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Cognitive Capitalism 1st Edition Yann Moulier-Boutang
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Yann Moulier-Boutang
ISBN(s): 9780745647333, 0745647332
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 9.64 MB
Year: 2012
Language: english
Cognitive Capitalism
Cognitive Capitalism

Yann Moulier Boutang

Translated by Ed Emery

oo^Tv

polity
 » ;

IXDl "i
First published in French as Le Capitalisme cognitif © 2008 Yann Moulier
Boutang, Editions Amsterdam

This English edition © Polity Press, 2011

Le Capitalisme cognitif a ete publie en franpais en 2007. Cette traduction est

realisee avec l’accord d’Editions Amsterdam.

Le Capitalisme cognitif was published in French in 2007. This translation has

been arranged with the agreement of Editions Amsterdam.

Polity Press
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Cambridge CB2 1UR, UK

Polity Press
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Malden, MA 02148, USA

All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose
of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored
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ISBN-13: 978-0-7456-4732-6
ISBN-13: 978-0-7456-4733-3(pb)

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 Contents

Foreword by Nigel Thrift vi

Preface to the Englishedition xi
Illustrations xiv

Introduction 1

1 The new frontiers of political economy 11

2 What cognitive capitalism is not 38

3 What is cognitive capitalism? 47

4 New capitalism, new contradictions 92

5 The question of social classes and the composition of

cognitive capitalism 122

6 Macroeconomic deadlock: Going beyond the critique of

neoliberalism and financialisation 136

7 Envoi: A manifesto for the Pollen Society 149

8 Does the financial crisis sound the knell of a cognitive

capitalism that is stillborn? 167

Notes 193
Bibliography 219
Index 233
 Foreword

We live in a world that exists on the economic edge, close to an abyss

but never quite falling into it. T he international financial system may
be in a more dangerous state now than before the financial crisis that
began in 2008. The system of world trade is plagued by enormous
imbalances. Indebtedness stalks the world, led by.the United States.
Poverty is increasing in many places. And yet the complex system
that we call capitalism survives and in some places undoubtedly
prospers.
N ot the least of the reasons for this durability is that capitalism
has changed and will no doubt change again. It is like a battery that
continues to accumulate energy without pause —the energy of labour
and fixed capital that is continually being expended, sometimes in
profligate and damaging ways, sometimes in ways that undoubtedly
produce more material wealth, always with a kind of manic zest that
maintains and expands the system.
In its latest incarnation, it is clear that something new has hap­
pened once more. Over the last thirty years or so it has become
standard wisdom, both inside and outside business, that capitalism
requires the appliance of more and more brain power in conjunc­
tion with information technology - the construction of collective
intelligence in order to run complex operations, in order to foster
innovation, in order to provide better service experiences, in order
simply to reproduce. M uch of what we regard as the domain of
business corporations has run to this particular tune for some time
now, from the early days of the so-called knowledge economy to
the current circumstances, in which knowledge is regarded as just a
factor of production like any other, there to be mined and made over
into all lands of complex collective goods.
 Foreword by Nigel Thrift

Just how familiar this refrain has become can be gauged by con­
sidering recent accounts of how the world economy (and individual
national economies within it) should be reconstructed. It is rare
indeed to find any account that does not take it as read that the key
source of competitive advantage is and will be knowledge, however
understood. Consider just the nostrum that Fareed Zakaria (2010,
2011) recently supplied, in a series of highly influential articles, as
the key to renewed United States economic success. Boiled down to
its essence, it consisted of just three words: investment, education,
innovation. Though the politics, of achieving such a goal might be
problematic, there would be precious little dissent about the analysis,
not just in the eyries of Davos M an but equally amongst the leaders
of the Chinese Communist Party (Freeland, 2011).
But the emphasis on the gains from formal education is, in certain
senses, too narrow. Capitalism is not •just interested in codified
knowledge but equally in noncodified knowledge, which it can codify
by all kinds of means - an activity that was one of the keys to the
Industrial Revolution and has now become central (Mokyr, 2010).
Indeed, the emphasis on teaching ‘creativity’ in educational systems
the world over is a tacit acknowledgement of an even greater ambi­
tion: in the cases of both codified and noncodified knowledge, it
is supposedly somewhere within the excess of creativity, however
defined, that new knowledge and innovation can be found that can
continually get the system off the hook.
This system of capitalism has now been in operation for long
enough to constitute a reasonably stable entity, a definably different
form of capitalism, running to the beats of a different drum. But what
is this new entity and how can it be characterised?
Yann Moulier Boutang’s book intervenes in the debates on the
nature of contemporary capitalism in a forceful and comprehensive
way, which has rightly caused something of a stir, both intellectually
and politically. He outlines the rise of what he calls ‘cognitive capital­
ism’ as both a force and an ideology in which ‘the capturing of gains
from knowledge and innovation is the central issue for accumulation,
and it plays a determining role in generating profits’. His work comes
out of one particular theoretical bloodline, which has considered the
ramifications of a knowledge economy, best understood as emanat­
ing from the work of that group of authors who circulate around
the journal Multitudes, founded in 2000 by Moulier Boutang; th is
journal is intent on challenging orthodox accounts of the capitalist
beast, which continue to insist that the essence of capitalism remains
the same. For Moulier Boutang, capitalism has gone through a
viii Foreword by Nigel Thrift

fundamental shift, from an emphasis on capturing labour power in

the narrow sense to an emphasis on capturing the positive externali­
ties generated by collective intelligence and invention-power; and,
as a result, its main interest has come to be what he delightfully
calls the sphere of ‘pollination’, understood as the production and
management of publics and their opinions, which act both as supply
and as demand - fuel and means of combustion. Thus the emphasis
moves from product to process, and productive labour moves on,
from the separation of labour power from the person doing the work
■tojan^inventive activity of brains equipped with computers that are
networked in an active fashion’. As a result, just about everything can
become grist to this new kind of mill, as a kind of knowledge combi­
natorics (just so long as knowledge is understood to include implicit,
noncodified knowledge as well as explicit, codified knowledge). Just
about everything can be combined with something else for profit, as
life itself is redefined; ‘access to life becomes a precondition of pro­
ductive work’. People and goods become complex entities that link
and think.
To reach this world has required a vast injection of capital in
order to build its basic infrastructure: a material makeover of the
world, all the .more powerful for functioning as a kind of expanded
background to everyday life, forever announcing its presence in a
continuous whisper. M uch of this investment - in cable, in wireless,
in server farms, in the forging of new kinds of workers, who are used
to affective labour and are always on, in the means of expression that
make this worid programmable, and not just the software but new
cultural routines too - cannot always be easily seen; yet it constitutes
a moment in the human history of engineering the world that is just
as significant as the construction of the Great Wall, of the pyramids,
or indeed of new modern eco-cities like M asdar or Tianjin Eco-City
(and the latter is one that has used, and does use, much more human
and mechanic energy to construct and maintain).
Moulier Boutang’s book can therefore be understood as the culmi­
nation and popularisation of a long strand of work on what might be
called the systematic construction of potential and invention-power,
brick bydMTCk) cable by cable, affect by affect, which has been the
direct or indirect preserve of many European theorists.1 But here it
can be seen as a concrete capitalist form, intent on creating its own
kind of order and mayhem in the pursuit of profit. -
The thesis of cognitive capitalism is not without controversy, of
course. Nor should it be: after all, part- of its purpose is exactly to
stoke up controversy. Let me mention just four points of interroga­
 Foreword by Nigel Thrift ix

tion. First, the emphasis on finance as a form of governance might

be considered overstated, compared to other forms of governance,
which receive comparatively short shrift - for example the way in
which cognitive capitalism has built an apparatus that allows it to be
reflexive about itself, a vast archive of commentary on management
practice that has its own effects. Second, though attention is paid to
the cultural aspects of the new capitalism, these aspects tend to be
downplayed. Yet it might be argued that the cultural overhaul that is
necessary in order for cognitive capitalism to thrive has been the most
difficult and problematic part of the project, requiring concentrated
work on precepts, affects and concepts in order to form new kinds of
subject and object (Thrift, 2011). Third, there is a danger that the
account of cognitive capitalism may give the impression of a world in
which this form of capitalism is regnant. It is probably more accurate
to describe it as a tendency, in that many other forms of economic
practice still exist and have not yet been subsumed. There is one
more but. What if cognitive capitalism isn’t working? For example,
Tyler Cowen’s recent (2011) intervention argues that the overall
rate of innovation has slowed over the past few years, which have
witnessed remarkably few major new innovations appearing on the
scene. Seen in this light, cognitive capitalism may not be a shiny new
departure. It might be one last desperate throw of the dice.
But Moulier Boutang’s book is about more than how the current
form of capitalism might be characterised. It is important to under­
stand that the book is also part of a determined attempt to reimagine
left politics. If we live in a constantly shifting noosphere of which we
must be a part, drawn up, then the old class lines inevitably become
harder to draw. However, what replaces them, both as a political
movement and as a politics, is still unclear. As Moulier Boutang
memorably puts it: ‘How might the flag of the multitudes be repre­
sented?’
And Moulier Boutang’s book contains one more imperative: more
ideas, please. Theory on the left sometimes seems to have got stuck
in a rut. Perhaps it needs a burst of what Peter Sloterdijk calls hyper­
bolic theory - theory that exaggerates its place in the world in order
to think and to come to terms with things so extraordinary that we
cannot see them or we do not want to think them - what is sometimes
known nowadays as the practice of speculative realism. Unless the
left is willing to forge more new ideas more quickly, it risks losing
the battle of the imagination, which is such a cmcial part of politics.
When Moulier Boutang points out, in the introduction to the book,
that we need optimism, not pessimism, of the intellect at this time,
X Foreword by Nigel Thrift

which can in turn inform optimism about what often seems like a
stuttering political will, he is surely making not just an intellectual,
but also a political point - as well as questioning what a committed
intellectual might now be. We need to think our way out of this if we
are going to open the doors of new perceptions of what the world is
and of what it might be.

Notes
1 See, for example, Lazzarato (2004), Lash (2010), and Thrift (2005,
2008, 2011), all of them concerned with outlining what a new capitalism
might look like that instigates its own revolution through the application
of knowledge of the production of knowledge to the production of life.
But it is a funny kind of revolution, one that appropriates revolution­
ary rhetoric to itself, one that extols the virtues of cooperation but in
'pursuit of greater competitive capacity, one that, at times, almost seems
to want to believe that it is,,a kind of programmable witchery, which can
re-enchant the world. “ ' .............

References
Cowen, T . (2011) The Great Stagnation. How America Ate All the Low-
Hanging Fruit ofModem History, Got Sick, and Will (Eventually) Feel Better.
(Dutton Adult: Kindle version) retrieved from www.amazon.co.uk.
Freeland, C. (2011) ‘The rise of the new global elite’. The Atlantic January/
February).
Lazzarato, M. (2004) Les Revolutions du capitalisme. Empecheurs de Penser
en Rond: Paris.
Lash, S. (2010) Intensive Culture. Social Theory, Religion, and Contemporary
Capitalism, Sage: London.
Mokyr, J. (2010) The Enlightened Economy. A n Economic History of Britain
1700-1850. Yale University Press: New Haven, CT.
Thrift, N. J. (2005) Knowing Capitalism. Sage: London.
Thrift, N. J. (2008) Non-Representational Theory. Space, Politics, Affect.
Routledge: London.
Thrift, N. J. (2011) ‘Iifeworld Inc. And what to do about it’. Environment
and Planning Z). Society and Space, 29, 5-26.
Zakaria, F. (2010) ‘How to restore the American dream ’. Time, 21 October.
Zakaria, F. (2011) ‘Yes, America is in decline’. Time, 5 March.
 Preface to the English edition

The first edition of this book appeared in France in June 2007. For
a social sciences book that is not merely a vulgarisation, it enjoyed
some success. However, more important than the fact that the book
did well commercially was the fact that it succeeded in initiating a
debate. For the past ten years, to describe the transformation of capi­
talism through which we are living, we have been using general terms
such as ‘the knowledge economy’, ‘the information society’ and ‘the
economy of intelligence’. More recently, the emphasis has been shift­
ing to notions of the ‘learning and innovation economy’, particularly
as expressed in the work of B.-A. Lundvall.1 The introduction of the
phrases cognitive capitalism, knowledge society, and pollen society refines
the analysis still further.
Discussions with a variety of audiences, ranging from Internet
hacktivists to the more reserved circles of senior members of manage­
ment, and passing through architects, art students and researchers on
a wide variety of subjects, have given me the opportunity to advance
the notion that the metaphor of pollination has been a major feature
of economic activity in a complex and globalised society such as our
own. The idea has proved popular. Certainly the ideas and overall
interpretative framework contained in this book have encountered
vigorous criticisms in some circles - although, in my view, always
from within rather orthodox perspectives (e.g. the critique by
Michel Husson),2 and occasionally from more eclectic viewpoints.3
Nevertheless, these ideas have laid the basis for a wider debate, which
is now more crucial than ever. They are addressed to all those who
are dissatisfied with rehashes of wooden (sometimes even fossilised)
jargon, and to all those who are looking to find new solutions and
new spaces of confrontation.
 xii Preface to the English edition

The recent subprime crisis and the endless major financial scan­
dals (Credit Lyonnais, followed by the Societe Generale, and the
heavyweight tax frauds of the German employing class) merely
confirm this requirement. Should we limit ourselves to calling for a
purge of the real estate market, or maybe for a good old 1929-style
crisis, as Daniel Cohen has argued in Le Monde and Bernard Maris in
Liberation and Alternatives economiquest Should we just shout: ‘Down
with finance capitalism!’ and hope that introducing more morality
into the actions of the banks will solve the problem of systemic insta­
bility in this third historical phase of capitalism? ^
I confess my bewilderment over this type of analysis, which seems
completely at odds with the spirit of Keynes and reminds one of the
notorious ‘Ah, what we need is a good war’. That kind of shortcut
is scary: it almost always indicates an unwillingness to think, and it
leads to passivity.
The spaces opened by the debate around the theory of cognitive
capitalism are beginning to expand, both in France and elsewhere. I
/ refer the reader to the critical review of Jean Zin,4 to which I replied
| in my tribute to Andre Gorz published in Ecorev.5 The debate has
I also begun in the LASER working group of economists and sociolo-
| gists, in the Forum des modernites organised by Philippe Lemoine.
j I have benefited from the comments and criticisms offered by its
j members.
I wanted' to include a summary of the main landmarks of
this discussion in the second edition of Capitalisme cognitif. So
Michel Henochsberg, Francois Fourquet, Philippe Aigrain, Philippe
Lemoine and Antoine Rebiscoul were kind enough to write and offer
their reactions.6 I have limited myself merely to keeping the ball
in play after this initial exchange, avoiding the temptation of over-
lengthy replies. The debate continues.
That section has not been translated for the English edition.
However, I have taken the opportunity to add a final section
(Chapter 8 below), which examines the financial crisis of 2007-9 and
its consequences for the future of capitalism in general and for cogni­
tive capitalism in particular.
Nigel Thrift has done me the honour of offering to write the
Foreword to this book. My thanks to him. The debate in the English
language could not find a better initiator. Thanks also to John
Thompson for his patience. And thanks to Ed Emery, who has been
doing so much to translate these kinds of ideas on both sides of the
Channel.
 Preface to the English edition xiii

Notes
1 B.-A. Lundvall (ed.), National Systems of Innovation: Towards a Theory of
Innovation and Interactive Learning, Pinter Publishers: London., 1992.
2 Michel Huss'on, ‘Sommes-nous entres dans le capitalisme cognitif?’
Critique communiste, Nos. 169—70 (summer/autumn), 2003, pp. 70-8.
3 Jean Gadrey, ‘Le capitalisme a-t-il fait sa revolution?’ L ’Humanite, 25
September 2007. This kind of criticism was directed most particularly
at the Introduction, which irritated some people but can easily be left
to one side, since it deals with my own, rather particular, intellectual
history.
4 See http://jeanzin.fr/index.phpP2007/09/09/110-le-capitalisme-cognitif.
5 Yann Moulier Boutang, ‘La nouvelle rupture au sein du capitalisme’,
Ecorev, 28 (autumn), 2007, pp. 17-25.
6 It goes without saying that I also thank all the members of the Groupe de
travail des economistes, in addition to those who submitted material for
this second edition.
 Illustrations

Figures

1.1 The second neolithic revolution 21

1.2 Simple externalities, 27
1.3 The chiasm of political economy: Basic schema 28
3.1 The Smithian division of labour 70
3.2 The cognitive division of labour 70
4.1 Property rights in industrial capitalism 105
4.2 Problems of execution of property rights in cognitive
capitalism 106
4.3 Impact of new information and communications
technologies on the establishment of the system of
property rights typical of the third (cognitive) capitalism.
The battle of the new enclosures 112
8.1 Floppy curve: Possible morphologies of the present
crisis 168

Tables

1.1 How the bases of capitalism have changed 18

3.1 Division of labour: The shift from Smithian to cognitive
division of labour 62
3.2 Changes in the paradigm of work 89
4.1 Exploitation of m anual labour-power and of invention-
power 94
 Illustrations xv

4.2 Typology of manual labour-power and of invention-

power 96
8.1 Diagram of the crisis of the denominator; illustrating the
crisis of market financing 190
 Introduction

1 Why have political ideas become so scarce?

O ur planet offers a singular spectacle. Unfortunately not that, as

old as Herod, of the crying inequality between featherless bipeds on
the surface of the globe, or that of the fierce divide between North
and South. Rather the spectacle, more unusual in the North, of the
striking contrast between the real internal revolution that capitalism
has been carrying out before our eyes for the past thirty years, on the
one hand, and the collapse of political ideas on the other. Certainly
Fukuyama, with his ‘end of history’ and with humanity’s entering
into the pacified age of the ‘administration of things’, seems a far cry
from reality (as he himself has admitted, by the way). Wars of every
kind continue to sprout like mushrooms, and the Soviet empire has
collapsed. However, the failure of new political ideas seems so strik­
ing, with its stuttering return to religion and subaltern nationalisms,
that we really need to speak of a post-politics when postmodernism
moves into the sphere of public action. W hat is the weight of yester­
day’s reflections from thinkers such as F. Lyotard, or C. Lefort, or
Cornelius Castoriadis, or of today’s, from the likes of J. Ranciere or
B. Latour, on politics as the construction of a space of equality, or of
a position of objects in discord, in the face of purely instrumental
and cynical vulgarity? Some (such as Dilip Gaonkar1 for example)
signal the return to rhetoric, wherein persuasion would replace
good old Hegelian ‘effectivity’. Either way, the contrast is glaring
and depressing: to our right, the exuberant health of a capitalism
that is innovating everywhere - including in ‘communist’ China,
which keeps moving the goalposts; on the other side, on the left, the
depressed immobility of protest movements and alternative theories
2 Introduction

that have lost the initiative, preferring to return to the old moons of
religious fundamentalisms or to a nostalgia (already neoclassic) for
the style of real socialism, trimmed with the good old days of the
nation state in the same way in which the ancient Roman antiquity of
Pompeii was fashionable in the last years of the reign of Louis XVI.
Let us play devil’s advocate. Let us say that, conceptually and histori-
cally, Fukuyama might be right. Reflexive history has been taken on
board by capitalism: since the self-dissolution of real socialism and
the fall of the Berlin Wall, capitalism has taken on the concept of
revolution in its own right, while political imagination seems to have
become immobilised in the deserted palaces of Sleeping Beauty. It
is of capitalism that we should be saying today Eppur si muove [‘And
yet it turns’] - Galileo’s words addressed to the church. Does not the
crisis we are always hearing about - crisis of politics, of representation
- derive simply from a dearth of political ideas? That this scarcity
happens when economics is having difficulty in understanding the era
of abundance, this is probably what Fukuyama meant by the triumph
of the administration of things and of the post-political. No new
ideas; a lot of repetitions, both comic and tragic; and a sufficiency
of oblivious and self-satisfied naivetes. At least one might hope that,
from all this, humanity would gain the happy peace dividend of the
‘mediocrity’ of Venus under a new Roman Empire.
However, we also know that this post-history where nothing
happens apart from ‘business as usual’, peppered as it is with an
addition of soul culture treated on an industrial scale, is preparing
the ground for a tremendous return of history in its worst form. That
of absolute uncertainty, of the era of Brownian motions of reality,
while the compass oscillates mechanically between the binary poles
of citizen insecurity and state pacification, the latter being accom­
panied by the securitising but securitarian volatilisation of the very
space of politics. Are we now doomed to endless stupefying replays
of aircraft hitting the twin towers of the World Trade Center, to daily
reminders of the massacres in Darfur, to the horrors of the Iraqi
civil war and imperial postcolonisation, to Putin’s normalisation in
Chechnya and to Hamas zealots in Palestine? In this head-to-head
between the ‘savage ready to sacrifice his life’ and a state with near
absolute power, are we condemned to live as spectators of some 24
hours Chrono series filmed by our latterday Colosseum, the studios of
Hollywood? Rhetorical packaging is sweet. At least it has style!
However, are we not proceeding too quickly in .the matter,
putting ourselves in the footsteps of an already distant situationism
- represented by the likes of G. Debord, J. P. Virilio and Baudrillard
 Introduction 3

and spliced with a touch of Adorno - to impute, to a pervasive and

absolute capitalism, the destruction of politics - politics regarded as
the creation of a common space, not as a parade of everyday paranoia?
First: is this capitalism really so absolute? N ot so much through its
military power as through its pastoral culture, which shapes images
and affects, and governs populations rather than people. The whole
thing is more complicated, and ultimately more stimulating - as we
shall see. Its interest perhaps derives from the fact that it reveals and
manages more political space than we think, if by political space we
understand (as Lenin put it in one of his moments of hemiplegic
lucidity, chiming with Keynes) ‘the degree of freedom’ left to our
grandchildren. If you want to persuade people around you that the
voluntary action of people in groups is worth the effort (hence is more
than a last stand of honour or a beautiful gesture), unless you want to
go for rabid and romantic subjectivism, you need to build on a pedes­
tal of reason. This pedestal can only be a space that is already existent,
half-open, ready to be entered. For there to be big new places to dis­
cover, there must be continents in the process of formation. This is
the prerequisite that makes it possible to overturn - as Antonio Negri
does - the dangerous and much cited Gramscian formula ‘Pessimism
of the intellect, optimism of the will5, which inevitably engenders
maximum disillusionment about the new will and a huge amount
of disenchantment about the old intellect. It would be far better to
construct political thought on strict opposites: optimism about a hew
intellect and prudent reservations regarding the old moon of will.

2 Why change theoretical references?

Let us assume for a while - just a brief moment - that it’s not the
ground that is slipping away from under our feet. And let us suppose
that we accept to tread the sands of new shores after a long voyage,
and that there are still new continents for humanity to discover.
We need immediately to abandon the maps that merely reproduce
the flat world of Ptolemy, where you drop off the edge of the uni­
verse. We need new sea charts. And we might risk the idea that it
is our compasses that are obscuring the road ahead, and then draw
the necessary consequences. So the problem is not to appeal to a
superhuman will - or to its artificial or maniacal paradises - to get
us out of the hells into which reason has fallen. Rather let us throw
overboard our outmoded navigational instruments. Let us abandon
the old reason in order to build a new one, beyond an ocean of
4 introduction

tempests. Are we, in particular, going to remain obstinately stuck to

the perspective of the value of working time, of the utility or scarcity
of resources, in order to measure a wealth that depends on the time of
life and on the superabundance of knowledge? If we continue in our
determination to make all complexities fit a universal Procrustean
bed in order to binarise things in places where others, more cunning
at least, were introducing a bit of dialectics, then we should not be
surprised to find ourselves sailing round in circles, buffeting between
Scylla and Charybdis. The only leap we are in a position to request
from political will (and this seems not unreasonable) is to treat with
the severity it deserves a conceptual apparatus that, already, is poietic
only to a limited extent - inasmuch as it no longer opens any of the
ports, arsenals and vessels we need in order to navigate. Let nobody
treat such an approach as insane, or accuse it of preferring extreme
solutions in the name of a logic of the worst. What are we to say of
these people who, out of loyalty to what they call reason (a reason
that, however, has abandoned them), continue to use the same old
maps, even though their road takes them endlessly past the same
landmarks? Can we really call them wise? And are the others really
so crazy when, ill-prepared and ill-equipped, they launch themselves
into a rational flight and dump the paralysing trappings of categories
that have become as useless as the over-heavy armour of the French
cavalry at Azincourt in the face of the English archers?

3 From Lenin in England to Marx in California

In 1965 Mario Tronti and the small group of activists who had gath­
ered around the short-lived journal Classe operaia in order to shake the
already somewhat withered tree of western Marxism had put forward
the provocative slogan of ‘Lenin in England’.2 This am ounted to a
proposition that the breakdown of capitalism would not happen either
at its weakest internal link or in a Soviet Union viewed as the weakest
external link of capitalism. Re-read forty years later, this programme
turns out to have been prescient - but, like the cries of Cassandra,
not in the sense that its author intended. It has been the labour move­
ment that has experienced a radical break at its supposedly strong­
est point - with the internal schism in China, then the implosion of
‘real socialism’: in Prague in 1968, then in Gdansk, then in Berlin,
and finally in Moscow. Real socialism collapsed even faster than the
Tsarist Empire, but this time without major bloodshed. Bernstein in
reverse. Whereas from capitalism’s strongest point there has arrived
 Introduction 5

a strange revolutionising of its own mode of production - a general

bringing up to date [aggiomamento] that has taken for its own the
motto of Giuseppe de Lampedusa’s Leopard: ‘Change everything, so
that everything'stays the same’. Certainly, when Mario Tronti com­
m ented on the Labour government’s ‘stop-go’ policies, the British
labour movement seemed in better shape than the City. We had not
yet arrived at the financial big bang of Margaret Thatcher, when
she was miraculously- saved by the discovery of N orth Sea oil, just
as William Pitt had been saved by Welsh coal. The task attempted
by the small group running this brilliant little journal was to gauge
the opportunities, in Italy, for combining a labour movement that
was more stirring and sturdier than the British Labour Party with a
mediocre capitalism, while the immobility of what people liked to call
the most powerful Communist Party in Western Europe was staring
right in their face. Of this colossus with its feet of clay only the right
leg, under the leadership of Giorgio Amendola, was betting, thirty
years ahead of its time, on an institutional revolution reduced to a
simple social democratisation of the party. The theoretical discovery
of Italian operaismo [workerism], unlike its French counterpart, was
precisely this: that the secret history of capitalism had to do with
its working-class articulation. This discovery was operating crudely
and in linear fashion, with the crudity of a theoretical model. The
intensity of workers’ struggles drove the capitalism of the thirty glo­
rious years into an unprecedented revolution at all levels: a crisis of
economic planning, a crisis of the nation state, a crisis in the shape
of corporations and a crisis of the state form tout court. The rest is
history. The end of Bretton Woods, a regime of floating exchange
rates, the encirclement of the Taylorist factory by a ‘new society’ of
lifelong learning and the mass democratisation of the university. And
on this basis the first missiles of financial deregulation and of a com­
plete redefinition of global finance could be launched, with a success
more durable than the Russian sputnik. But something was missing
from this Aufhebung (transcendence, maintenance, surpassing) of the
factory, which had succeeded in sidestepping the ‘working-class for­
tress’3 and the centrality of the communist working class.
This is the same centrality that some people, probably nostalgic for
the golden age of the Third International, have been seeking to restore
by proposing, quite recently, the ‘re-industrialisation of the banlieu’,4
in order to reconnect with the working class. What was missing was
a model of production, something to replace the automobile industry
that had been the engine of that cycle of development. Unfortunately
most commentators on the left and in the labour movement were
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
Udine, Accademia, 1875; — La valle di Resia e un'escursione al monte Canino,
«Boll. del Cl. Alp. Ital.», 1876; — Musoni (F.), Un po' di bibliografia resiana,
«Pag. friul.», Anno IV, n. 7, 1891; — La Resia e i Resiani, «Geogr. per tutti»,
Bergamo, Cattaneo, 1892, anno II, n. 20-21, pag. 306 e seg. e 321 e seg.; —
Pišely, Ueber die Slaven im Thale Resia «Slavin», Praga, 1834, pag. 118-124.
— Potocky (Jan), Die Slaven im Thale Resia, «Barth. Kopitar's kleine
Schriften», herausg. v. Fr. Miklošič, Wien, 1857, pag. 323-330; — Rutar
(Simon), Rezija in Rezijani, «Liubljanski Zvon», febbr. 1890, pag. 100 e seg. —
Šafarik, O Rezijanah i Furlanskih Slovinah, «Denica, lit. gazeta», 1842, pag.
109-113; — Trinko (I.), Hajdimo v Rezijo, «Dom in Svet.», n. 6, 7, 9, 10, 11,
Lubiana, 1907. — Schoultz (De) Adajevski (Ella), Chansons et airs de danse
populaires, precédés de textes, recueillis dans la vallée de Resia, Estr. dai
«Materialen ecc.», I vol. (vedi più sopra) di Baudouin de Courtenay,
Pietroburgo, 1891; — Valente (S.), Sul linguaggio slavo della valle di Resia in
Friuli, «Giorn. di Udine», 1868, n. 293.
138. Il prof. Rešetar dell'Università di Vienna mi scriveva recentemente ch'egli
non ritiene abbastanza fondata questa opinione: nulla parlata degli Slavi del
Torre egli non può riconoscere un dialetto serbo-croato, bensì un dialetto
sloveno che in vari punti assai importanti si scosta dagli altri dialetti sloveni,
avvicinandosi al serbo-croato. È un fatto però che le relazioni dell'accento
vocalico e della quantità delle vocali vi sono totalmente serbo-croate e non
slovene.
139. Oblak, Das älteste datirte slovenische Spachdenkmal, «Archiv für
slavische Philologie», Berlin, 1891, pag. 192-235; — Strekelj (Karol), O
čarneiskem rokopisu, «Lijubljanski Zvon», 1892, pag. 192-235; — Baudouin de
Courtenay, Anniversario latino-italiano-slavo del secolo XV e XVI, composto
nella regione degli Slavi del Torre, Pietroburgo, tip. dell'Accademia imperiale,
1906.
140. Non so con quanto fondamento il Guyon (B.), (Colonie slave d'Italia,
«Studi glott.» diretti da Giacomo De Gregorio. Vol. IV, pag. 123-159) affermi
che nella parlata dei Rečanji (abitanti della valle dell'Erbezzo) vi siano più
elementi lessicali esotici che non in quella dei Nedis-ci (abitanti della valle del
Natisone); e certo arrischiata sembra la sua supposizione che la medesima
presenti dei caratteri fonetici derivati dalle lingue finniche e turaniche.
141. Sui dialetti slavi in Friuli e su altri argomenti che li riguardano, oltre le già
citate, vedansi le seguenti opere: Ascoli (G.), Studi critici, Gorizia, Paternolli,
1861, pag. 46-49; — Baudouin de Courtenay, Note glottologiche intorno alle
lingue slave e questioni di morfologia e fonologia ario-europea, «Atti del IV
Congr. intern. d. orient. ten. in Firenze nel sett. 1878». Vol. II, Firenze, 1881,
pag. 3-21; — Materialen zur südslavischen Dialektologie und Ethnographie. II.
Sprachproben in den Mundarten der Slaven von Torre in Nordost Italien.
Pietroburgo, 1904; — O Slawianach we Wloszech, (Ognisko, Varsavia, 1882,
pag. 325-334); — O Slavianah v Italii (Ruskaja, Mysl) Mosca, 1893, giugno,
pag. 24-46; — Biondelli, Prospetto topografico-statistico delle colonie straniere
in Italia, «Studi linguistici», Milano, 1856, pag. 54-56; — Einspieler, Beneški
Sloveni, Solski prijateli, 1852, pag. 319-320; — Kociancič Step., Od
Benečanskih Slovencov, «Arkiv za poviestnico Jugoslav.», 1854, III, 306-9; —
Pigorini-Beri (C.), I nostri confini. Dagli Slavi ai Valdesi, «Nuova Antologia», 1
nov. e 1 dic. 1884; — Podrecca (Carlo), Slavia italiana, Cividale, tip. Fulvio,
1884; — Le vicinie, Cividale, 1887; — Podrecca (A.), Osservazioni circa la
lingua slava parlata sulle Alpi del Friuli, Udine, Seitz, 1864; — Sreznevskij J. J.,
O Friulskih Slavjanah, Moskvitjanin, 1844, IX, 341, 344; — Trinko Ivan, Poceta
rozsireni Italstych Slovincu, «Slovanski Prehled», Praga, 1898, n. 1, pag. 44 e
seg.; — Beneška Slovenija, «dom in Svet». n. 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, Lubiana, 1898.
142. Musoni (F.), Usi e costumi degli Sloveni Veneti, «Archivio per le tradizioni
popolari», Palermo, C. Clausen, 1900; — Idem, La vita degli Sloveni, Palermo,
Clausen, 1902; — Idem, Gli studi di folk-lore in Friuli, Udine, Bardusco, 1904;
— Trinko (I.), Narodne stvari (Vedomec, divje žene), «Liubljanski Zvon»,
1884.
143. Podrecca (C.), Slavia italiana, cit. e: Usi nuziali nella Slavia italiana; in
«Secolo» di Milano, n. 28 aprile 1897.
144. Musoni (F.), Sulle condizioni economiche sociali e politiche degli Slavi in
Italia, «Atti del IV Congr. geogr. Ital.», Roma, 1896.
145. Ascoli (G.), «Archivio glottol.», Vol. I, pag. 475, Torino Loescher, 1873.
146. Vocabolario friulano, Venezia, 1875.
147. «Arch. Glott.», cit. p. 477-8. Confr. in proposito anche Gartner,
Ractoromanische Grammatik, pag. XXXVI, secondo il quale le parlate della
nostra zona dovrebbero appartenere a quello ch'egli dice Innerfriaul.
148. Ibidem, pag. 485.
149. Viaggi ladini, Linz, 1882.
150. Confr. Mainati (G.), Dialoghi piacevoli in vernacolo triestino colla versione
italiana, Trieste, 1828.
151. Czoernig, Die alten Völker Oberitaliens, Italiker (Umbrer), Rhaeto-
Etrusker, Rhaeto Ladiner, Veneter, Kelto-Romanen; eine ethnologische Skizze,
Wien, 1885.
152. Illustrata da Jacopo Pirona, «Atti del Ginnasio di Udine», Udine, tip.
Vendrame, 1859.
153. Confr. Joppi (V.), Testi inediti friulani dei secoli XIV al XIX. «Arch. glott.
ital.», vol. IV, Loescher 1878.
154. Rutar, Beneška Slovenija, cit. pag. 110.
155. Der wälsche Gast von Thomasin von Zirklaria ecc., Quedlimburg und
Leipzig, MDCCCLII.
156. Manzano, Annali del Friuli, vol. II, pag. 157, nota; — Zahn, I castelli
tedeschi in Friuli, Udine, 1884.
157. Vocab. friul. cit.
158. Deutsche und Romanen in Süd-Tirol und Venetien, «Pet. Mitt.», 1877.
159. Slawo-deutsches und slawo-italienisches, Graz, 1885.
160. Dell'elemento slavo e tedesco nel friulano si occupò anche il Cosattini, nel
suo Contributo allo studio etimologico del vocabolario friulano, «Pagine friul.»,
anno III, 1891.
161. Canti d'amore nel Friuli, «Nuova Antol.», voi. IV, fasc. III, marzo 1867,
pag. 540-46.
162. Prima centuria di canti popolari con Prefazione, Padova, Prosperini, 1865.
— Prima e seconda centuria di canti popolari friulani con prelezioni, Venezia,
Naratovich, 1867, pag. 73; — Terza centuria di canti popolari friulani. Saggi di
dialetto. Venezia, Naratovich, 1867, pag. 88.
163. Villotte friulane, Piacenza, Del Maino, 1867, pag. 318.
164. Per nozze Brunetti-Cardini, Udine, Seitz, 1882.
165. Villotte friulane, Cividale, Fulvio, 1882. — «Illustrazione italiana», n. 13
del 1889; — «Fanfulla della Domenica», anno XI, n. 30, del 28 Luglio 1889.
166. Villotte friulane, Udine, Del Bianco, 1892.
167. Valentino Ostermann, Proverbi friulani raccolti dalla viva voce del popolo,
Udine, 1876.
168. Per la quasi completa bibliografia su questo argomento, come sugli altri
qui accennati, vedasi F. Musoni, Gli studi di folk-lore in Friuli, Udine, Bardusco,
1894. — Una veramente cospicua raccolta di materiale folk-lorico è quella
dell'Ostermann, La vita in Friuli, Udine, Del Bianco, 1894.
169. Roma, Tipografia Nazionale di G. Bertero e C., 1908.
170. Media degli anni 1906-1907. I dati statistici relativi ai singoli comuni,
quando non riportati per intero, rappresentano le produzioni medie degli anni
1906 e 1907: quando invece riguardano intere zone o regioni si riferiscono al
1907, del quale anno soltanto furono pubblicati nella Statistica integrale sopra
ricordata. I dati di cui io mi valgo, furono pubblicati, solo riassuntivamente e
pel solo anno 1907, per zone, nella memoria dianzi accennata: quelli relativi ai
singoli comuni — riguardanti anche l'anno 1906 — sono inediti, tranne per la
produzione del vino, e furono messi a mia disposizione dall'Associazione
Agraria Friulana presso la quale se ne conservano gli originali.
171. Produzione del frumento:

nel 1906 nel 1907

Drenchia Ql. 257 Ql. 242

Grimacco » 432 » 414
Rodda » 150 » 153
S. Leonardo » 720 » 935
S. Pietro » 700 » 775
Savogna » 588 » 594
Stregna » 710 » 722
Tarcetta » 113 » 128

172. Nei secoli passati affatto insignificante dovette essere la produzione del
vino in questa zona. Da un documento del 1660 (Grion, Guida storica di
Cividale e del suo Distretto, Cividale, Strazzolini, 1899, Appendice LXXXXIII) si
rileva che, mentre per la protezione del vino locale era stato inibito a tutti gli
osti del territorio cividalese di spillar vino importato, nella proibizione non
vennero compresi «li habitanti delle due contrade d'Antro e di Merso per la
sterilità delle quali, debolezza e crudità dei loro vini meritano restare in
libertà».
173. Produzione del maiz:

nel 1906 nel 1907

Montenars Ql. 1549 Ql. 1265

Lusevera » 3656 » 3290
Plaitschis » 6806 » 6633
Drenchia » 244 » 274
Grimacco » 1443 » 1515
Rodda » 864 » 850
S. Leonardo » 2869 » 2612
S. Pietro » 8535 » 8405
Savogna » 1798 » 1796
 Stregna » 1612 » 1675
Tarcetta » 5385 » 5144

174. Cfr. anche G. Feruglio, Il bacino di Drenchia, Prime note, «Boll. Ass. Agr.
Fr.», 1910.
175. Produzione delle patate:

nel 1906 nel 1907

Montenars Ql. 3339 Ql. 3323

Platischis » 3237 » 3083
Lusevera » 1503 » 2070
Drenchia » 2855 » 3047
Grimacco » 3093 » 2997
Rodda » 1818 » 1835
S. Leonardo » 4144 » 4273
S. Pietro » 1399 » 2291
Savogna » 3197 » 5142
Stregna » 2986 » 3275
Tarcetta » 1031 » 866

176. Produzione delle rape:

nel 1906 nel 1907

Drenchia Ql. 552 Ql. 595

Grimacco » 308 » 325
Rodda » 944 » 516
S. Leonardo » 487 » 446
S. Pietro » 336 » 357
Savogna » 748 » 612
Stregna » 900 » 765
Tarcetta » 335 » 276
177. Dorigo (D.), La frutticoltura nel Mandamento di Cividale e il vivaio di
fruttiferi di S. Pietro al Natisone, «Boll. Ass. Agr. Fr.», 1909.
178. Selan (U.), L'industria zootecnica nella Slavia italiana, «Boll. Ass. Agr. Fr.»,
1906.
179. Confr. Marinelli (O.), Osservazioni varie fatte durante un'escursione sul
Matajur, «In Alto», 1905.
180. Confr. in proposito Tosi (E.), Un'ispezione alle latterie nel distretto di
Tarcento; e Una gita di propaganda casearia nella Slavia italiana, «Boll. Ass.
Agr. Fr.», 1904.
181. Selan (U.), Il cavallo caporettano, appunti, «Boll. Ass. Agr. Fr.», 1908. Allo
stesso U. Selan devo molte delle altre notizie relative al bestiame comprese in
questo scritto.
182. Anagrafi di tutto lo Stato della Serenissima Repubblica di Venezia, Vol. V,
cit.
183. Confr. Marinelli (O.), Descr. geologica dei dint. di Tarcento, ecc.
184. Va da sè che parecchi dei nominati comuni solo colla maggior parte della
loro superficie entrano a far parte di questa zona geologica.
185. Confr. De Gasperi, Feruglio, Rubini, Nussi: I dintorni di Cividale del Friuli
ecc., pag. 30.
186. Feruglio (D. e G.), Descrizione geologica della Tavoletta «Tricesimo»,
ecc., pag. 18.
187. Produzione del maiz:

nel 1906 nel 1907

Magnano in Riviera Ql. 2622 Ql. 1895

Tarcento » 3400 » 3687
Ciseriis » 8436 » 6750
Nimis » 7922 » 7462
Attimis » 6759 » 6295
Faedis » 8121 » 9636
Torreano » 9568 » 9187
Cividale » 17963 » 17546
Prepotto » — » 6124
Buttrio » 9374 » 8400
 Ipplis » — » 2152
Manzano » 10240 » 11058
S. Giovanni di Manzano » 7842 » 7875
Corno di Rosazzo » 2968 » 3089

188. Produzione del frumento:

nel 1906 nel 1907

Magnano in Riviera Ql. 450 Ql. 484

Tarcento » 595 » 661
Ciseriis » — » —
Nimis » 318 » 325
Attimis » 133 » 136
Faedis » 935 » 1138
Torreano » 1005 » 1134
Cividale » 8360 » 10350
Prepotto » 810 » 1038
Buttrio » 4272 » 5044
Ipplis » 1591 » 2009
Manzano » 6998 » 8487
S. Giovanni di Manzano » 5465 » 6305
Corno di Rosazzo » 1850 » 2640

189. Un vitigno ormai scomparso, o quasi, è il piccolit del cui prodotto

l'Asquini, il Zanon, il Gallesio ed altri scrissero mirabilia e G. B. Michieli cantò le
lodi nel suo ditirambo Bacco in Friuli (Gorizia, verso la fine del 1700). L'Asquini
lo rese noto in Europa inviandone bottiglie per tutta Italia, a Parigi, Londra,
Amsterdam, in Germania, Russia, nonchè alle corti di Francia e Sardegna (cfr.
G. Perusini, Il Piccolit, in «Rivista», organo della r. Scuola di Viticoltura e di
Enologia e del Consorzio Agrario di Conegliano, anno 1905, n. 15). Della
bontà dei vini nostri in genere nei tempi passati scriveva lo Zanon (1696-
1770): «Quanto si glorierebbe l'Inghilterra se avesse le nostre vigne, i nostri
Refoschi, i nostri Piccoliti, i nostri Cividini, le nostre Ribolle? Vini son questi
che possono competere coi migliori di Francia», (5.ª ediz. compl. degli Scritti
di Agricoltura, Arti e Commercio, Udine, 1828, Vol. I, p. 293).
190. La vite anche nei secoli passati fu grandemente coltivata in questa zona.
Da un documento del 1282 (F. Musoni, G. Sirch, per nozze Rieppi-Caucig,
Cividale, Tip. Fulvio 1910) si ricava che già in allora la conca di Albana-
Prepotto era in gran parte vitata. Dalle relazioni dei Provveditori alla
Repubblica veneta in Cividale risulta che risorsa principale di quel territorio fu
già l'esportazione del vino in Austria per la strada del Pulfero: quando essa
venne inibita, il paese cadde in preda a una gravissima crisi economica.
191. Queste due cifre ci sembrano assai esagerate.
192. Le cifre relative ai singoli Comuni rappresentano sempre la media degli
anni 1906-7.
193. Cfr. Dorigo, La frutticultura ecc., e De Gasperi, Feruglio, Rubini, Nussi, I
dintorni di Cividale, ecc.
194. Secondo informazione avuta dal prof. C. Hugues dell'i. r. Società agraria
di Gorizia.
195. Produzione del maiz:

nel 1906 nel 1907

Buia Ql. 10387 Ql. 8864

Cassacco » 5376 » 5139
Segnacco » 2415 » 2253
Treppo Grande » 4210 » 3545
Tricesimo » 10857 » 9936
Colloredo » 5322 » 5084
Fagagna » 12927 » 11060
Majano » 9206 » 8360
Ragogna » 8600 » 7777
Rive d'Arcano » 10145 » 9947
S. Daniele » 18612 » 17615
Moruzzo » 6488 » 5615

196. Produzione del frumento:

nel 1906 nel 1907

 Buia Ql. 796 Ql. 938
Cassacco » 690 » 753
Segnacco » 387 » 440
Treppo Grande » 553 » 586
Tricesimo » 1880 » 2145
Colloredo » 1688 » 1823
Fagagna » 3696 » 4055
Majano » 1154 » 1315
Ragogna » 849 » 891
Rive d'Arcano » 1497 » 1654
S. Daniele » 3567 » 3765
Moruzzo » 733 » 909

197. Produzione del vino:

nel 1906 nel 1907

Buia Hl. 3140 Hl. 4550

Cassacco » 1620 » 1920
Segnacco » 1430 » 1750
Treppo Grande » 3195 » 4400
Tricesimo » 2000 » 2400
Colloredo di Montalbano » 1120 » 1350
Fagagna » 1700 » 2550
Majano » 3490 » 4100
Ragogna » 1750 » 2000
Rive d'Arcano » 960 » 1425
S. Daniele » 2070 » 1800
Moruzzo » 1850 » 2700

198. Produzione del maiz:

nel 1906 nel 1907

 Bordano Ql. 865 Ql. 872
Trasaghis » 1588 » 1548
Venzone » 3963 » 4060
Gemona » 12094 » 10752
Osoppo » 2430 » 2384
Artegna » 2592 » 2478
Dignano » 6872 » 6600
S. Odorico » 4753 » 5388
Coseano » 9871 » 8715
S. Vito di Fagagna » 4365 » 4235
Povoletto » 7682 » 8260
Moimacco » 4776 » 6140
Remanzacco » 12437 » 12460
Premariacco » 14166 » 14490

199. Produzione del frumento:

nel 1906 nel 1907

Bordano Ql. — Ql. —

Trasaghis » 178 » 211
Venzone » — » —
Gemona » 728 » 842
Osoppo » 432 » 474
Artegna » 112 » 123
Dignano » 1374 » 1579
S. Odorico » 1169 » 1346
Coseano » 3400 » 3702
S. Vito di Fagagna » 1472 » 1681
Moimacco » 3225 » 3821
Remanzacco » 5582 » 5672
Premariacco » 7768 » 7448

200. Produzione del vino:

 nel 1906 nel 1907

Bordano Hl. 100 Hl. 130

Trasaghis » 1465 » 2400
Venzone » 195 » 380
Gemona » 5675 » 7400
Osoppo » 2260 » 3000
Artegna » 2400 » 3800
Dignano » 750 » 1150
S. Odorico » 820 » 680
Coseano » 650 » 450
S. Vito di Fagagna » 225 » 450
Povoletto » 3360 » 4560
Moimacco » 715 » 950
Remanzacco » 990 » 2000
Premariacco » 1050 » 1250

201. Produzione dei bozzoli:

nel 1906 nel 1907

Bordano Kg. 1520 Kg. 1600

Trasaghis » 1500 » 1500
Venzone » 3107 » 3200
Gemona » 40550 » 49000
Osoppo » 20000 » 22000
Artegna » 17600 » 21000
Dignano » 15000 » 17000
S. Odorico » 13000 » 15000
Coseano » 20000 » 22000
S. Vito di Fagagna » 64000 » 72000
Povoletto » 19980 » 21500
Moimacco » 11400 » 11500
Remanzacco » 14300 » 15730
Premariacco » 23080 » 24200
202. Marinoni (C.), Sui minerali del Friuli, Appendice II in «Annuario statistico
friulano», anno quarto, pag. 54-55. Udine, 1889.
203. Ciconi (G. D.), La provincia di Udine; 2ª ediz. 1862.
204. Grion (G.), Guida storica di Cividale e del suo distretto, pag. 461.
Cividale, Strazzolini, 1899.
205. Pirona (G. A.), Miniera di mercurio presso Cividale del Friuli, nel
«Collettore dell'Adige», 1855, n. 42; — Cenni geognostici sul Friuli, pag. 30.
206. Hauer (F.), Das Quellsilbervorkommen von Gagliano bei Cividale, ecc.
«Jahrb. der k. k. geolog. Reichsanst. von Wien», 1855, anno VI, n. 4.
207. Taramelli (T.), Catalogo ragionato delle rocce del Friuli, Accademia dei
Lincei. Roma, 1877, pag. 42.
208. Ciconi, La provincia di Udine; — Taramelli, Catalogo ecc.
209. Marinoni, Sui minerali del Friuli, cit., Append. II, pag. 58: vi si parla di
«una miniera di argento vivo due miglia sopra Cividale, in sito chiamato in
lingua slava Veisnech, in italiano Ceresis». Va osservato però che Cisgne è più
che a due miglia da Cividale, mentre a tale distanza si trova Cesarutte presso
Cagliano che sembrerebbe essere il corrispondente di Ceresis: ciò che non si
capisce è come quest'ultima potesse avere anche un nome slavo.
210. Cfr. pag. 15 e pag. 18.
211. Per tutti questi giacimenti di combustibili vedasi Taramelli, Catalogo
ragionato, ecc., cit.; — Pirona, La provincia di Udine sotto l'aspetto storico-
naturale, Udine, 1877; — Cenni geognostici sul Friuli, Udine, 1861; — Cossa e
Taramelli, Sui combustibili fossili del Friuli, ricerche, «Annali del R. Ist. tecn. di
Udine», 1867; — Marinoni, Sui minerali, ecc., cit.
212. Sulla formazione ed uso della torba ed altri combustibili, Udine, 1767.
213. Discorso sopra la scoperta e gli usi della torba in «Memorie e
Osservazioni» pubblicate dalla Soc. di Agr. pratica di Udine raccolte nel 1771,
Udine, 1772.
214. Biasutti (G.), Per la sistemazione del torrente Urana e conseguente
bonifica delle paludi di Bueris, Zegliacco, Collalto nel mandamento di Tarcento,
Udine, Del Bianco, 1903.
215. Notizie sulle condizioni industriali della Provincia di Udine, «Annali di
Statistica», fasc. XXVII, pag. 38-40. Pubbl. del Min. di A. I. e C., Roma, Botta,
1890.
216. Sui minerali, ecc., pag 136-7. Ciò non è vero che in parte: poichè ottimi,
tra altri, sono, per es., anche i depositi argillosi di Manzano.
217. Secondo informazioni avute dalla Camera di Commercio in Udine.
218. Notizie sulle condizioni industriali, ecc.
219. Guida delle industrie e del Commercio del Friuli, pubblicata dal dott. G.
Valentinis, segretario della Camera di Commercio di Udine. Udine, Tosolini,
1910.
220. V. Mantica, Produzione, mercato e prezzo dei bozzoli da seta in Udine,
1895.
221. Citati a pag. 198, n. 1.
222. Grion, Guida, ecc., cit. pag. 464.
223. Ciò risulta, oltre da quanto fu detto a pag. 192, anche da una
determinazione del Consiglio di Cividale del 1463 che ciascun cittadino
potesse condurre ai pascoli comunali fino a 200 pecore di età superiore ai 6
mesi (Grion, cit., pag. 462).
224. Vol. II, pag. 349.
225. Notizie sulle condizioni industriali della prov. di Udine, cit., pag. 83.
226. Secondo informazioni avute dalla Camera di Commercio di Udine.
227. Guida delle industrie, ecc. cit. pag. 60.
228. Alle notizie già altrove sparsamente accennate in proposito, qui
aggiungiamo che nella zona montana e submontana delle Prealpi Giulie
friulane vi sono appena 390 ettari di boschi latifoli d'alto fusto, 249 in quella
collinesca e pedemontana e non ve n'è affatto nelle zone rimanenti.
229. Joppi (V.); L'arte della stampa in Friuli, con Appendice sulle fabbriche
della carta, «Atti dell'Accademia di Udine», serie II, volume III, pag. 3-27.
Udine, Doretti, 1880.
230. Guida delle industrie ecc., cit.
231. Joppi (V.), L'Arte della stampa, ecc., cit.
232. Le notizie relative a queste industrie mi vennero fornite dalla Camera di
Commercio in Udine.
233. V. Cassi (G.), Notizie sul commercio friulano durante il dominio veneto,
Udine, Vatri, 1910 cit. pag. 46-47.
234. Baldissera, Da Gemona a Venzone ecc., cit., pag. 20 e 25.
235. Zahn, Studi Friulani, cit., pag. 142.
236. Grion, Guida, ecc., pag. 456.
237. Cronaca della magnifica comunità di S. Daniele del Friuli di Girolamo Sini
esposta e corredata di note per Giuseppe Barbaro, Venezia, Cecchini, 1865,
pag. 20 e 25.
238. Antoninianum, pag. 276.

Aquileia
XXX
via Bellono (sic. cod. Escorialensis).
Belloio (reliqui)

Lacire (Larice)

Santico
XXX
Virunum

(Da Mommsen, C. I. L. V., pag. 167).

239.

Aquileia
XXXV
Ad Silanos
plura hic ceciderunt
Tasimeneti
VIII
Soloca
XI
Viruno

(Mommsen, C. I. L. V., pag. 167).

240. Pix nel latino medievale Ampicuim, nel latino chiesastico Ampletium,
italiano Plez o Plezzo, sloveno Bez o Bovz, tedesco Flitsch (Czoernig, a pag.
111 dell'opera sottocitata).
241. Czoernig, Das Land Görz und Gradiska, pag. 445, Wien, 1873.
242. Handbuch der Geschichte der Herzogth, Kärnten bis zur Vereinigung den
österr. Fürstenthümer, Klagenfurt, Leon, 1850, 1º vol. pag. 563. — Anche il
Crivellucci scrisse che alla fine del II secolo antico i Cimbri discesero in Italia
dal Norico pel passo del Predil e per la valle del Natisone e che dopo la
sconfitta dei campi Raudî vi ritornarono per la stessa via per la quale erano
discesi (Studi storici, period. dell'Univ. di Pisa, 1892, pag. 298). — Confr. pure
Dahn, Die Benutzung der Alpenpässe in Altertum, Heilderbeg, 1892.
243. Italia antiqua, Lugduni Batav. CIↃIↃCXXV, pag. 205.
244. In Ankershofen, luogo cit.
245. Relazione citata.
246. Esso esisteva certamente al tempo di Paolo Diacono il quale scrisse: «ad
pontem Natisonis qui ibidem est ubi Sclavi residebant» (Paolo Diac. D. G. L. 1.
V. cap. 23).
247. Der Predilpass and der Isonzo, «Carinthia», anno 1887, pagina 123 e
seg.
248. Parlando del viaggio di Fortunato alla tomba di S. Martino di Tours dice
che si recò «per fluenta Tiliamenti et Reuniam perque Osupum et Alpem
Juliam perque Aguntum castrum», Paolo Diac. D. G. L. 1, 11, cap. 13.
249. Op. poet. recens. Frid. Leo in Mon. Germ. hist., Berlino, Weidmann,
1881, Vita S. Martini, pag. 368, v. 650 e seg. ecc. «Heic montana sedens in
colle superbit Aguntum — Hinc pete rapte vias ubi Julia tenditur Alpis — Altius
adsurgens et mons in nubila pergit — Inde Foro Julii de nomine principis exi
— Per rupes, Osope, tuas; qua labitur undis — Et super instat aquis Reunia
Tiliamenti».
250. Confr. Grion (G.), Delle antiche vie commerciali per la valle del Natisone,
per nozze Fr. Musoni-Emilia Velliseig, Udine, Bardusco, 1897, pag. 12.
251. «Communierant se Langobardi et in reliquia castris quae his vicina erant,
hoc est in Cormones, Nemas, Osopo, Reunia, Glemona, vel etiam in Ibligine,
cuius positio omnino inexpugnabilis existit», Paolo Diac. D. G. L. IV, 37.
252. C. I. L. V. pag. 169. — Confr, anche Oberziner (G.), Le guerre di Augusto
contro i popoli alpini, Roma, Loescher, MCM. p. 207. — Il Baldissera (Da
Gemona a Tarcento, Guida storica ecc. cit. pag. 121) informa che a Godo,
poco lungi da Gemona, v'è una fonte d'acqua perenne chiamata Silans, che
ricorderebbe il nome della stazione ad Silanos.
253. C. I. L. V., n. 79994.
254. Ibidem, 79995.
255. Ibidem, 79996.
256. Ibidem, 79997.
257. Ibidem, 79999.
258. Confr. Nota 3 a pag. 232.
259. Confr. in proposito Zahn (G.), Studi friulani cit. pag. 113 e seg. —
Baldissera (D. V.), Da Gemona a Venzone, Guida storica e artistica, Gemona,
Tessitori 1891, pag. 17-18.
260. Confr. Marinelli (G.), nella II parte (Canal del Ferro) di questa Guida, cap.
X, pag. 173-174.
261. Op. e luogo cit.
262. Protocollo del cancelliere Gabriele, f. 22, Museo civico di Udine.
263. Zahn (G.), Austro friulana, Wien. Gerolds Sohn, 1877, 46-48-49-50.
264. Grion (G.), Guida storica di Cividale cit. pag. 458.
265. Grion (G.), Delle antiche vie commerciali cit. pag. 15.
266. Grion (G.), Guida storica ecc. Append. XC.
267. Della Bona, Strenna cronologica per l'antica storia del Friuli, ecc. Gorizia,
1856, pag. 142.
268. Descrizione dei passi e delle fortezze che si hanno a fare in Friuli,
Venezia, 1876, pag. 6.
269. Scrittura presentata al Senato veneziano, dalla comunità di Gemona
contro l'apertura della strada del Pulfaro. Per nozze Mangilli-Ronchi, Venezia,
tip. della «Gazzetta», 1875.
270. Cassi (G.), Notizie sul commercio friulano ecc., pag. 35.
271. Confr. Statistica del vice prefetto del distretto del Natisone al Prefetto del
Dipartimento di Passeriano, mns. presso la Bibl. della Soc. Alp. Friul.
272. Archivio del Genio Civile in Udine: Busta: 1811, Ponti. I lavori vennero
eseguiti su progetto dell'ing. Mantoani e costarono L. 3672.75, più L. 120 per
la dipintura dei poggiuoli.
273. Arch. Genio civ. ecc.: Busta: 1824, Ponti.
274. Arch. cit.: Busta: 1830, Ponti.
275. I lavori di restauro, progettati dall'ing. Mantoani predetto, dovevano
costare L. 14671,57, ma poi vennero ridotti a sole L. 7024.89, cioè al puro
necessario: furono resi praticabili i passi più pericolosi e tutta la strada venne
resa rotabile, mentre prima per 3⁄4 non lo era più, tanto era caduta in
deperimento (Arch. del Genio Civile di Udine, Busta: 1812, Strade nazionali).
276. Archivio cit. Busta: 1832, Strade regie e postali.
277. Op. cit.
278. Rutar (S.), Beneška Slovenija ecc. cit. pag. 100.
279. Archivio del Genio Civile, cit. Busta: 1811, Strade comunali.
280. Archivio ecc. Busta: 1813, Strade comunali.
281. Carta topografica di tutto il territorio del Friuli, Goriziano ed Udinese ecc.
colle Strade e Poste delineato ed aumentato dal cesareo regio ingegnere Gio.
Antonio Capellaris l'anno 1798. Venezia presso Lodovico Furlanetti.
282. Il ducato di Venezia astronomicamente delineato dall'anno 1801 al 1805
dallo Stato Maggiore sotto la direzione del Barone Anton de Zach.
283. Carta topografica della provincia del Friuli di Giuseppe Malvolti, 1819.
284. Il Friuli, Milano, Vallardi, 1871: annessa al Vocabol. friulano cit.
285. Carta del Friuli tra i fiumi Livenza ed Isonzo: scala 1:200.000. Udine,
litogr. Passero, 1879.
286. V. specialmente la Carta d'Italia per Automobilisti, Ciclisti e Turisti, scala
1:250.000, dell'Istituto d'Arti Grafiche in Bergamo.
287. Per la bibliografia rimando il lettore alle opere del Valentinelli, Bibliografia
del Friuli, Venezia 1861 e dell'Occioni-Bonaffons, Bibliografia storica friulana
(1861-1895) I-III Udine 1833-1899. Di altre opere più recenti farò cenno
quando occorra ricordarle.
288. Wolf A., Toponomastica friulana (s. l., ma Udine. 1905).
289. Non mi pare possibile il contrastare il titolo di colonia al Forum Julii
orientale (Cividale) dato: 1º l'esplicito ricordo di Tolomeo, 2º la lapide ivi
rinvenuta che ricorda un colonus, 3º il fatto che esso appartiene ad una tribù
diversa (Scaptia) dal resto della provincia che in gran parte (Julium Carnicum,
Glemona, Concordia) è Claudia, in parte (Aquileja) è Velina. Il dubbio del
Mommsen deriva da ciò che nelle lapidi Forum Julii (Cividale) si trova detto
respublica o municipium: ora quanto a quest'ultimo mi rimetto agli esempi
addotti da De Ruggiero, Le Colonie dei Romani, Spoleto 1897, p. 32 in cui i due
termini colonia e municipium si usano in molte colonie promiscuamente;
quanto a res publica è termine generale che si adopera persino ad indicare la
comunità politica del vico.
290. Ved. Paschini, La Chiesa aquilejese ed il periodo delle origini, Udine 1909
e bibl. ivi citata.
291. A questo Forum soltanto accennano i noti versi di Venanzio Fortunato
dove descrive il viaggio da Agunto in poi

Hinc pete rapte vias ubi Iulia tenditur Alpes

Altius assurgens et mons in nubila pergit
 Inde Foroiuli de nomine principis exi,
Per rupes Osope, tuas qua lambitur undis
Et super instat aquis Reunia Taliamenti.

292. Ved. M. Leicht, I limitanei nella Patria del Friuli, «Atti dell'Acc. di Udine»,
1894-95, p. 169 seg.; P. S. Leicht, Studi sulla proprietà fondiaria nel M. E. II,
89 e seg., Padova 1907: Checchini, I fondi militari romano-bisantini considerati
in relazione con l'arimannia, Modena 1907.
293. Ved. Cortinovis, Sopra una tessera antica, ecc. Udine, 1770, p. 20 seg.
294. L'ultima edizione in Degani, La Badia di Sesto, Venezia 1908.
295. Anche in questo non mancano però punti di contatto con monumenti
romanici contemporanei, ved. Paschini, Brevi note archeologiche sopra un
gruppo di monumenti longobardi a Cividale, «Bull. della civ. Bibl. di Udine»,
IV, 2, (1910) p. 84 n. 1.
296. Ved. per la recente bibliografia. Menghini, Sullo stato presente degli studî
intorno alla vita di Paolo Diacono, 1904.
297. Ved. la prefazione di E. Mühlbacher, ai Diplomi inediti attenenti al
patriarcato d'Aquileja, dal 799 al 1082 di V. Ioppi, Venezia 1884.
298. Su S. Paolino ved. la Miscellanea di studi storici e ricerche critiche
ricorrendo l'XI centenario della morte del Patriarca Paolino, Milano 1905 e
Paschini, S. Paolino e la Chiesa aquilejese alla fine del secolo VIII, Udine 1906.
299. Ved. Hofmeister, Markgrafen und Markgrafschaften in Italischen
Königreich, nel VII vol. compl. delle «Mittheilungen» dell'Istituto storico
austriaco, Wien 1904, p. 316. Su Everardo ved. Favre, La famille d'Evrard
marquis du Frioul, Paris 1896.
300. Su ciò ved. Pivano, Stato e Chiesa da Berengario I ad Arduino, Torino
1908, p. 104 e «Memorie storiche forogiuliesi», V, 1, p. 87, Cividale, 1909.
301. Leicht (P. S.), Il denaro del Patriarca Popone d'Aquileja in «Memorie
storiche forogiuliesi», I, 50, Cividale, 1905.
302. Ved. Battistella, I Toscani in Friuli, Bologna 1898; Senigaglia, Le
compagnie bancarie senesi nei sec. XIII-XIV, Torino, 1908.
303. Ved. P. S. Leicht, Una notizia inedita intorno a Udine nel secolo XII,
«Mem. stor. for.», IV, 125, Cividale, 1908.
304. Ottenthal, L'Administration du Frioul sous les Patriarches d'Aquilée,
Mélanges Paul Fabre, Paris 1902; Leicht P. S., Il Parlamento della Patria del
Friuli, sua origine, costituzione e legislazione, in «Atti dell'Accademia di
Udine», 1903-1904.
305. Ved. Torretta, Il Wälscher Gast di Tommasino di Cerclaria e la poesia
didattica del sec. XIII, «Studî Medievali», Torino 1904, voi. I. fasc. I p. 24 seg.
e «Mem. stor. for.», I, 115 seg. Cividale 1905.
306. Edizione Ioppi, Udine 1900.
307. Ved. su questo splendido tempio Planiscig, Il rinascimento nella Basilica
d'Aquileja, in «Forumjulii», I, 2, Gorizia 1910 e sopratutto la grande opera:
Der Dom von Aquileja del co. Lanckoronski, Wien, 1906.
308. Zanutto, Itinerario del Pontefice Gregorio XII, Udine, 1901.
309. Ved. Cogo, La sottomissione del Friuli al dominio della repubblica veneta
(1418-1420), negli «Atti dell'Accademia di Udine», 1896, p. 95 e seg. e Cassi,
I Veneziani in Friuli, Padova 1903.
310. Cortinovis, Sopra le antichità di Sesto nel Friuli, Udine, 1801, p. 23.
311. Momigliano, Paolo Veneto e la corrente del pensiero religioso e filosofico
del tempo suo, «Atti Acc. di Udine», 1907, p. 61 e seg.
312. Levec, Die ersten Türkeneinfälle in Krain und Steyermark, nelle
«Mittheilungen des Musealvereins für Krain», XVI, 169 e Fresco, Una prima
minaccia turchesca in Friuli, nel «Bull. del Museo di Udine», 1909 p. 35 e seg.
313. Ved. Solmi, Leonardo da Vinci e la Repubblica di Venezia in «Archivio
storico lombardo», 1908 p. 332 seg. e Suttina, Leonardo da Vinci in Friuli, in
«Mem. Stor. Forogiul.» V, p. 190, Cividale 1910.
314. Ved. Leicht (P. S.), La difesa del Friuli nel 1509, in «Mem. Stor. Forogiul.»
V, p. 93 e seg., Cividale 1910.
315. Brambilla, Girolamo Savorgnan e la difesa di Osoppo, Udine 1906.
316. Su questi fatti ved. Degani, I partiti politici in Friuli nel Cinquecento, Udine
1900, Leicht P. S., Studi e Frammenti, Udine 1903 p. 130 e Un movimento
agrario nel cinquecento nella «Riv. it. di Sociologia», XII, 6, Roma 1908, e
Marchesi, Il Friuli al tempo della lega di Cambray, Venezia 1903.
317. Leicht (P. S.), Studi e Frammenti, Udine 1903, p. 123 e seg.
318. Ved. Moschini, Della letteratura veneziana del secolo XVIII, Venezia 1806,
I, 151 e seg. ed ora Chiurlo, Carlo Goldoni e il Friuli nel settecento, in
«Forumiulii», Gorizia 1910, I, 116.
319. Borgherini, Il territorio padovano alla caduta della repubblica veneta,
Padova 1909, p. 179.
320. Ved. Fracassetti, Gli studenti nella rivoluzione italiana del 1848, Udine
1898.
321. Per tutto questo periodo ved. Larice, Il Friuli nel risorgimento italiano,
Udine 1905.
322. Cosmi, Antonio Andreuzzi e i moti di guerra del 1864, S. Daniele, 1903.
323. Giovarono all'autore per la compilazione, oltre che la classica opera del
Liruti (Notizie delle vite ed opere dei letterati del Friuli, vol. 4; Venezia-Udine,
1760-1830) e gli elenchi del Ciconi (Udine e sua provincia ecc.) e del Manzano
(Cenni biografici dei letterati ed artisti del Friuli dal secolo IV al XIX; Udine,
1885), molte biografie di singoli letterati, scienziati, od artisti, che sarebbe
troppo lungo nominare. Per parecchi personaggi poi, sono state fatte indagini
particolari.
 Nota del Trascrittore
Ortografia e punteggiatura originali sono state
mantenute, così come le grafie alternative
(Longobardi/Langobardi, ancora/ancóra, pseudo-
cretacei/pseudocretacei, ampi/ampî e simili),
correggendo senza annotazione minimi errori tipografici.
In particolare, a pag. 104 è stata mantenuta la scrittura
"co: Trento di Dolegnano", possibile variante
dell'abbreviazione "c/o" (presso).
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