of Western Lands (Xiyuji), continues to
offer us an unparalleled account of the geography, life, and customs of seventh
century Central Asia and India. Many of his descriptions of locales were so accurate
that in the 19th and 20th centuries, Western Explorers such as Ariel Stein used his
 travelogue as a guidebook to rediscover sites lost for many centuries, and to identify
those sites once found.
2. After his return to China, partly because of his unrivaled erudition, partly because of
the eminent reputation he had earned in India and Central Asia, and partly because
the Chinese Emperors offered him special patronage, even building special
monasteries to house him and the Imperially selected translation committees
assigned by the Emperor to assist him in translating texts from among the over 600
he brought back to China, Xuanzang became the most prominent Buddhist of his
generation in East Asia. Students flocked to him from all over China, as well as
Korea and Japan, while emissaries from India and Central Asian kingdoms came to
pay their respects. In addition to introducing new Buddhist and Indian literature to
the Chinese, he also influenced Chinese art and architecture with pieces and
designs he brought back. A pagoda that was built to his specifications in Changan
(today called Xian) to house the texts and artworks he had carted back to China still
stands as a major landmark in that city.
3. He was one of the greatest and most prolific (and accurate) Chinese translators of
Indian Buddhist texts. Some his translations, such as the Heart Sutra and Diamond
Sutra, continue to play a major role in daily Buddhist forms of reverence until this
day. The range of his translations is unrivalled, not only representing the teachings
of the Yogacara school to which he adhered, but covering the full range of Buddhist
literature, from visualization and dhāranī texts, to devotional tracts, to abhidharma,
the complete prajñāpāramitā corpus (this corpus alone filling three entire volumes of
the Taishō edition of the Chinese Buddhist canon), Āgama sutras, Mahayana sutras,
important commentaries on sutras and śāstras, Buddhist logic texts (he was the only
one to ever translate Buddhist logic texts into Chinese), and even a Hindu Vaiśeṣika
text.
By Xuanzang’s lifetime, Chinese Buddhism was experiencing a proliferation of
competing Buddhist schools and doctrines, many holding views at fundamental odds with
their rivals. Many of these schools based themselves on apocryphal texts pretending to be
translations of Indian originals as well as authentic texts into which questionable
translations had introduced a host of erroneous ideas that were nonetheless becoming
increasingly popular in China and Korea. After returning to China from sixteen years in
Central Asia and India, Xuanzang endeavored to bring the Chinese Buddhism of his day
back into conformity with what he had learned in India. This he did by retranslating
important texts, striving for more accurate renditions, as well as introducing new texts and
materials previously unknown in China. Alongside his monumental translation work-74
texts in nineteen years, some quite sizable, such as the aforementioned Mahā-
prajñāpāramitā sūtra which is several thousand pages long-he trained monks in the
complexities of the Yogācāra system and Indian logic, and was the leading advocate for
Buddhism at the Chinese Imperial Court until his death. His translations mark the last
major infusion of Indian Buddhist ideas into East Asia.
Xuanzang’s motives for going to India
By the early seventh century Chinese Buddhist literature had become a vast sea of
translations and original Chinese works representing and supporting many opposing
theories and positions, all of which were professedly “Buddhist.” Chinese Buddhism in the
sixth century could, with some justification, be seen as a battleground between competing
versions of Yogācāra Buddhism, i.e., the teachings based on the writings of Asaṅga and
Vasubandhu. Details of doctrine, both fine and fundamental, were in perpetual dispute.
While still quite young Xuanzang studied and mastered much of the available
Buddhist literature. He was giving lectures to assemblies of monks by the age of thirteen.
The Sui Dynasty (589-618) was collapsing, famine and war were spreading death and
uncertainty throughout many parts of China, so numerous leading Buddhist scholars and
their students converged on Changan, the capitol of the emerging Tang Dynasty, where
they received support and could practice and teach with relative security. Xuanzang too
went to Changan, and after studying with several prominent teachers, gained a reputation
for great erudition and original thinking. He came to the conclusion that the many disputes
and interpretational conflicts permeating Chinese Buddhism were the result of the
unavailability of crucial texts in Chinese translation. In particular, he thought that a
complete version of the Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra, an encyclopedic description of the stages
of the Yogācāra path to Buddhahood written by Asaṅga, would resolve all the conflicts. In
the sixth century an Indian missionary named Paramārtha (another major translator) had
made a partial translation of it. Xuanzang resolved to procure the full text in India and
introduce it to China.
Xuanzang in India
Despite the Emperor’s refusal to grant Xuanzang permission to travel, he left
nonetheless, encountering many hardships along the way as he crossed mountains and
desert, faced starvation and murderous robbers, finally arriving nearly a year later in India.
Once there he realized that the disparity between Indian and Chinese Buddhism involved
much more than the missing chapters of one text. For over a century Indian Buddhists had
become captivated by Dignāga’s syllogistic logic, but even though some of Dignāga’s
epistemological treatises had been translated, Buddhist logic, which had become an
integral part of all Indian forms of Buddhism, was still unknown in China. Xuanzang also
discovered that the intellectual context in which Buddhists disputed and interpreted texts
was much vaster and more varied than the Chinese materials had indicated: Buddhist
positions were forged in earnest debate with a range of Buddhist and non-Buddhist
doctrines unknown in China, and the terminology of these debates drew their significance
and connotations from this rich context. While in China Yogācāra thought
and Tathāgatagarbha thought were becoming inseparable, in India orthodox Yogācāra
seemed to ignore if not outright reject Tathāgatagarbha thought. Many of the pivotal
notions in Chinese Buddhism (e.g., Buddha-nature) and their cardinal texts (e.g., The
Awakening of Faith) were completely unknown in India. Xuanzang spent many years
studying with India’s most illustrious Buddhist teachers, visiting holy sites, and debating
various advocates of Buddhist and non-Buddhist doctrines, defeating all of them and
gaining a reputation as a fierce debater. After one series of debates with two
Madhymakans (followers of Nāgārjuna’s teachings), he composed in Sanskrit a three-
thousand verse treatise on “The Non-difference of Madhyamaka and Yogācāra” which is
no longer extant. After promising śīlabhadra, his mentor at Nālandā University (the central
seat of Buddhist learning at that time), to introduce Dignāga’s logic to China, he returned in
645 with over six hundred Sanskrit texts.
His translation project
 Hoping to gain valuable tactical military information from Xuanzang, the Emperor
installed him in a special monastery near the capitol, and assigned some of the leading
scholars of the day to assist Xuanzang in his translation projects. Though refusing to
provide the Emperor with information that might be useful militarily, he did write a
travelogue describing the places he’d been, and especially the Buddhist sites he had
visited. This work, Record of Western Lands, offers us today our most comprehensive view
of the life, customs, manners, geography, and the condition of Buddhism in Central and
South Asia in the seventh century.
The scope of materials he translated covers almost the whole range of Buddhist
teachings: there are Yogācāra texts with their commentaries; Madhymaka texts with
Yogācārin commentaries; devotional texts (Xuanzang was the first to associate the notion
of “Pure Land”-a realm presided over by a Buddha into which one can be reborn-with
Sukhāvatī, the realm of Buddha Amitābha; this particular “pure land” eventually became
the most popular in East Asia); tantric and dhāranī (incantation) texts; logic manuals; Major
sūtras (canonical accounts of the Buddha); Abhidharmic texts (especially the Vaibhāṣika
Abhidharma canon) as well as the Abhidharma-kośa-bhāṣya of Vasubandhu; and a Hindu
Vaiśeṣika text. Conspicuously missing are Tathāgata-garbha texts. Although
comprehensive, his selection of materials was not arbitrary. Rather than compose
polemical tracts championing one sectarian viewpoint over another, he presented
accurately translated authentic texts that themselves would, he hoped, set the record
straight. He apparently found the teachings that followed the translations of Paramārtha,
the sixth century Yogacarin translator, particularly problematic. Paramārtha’s followers held
Asaṅga’s Mahāyānasamgraha śāstra (Ch. She lun) as central. Xuanzang not only
retranslated the She lun. He also translated full commentaries on the She lun, including
Vasubandhu’s, in the hopes of indicating to the Chinese audience what the original text did
and didn’t say, as well as how it was understood and interpreted in India. Though the
original Sanskrit is no longer extant, comparisons between Xuanzang’s version with the
Tibetan translations indicate that his renditions were much closer to the original than were
Paramārtha’s (Xuanzang’s rendition is virtually identical to the Tibetan in most repects,
while Paramārtha’s text is filled with glosses and questionable digressions).
Word quickly spread throughout East Asia about Xuanzang: that he had been to
India to study Buddhist teachings at their source; that he was uniquely patronized by the
Chinese Emperor; that he was introducing through his translations new, authentic
teachings previously unknown in East Asia. His Japanese students carried his teachings
back to Japan, establishing the Hossou (lit: Dharma-characteristic) school which was to be
the preeminent Buddhist school there until the advent of Japanese Tendai (Tiantai), which,
through deliberate political machinations, usurped it a few centuries later. While his
teachings spurred interest in Korea, they were eventually syncretized with Hwaeom
(Huayen) and Seon (Chan, Zen) teachings which have dominated Korean Buddhist
thought for the last thousand years.
The Cheng weishi lun and Kuiji
In 659 he produced his most unusual work. Intending to translate ten separate
commentaries on Vasubandhu’s Thirty Verses, at the dire insistence of his major disciple,
Kuiji (K’uei-chi), he instead blended their interpretations and arguments together into a
single text that, when read along with the commentaries Kiuji later wrote on it, became a
catechism for Chinese and Japanese Yogācāra doctrine. After Xuanzang’s death, Kuiji
established the Weishi (Wei-shih) sect taking the Cheng weishi lun as his root text. Kuiji
wrote several commentaries to it, most of which are extant, and his interpretations and
expositions have been followed throughout East Asian history as the orthodox reading of
the text. There are a number of reasons for being suspicious about Kuiji’s claims,
however:
1. While for Kuiji this text was the singularly most important treatise, there is no
evidence that it held any special significance for Xuanzang, who may in fact have
regretted amalgamating rather than faithfully translating the original commentaries.
The last major text Xuanzang translated was the massive Mahā-prajñāpāramitā
sūtra. Due to its size and his failing health he considered abridging his translation
but was tortured by dreams warning him that omitting even a single word would be a
grave error. This may very well reflect his residual remorse at having ‘mistreated’ the
commentaries on the Thirty Verses that he didn’t faithfully translate while composing
the Cheng weishi lun, which he had only completed the year before.
2. Though Xuanzang’s eminence was unassailable, his prestige did not automatically
transfer to Kuiji, who had to fight several tenacious rivals, including Fazang (Fa-
tsang), a foundational thinker for what was to become the Huayen sect. Historically,
Fazang proved victorious over Kuiji, since the influence of Xuanzang’s orthodox
teachings declined rapidly during Kuiji’s lifetime.
3. Even among the followers of Xuanzang, there was some dispute over who was his
proper heir, and the key justification offered by Kuiji and his supporters for his claim
to succeed Xuanzang was his unique access to the Cheng weishi lunbased on the
presumption that Kuiji alone had been privy to Xuanzang’s secret teachings on the
text. The rival heir was a Korean monk named Wonch’uk, whose commentary
on Cheng weishi lun Kuiji attacked with polemical and vitriolic vigor.
4. Kuiji’s commentaries treat Cheng weishi lun as a catechism, refuting the erroneous
theories attributed to some of the commentaries while promoting the correct
interpretation, which, according to Kuiji was invariably the position of Dharmapāla, a
sixth century Indian Yogācārin. While the Cheng weishi lun itself never explicitly
attributes any position to any of the Sanskrit authors (in fact, they are never
mentioned or named anywhere in the Cheng weishilun itself), Kuiji fastidiously
makes such attributions, but, at least in the case of the one Sanskrit commentary still
extant against which we can check his attributions, that of Sthiramati (an important
fifth-sixth century Yogācārin), his attributions are fallacious.
5. An account Kuiji offers of a secret transmission of Dharmapāla’s commentary to
Xuanzang by a lay-follower of Dharmapāla’s while Xuanzang was in India is
internally inconsistent and contradicts other contemporary evidence suggesting such
a transaction never took place. Kuiji likely invented the story to bolster his own claim
to authority, since he would have inherited this ‘secret’ transmission from
Dharmapāla through Xuanzang.
Thus, though the East Asian tradition has consistently relied on Kuiji’s commentaries
for interpreting the text, thereby assuming it presents and champions the view of
Dharmapāla, this is probably an exaggeration if not an outright fabrication. Kuiji had much
to gain-or so he thought-in garnering exclusive rights to the Cheng weishi lun, but he may
have been overzealous, and a bit overly creative in exercising those rights.
Significant positions in Cheng weishi lun
Using Vasubandhu’s Thirty Verses for its skeleton structure, the Cheng weishi lun is
an encyclopedic account of orthodox Yogācāra doctrine and its disputes with other
Yogācārins as well as non-Yogācārins. It includes detailed discussions of the eight
consciousnesses, one hundred dharmas, three self-natures, Buddhist causal theories, and
the five-step path to Buddhahood, as well as sundry other topics of concern to Indian and
Chinese Buddhists in the seventh century. Since this text is not merely a translation (I
would argue it is much less a translation than is usually assumed), whether or not Kuiji’s
interpretations are followed, it remains our only source for Xuanzang’s own philosophical
and doctrinal leanings (aside from Record of Western Lands, which is more inspirational
than doctrinal or philosophic in tone, and Bashi guizhu song, ‘Verses on the Structure of
the Eight Consciousnesses,’ a relatively concise verse text that covers some of the same
topics as the Cheng weishilun, and, besides the Cheng weishilun and Record of Western
Lands, is the only other Chinese text written by Xuanzang that is not a translation). Several
of its major ideas contrast sharply with ideas that were commonly accepted by Chinese
Buddhists at that time.
While the term Tathāgata-garbha (Ch: rulaizang) never appears in Cheng weishi
lun (though Xuanzang repeatedly refers to the ālaya-vijñāna as zangshi ‘repository
consciousness’), refuting it along with its attendant ideological notions is one of Cheng
weishi lun‘s obvious agendas (which is one reason that advocates of Tathāgata-
garbha thinking, such as Fazang, attacked Xuanzang’s teachings). Chinese Tathāgata-
garbha rhetoric compared the “pure,” “unconditioned” nature of Tathāgata-garbha with
spatiality (Skt: ākāśa; Ch: Xukong), infinitely extended everywhere while neither impeding
nor being impeded by anything. Cheng weishi lun argues that ‘spatiality’ is a mental
construct produced by habitually visualizing some image of spatiality that one has heard
about. All “unconditioned” dharmas are similarly linguistic fictions, including one
of Tathāgata-garbha‘s most important synonyms, tathatā (Suchness). For many Chinese
Buddhists Suchness evoked the idea of a metaphysical, subtending reality, clearly
accessible only to the enlightened. Cheng weishi lun says: “The unconditioned dharmas
are all nominal-fictions (Skt: prajñapti, Ch: jiaming) established on the basis of Suchness;
and Suchness also is a nominal-fictitious term…. We are not the same as other schools
(who claim) that apart from material-form, mind, etc., there exists a real, permanent
dharma called by the name ‘Suchness.’ Instead, (we say) the unconditioned dharmas
definitely are not real existents.”
Cheng weishi lun contrasts three ‘levels’ of reality:
1. the utterly false and erroneous, which includes logical chimera, erroneous cognitions
(e.g., hallucinations), etc.
2. the nominally-fictitious which are linguistic-conceptual creations mistaken for real
existent things. For Cheng weishi lun this is a double-edged sword, since while such
fictions may lead people to believe in and attach to things that are not the case, the
fictions of Buddhist teachings (e.g., the concept of Suchness) can help liberate
people from the fictitious altogether.
 3. Real existents, which Cheng weishi lun defines as momentary, produced by causes
and conditions, and producing an observable effect. Thus something permanent and
non-observable, such as God or Suchness, is not real, while a moment of conscious
sense-perception is real. All three are further defined as ‘conventionally true’
(saṃvṛti-sat). What is ‘ultimately true’ (paramārtha-sat) is the flux of mutually
dependent, momentary conditions (paratantra).
Tathāgata-garbha thought, especially as promulgated by the translator Paramārtha,
reified the Mind as the true, subtending, eternal cause of everything, recognition of which
constitutes enlightenment. Cheng weishi lun sharply distinguishes its own use of the terms
“consciousness only” and “mind only” from that idea. “To oppose false attachment to the
view that external to mind and mental-concomitants (citta caitta) there are real existent
perceptual-objects, we say that only consciousness exists. If you attach to ‘only
consciousness’ as something truly existent, that is no different than being attached to
external sense-objects, that is, just another dharma-attachment.” External objects are
denied in order to focus epistemologically on the fact that whatever is known directly
happens only within consciousness; that we are trapped in this narcissistic mirror is the
problem, not the solution. Breaking this epistemological closure by turning the
consciousnesses into ‘direct cognitions’ (jñāna) is Cheng weishi lun’s goal.
Finally, the idea the Chinese found most controversial derived from Cheng weishi
lun‘s use of the Yogācāra seed metaphor. Claiming that each consciousness stream has
‘seeds’ that have inhered in it beginninglessly as well as seeds that it acquires through
novel experiences (i.e., nature vs. nurture), Cheng weishi lun spells out the classic
Yogācāra doctrine of five gotras or soteriological ‘families.’ The inherent seeds determine
one’s soteric possibilities. Three of the types represent the three traditional Buddhist
images of an enlightened being: Arhat (one enlightened by studying Buddhism),
Pratyekabuddha (one enlightened unassisted by discovering the causal principles at work
in the world), and Bodhisattva (one who is enlightened through the Mahāyāna path). Each
of these gotras has some, but not all of the pure seeds leading to enlightenment, and thus
their degree of enlightenment is determined accordingly. Arhats have the least,
Bodhisattvas more, with Pratyekabuddhas in between. Those in possession of the full
complement of pure seeds can become Buddhas. The controversial aspect of this model
concerns those who utterly lack any pure seeds whatsoever and are thereby incapable of
enlightenment. This violated the Chinese Buddhist notion, based on the Nirvana Sutra and
other scriptures popular in China, that Buddha-nature is universal, so that all beings are
capable of enlightenment. No doctrine in Cheng weishi lun was more vehemently attacked
by opponents than this one.
Xuanzang’s legacy
Of all the works translated by Xuanzang, the one that has remained the most
popular, and which has been chanted daily throughout East Asia for over a thousand
years, is the Heart Sutra. Famous for its line, “form is emptiness, emptiness is form,” it was
also what Xuanzang himself chanted at the moment of his death.
His journey to India has continued to excite the East Asian imagination. It was the
inspiration for Wu Chengen’s Journey to the West, one of China’s most famous and
popular novels (pub. 1592). In it Xuanzang is accompanied on his journey by a brash,
courageous, mischievous, impatient, arrogant, magical monkey (symbolizing the human
mind). The novel has been the subject of countless dramatic treatments over the centuries,
including a long-running Chinese television serial and a popular Japanese children’s t.v.
show in which Xuanzang was played by a woman.
Q26. Name the capital of ancient Kambuja.
Some scholars place the capital of the Kamboja kingdom at Rajapura (modern Rajauri).
Q27. Name any two previous Buddha whose statues are found in Anand Temple.
Kassapa
Kakusandha
Kongamana
Gautama
Q28. What is the name of first Buddhist temple in Tibet?
Built in the 8th century, Samye Monastery was the first true Buddhist monastery to be built
in Tibet, and lies in the stunning area of the Yarlung Zangbo River Valley in Tsedang
County of Lhoka Prefecture.
Q29. The white Horse Monestery in China was built in whose memory?
The temple’s story begins with the dream of Emperor Mingdi and his establishing the
temple in 68 AD honouring the two Indian monks and the white horses that brought them to
China with Buddhist scriptures.
Q30. The Ashokan inscription of Afghanistan were written in which script?
Brahmi script
Q31. The Buddhist Sangha was established in Myanmar during whose reign?
The Bamar adoption of Buddhism accelerated in the 11th century during the reign of king
Anawrahta (Pali: Aniruddha, 1044–1077) who transformed the Bagan Kingdom into a
major power in the region through the conquest of the Irrawady river valley, which included
the Mon city of Thaton.
King Anawrahta, founder of the first Burmese empire in the 11th century AD, devoted his
attention to simplifying his kingdom’s spiritual beliefs. When he introduced Theravada
Buddhism into Upper Burma as the national religion, he was unable to eliminate the
animistic beliefs of his people.