kbvUnit 1

Decoding Medieval Agrarian

Economy
Unit I Decoding Medieval Agrarian 18 CO1, R U
Economy: CO2 E A1
A). Notion of land ownership, CO3
peasant society, village officials
B) Agrarian Economy of the
Sultanate Period: Agricultural
production, land revenue system.
C)Market and Price regulations of
Ala-ud-din Khalji and
Muhammad-Bin-Tughlaq
D). Evolution of the land revenue
assessment systems under
Mughal: From Zabt to Dehsala.

The period from 1200 to 1707 in India was a

transformative era, encompassing the Delhi
Sultanate and the Mughal Empire, both of
which significantly shaped the economy and
society, particularly the agrarian landscape.
Here's a breakdown of the key aspects of
the economy and society during this period,
focusing on the agrarian economy:
A) Notion of Land Ownership, Peasant
Society, Village Officials
Notion of Land Ownership:
During the medieval period, the concept of
land ownership was complex and differed
from modern notions.1 While individual
cultivation was the norm, the ultimate
ownership of land was often vested in the
ruler. This meant that the state had the right
to claim a share of the produce, often a
substantial one. However, peasants
generally possessed hereditary rights to
cultivate the land they tilled, and these
rights could be bought, sold, or mortgaged
within the village community. There were
also various forms of land grants (like iqtas
under the Sultanate and jagirs under the
Mughals) where the right to collect revenue
from a piece of land was assigned to nobles
or officials, but this didn't necessarily imply
direct ownership of the land itself.2
Peasant Society:
The vast majority of India's population
during this period lived in villages and were
engaged in agricultural production. Peasant
society was diverse, with varying levels of
prosperity and status:3
 Khud-kashta: These were resident
cultivators who owned their land and
implements. They were often the more
established and prosperous peasants in
a village.4
 Pahi-kashta: These were non-resident
cultivators who tilled land in villages
other than their own, either out of choice
(seeking better revenue terms) or
compulsion (due to economic distress).5
 Landless laborers: Below the peasants
were the landless laborers, who worked
on the fields of others for wages, often in
kind.6
 Artisans: Village society also included a
range of artisans (potters, weavers,
carpenters, blacksmiths, etc.) who
provided essential services to the
agrarian community and were often paid
in grain or through customary shares of
the harvest.7
  Caste System: The caste system
profoundly influenced the social and
economic organization of peasant
society, determining occupations, social
hierarchies, and access to resources.
 Mobility: Despite ties to the land,
peasants exhibited a degree of mobility,
sometimes migrating to new areas in
search of more favorable conditions or
fleeing oppressive taxation.8
Village Officials:
Village administration was crucial for the
functioning of the agrarian economy,
especially in revenue collection. Key village
officials included:
 Muqaddam (Headman): The village
headman was a prominent figure, often
hereditary, responsible for maintaining
law and order, arbitrating disputes, and
assisting in revenue collection. They
usually received a share of the land
revenue or a grant of rent-free land.
 Chaudhuri: In larger areas or groups of
villages, Chaudhuris acted as
 intermediaries, often supervising
revenue collection and representing the
interests of the peasantry.
 Patwari (Accountant): The patwari
maintained land records, kept accounts
of revenue collection, and provided
information about landholdings and crop
yields.9
 Qanungo: Often a hereditary office, the
Qanungo maintained records of local
customs, revenue rates, and land
measurements for a wider administrative
area (pargana).10 They provided crucial
data for revenue assessments.
 Watchmen and messengers: Other
village functionaries assisted in various
tasks, including guarding crops and
delivering messages.11
B) Agrarian Economy of the Sultanate
Period: Agricultural Production, Land
Revenue System
Agricultural Production:
The Sultanate period (1206-1526 CE) saw
significant agricultural activity, driven by a
favorable land-to-man ratio.12
 Extensive Cultivation: Due to
abundant cultivable land, agriculture
was often extensive rather than
intensive.13
 Diverse Crops: Peasants cultivated a
wide variety of food and cash crops
across two main growing seasons (kharif
and rabi).14 Food crops included wheat,
barley, paddy, millets, and various
pulses. Cash crops included sugarcane,
cotton, and oilseeds.
 New Crops: While traditional crops
predominated, new crops like indigo and
grapes were also introduced or
expanded.15
 Irrigation: Agriculture largely relied on
natural irrigation from monsoon rains
and floods. However, the Sultanate
period also saw the beginning of canal
construction, most notably under Firuz
Shah Tughlaq, which helped expand
cultivation in certain areas.16 Wells
 remained a major source of artificial
irrigation, with rulers like Muhammad bin
Tughlaq encouraging their digging
through loans to peasants.
 Cattle: There was an abundance of
cattle, used for plowing and as a means
of transport for grain.17
Land Revenue System:
Land revenue (kharaj) was the primary
source of income for the Delhi Sultanate.
The system evolved over time, with different
rulers implementing various methods:
 Early Sultans: Initially, land revenue
was often collected as a share of the
produce, either by estimation (kankut or
nasq) or actual division of the harvest
(batai or ghalla-bakhshi). The
assignments of land to nobles for
revenue collection were known as iqtas.
 Ala-ud-din Khalji's Reforms: Ala-ud-
din Khalji introduced significant reforms
aimed at maximizing state revenue and
reducing the power of intermediaries.18
 o Measurement (Paimaish): He was
the first Sultan to systematically
introduce land measurement as the
basis for revenue assessment. Land
was measured in biswas.
o Fixed Rate: The land revenue was
fixed at a high rate, typically half of
the produce.
o Direct Collection from
Cultivators: He sought to bypass
the traditional village headmen
(khuts and muqaddams) and collect
revenue directly from individual
cultivators, reducing their traditional
perquisites.
o Khalisa Land: He expanded the
Khalisa land (land directly under the
crown) by confiscating charitable
grants and assigned iqtas, ensuring a
greater share of revenue directly for
the state treasury.
 Muhammad-bin-Tughlaq's
Initiatives: Muhammad bin Tughlaq
attempted to revive and extend Ala-ud-
din Khalji's system. He also introduced
 some agrarian reforms, including
advancing loans (sondhar) to peasants
for agricultural development and
establishing a separate department
(Diwan-i-Amir-i-Kohi) to promote
cultivation.19 However, his efforts to
increase revenue in the Doab region,
combined with a severe famine, led to
widespread peasant revolts.20
 Firuz Shah Tughlaq: He focused on
agricultural expansion through large-
scale canal construction and encouraged
cultivation, which helped in revenue
generation. He also issued various types
of revenue grants (milk, idrar, inam).
C) Market and Price Regulations of Ala-
ud-din Khalji and Muhammad-Bin-
Tughlaq
Market and Price Regulations of Ala-ud-
din Khalji:
Ala-ud-din Khalji implemented a highly
centralized and strict system of market and
price controls, primarily to maintain a large
and affordable standing army without
burdening the treasury excessively.21
 Fixed Prices for Essential
Commodities: He fixed the prices for a
wide range of goods, including grains
(wheat, barley, rice), pulses, sugar,
butter, oil, cloth, horses, cattle, and even
slaves.22 These prices were remarkably
stable throughout his reign.
 Separate Markets: He established
separate markets for different categories
of goods:23
o Mandi: For grains.
o Sarai-i-Adl: For cloth and other
manufactured goods.
o Separate markets for horses, cattle,
and slaves.
 Royal Granaries: Large government
granaries were established to store
surplus grain, which could be released
into the market during times of scarcity
to stabilize prices.
 Strict Control and Supervision:
o Shahna-i-Mandi: Market
superintendents were appointed to
 enforce regulations and ensure fair
dealings.24
o Barids (Intelligence Officers) and
Munhiyans (Spies):25 A robust
espionage system kept the Sultan
informed about market conditions
and any violations.
o Severe Punishments: Hoarding
(ihtikar) and selling above fixed
prices (ghalla-faroshi)26 were strictly
prohibited and met with severe
punishments, including mutilation.
 Elimination of Middlemen: He sought
to eliminate brokers (dalals) to ensure
direct transactions and prevent price
manipulation.
 Rationing System: A rationing system
was introduced for grain distribution
during times of shortage.
The overall objective of these reforms was
to ensure a constant supply of essential
goods at affordable prices, enabling him to
pay his soldiers a relatively low cash salary
while maintaining their purchasing power.
Market and Price Regulations of
Muhammad-Bin-Tughlaq:
Unlike Ala-ud-din Khalji's direct price
controls, Muhammad bin Tughlaq's
economic policies had a different focus,
primarily aimed at increasing state revenue
and consolidating his empire, but they had
significant market impacts, often negative.27
He did not implement market and price
regulations in the same systematic and
widespread manner as Khalji. Instead, his
key economic initiatives were:
 Taxation in the Doab: He significantly
increased taxes in the fertile Doab region
(between the Ganges and Yamuna
rivers) to replenish his treasury. This,
combined with a famine and rigid
implementation, led to agricultural
distress, peasant flight, and a decline in
production, which in turn affected
market supply and prices negatively.
 Introduction of Token Currency:
Muhammad bin Tughlaq introduced brass
and copper coins as token currency,
intended to be equivalent to gold and
 silver tankas. This was an innovative
idea but failed disastrously due to
several reasons:
o Lack of State Control: The state
failed to prevent the widespread
forging of coins in private houses,
leading to a flood of counterfeit
currency.
o Loss of Public Trust: People lost
faith in the token currency, leading to
its devaluation.28
o Economic Turmoil: This resulted in
economic chaos, inflation, a decline
in trade, and hoarding of gold and
silver.
 Shifting of Capital: His decision to shift
the capital from Delhi to Daulatabad
(Devagiri) caused immense disruption,
mass migration, and a decline in the
economic activity of Delhi, a major
consumer market.29 This also negatively
impacted trade and supply chains.
While Muhammad bin Tughlaq introduced
some measures to stimulate agriculture (like
the Diwan-i-Amir-i-Kohi and sondhar loans),
his overall policies led to economic
instability and market disruptions rather
than planned price controls.30 His approach
was more about increasing revenue and
centralizing power, often with unintended
and detrimental consequences on the
market.
D). Evolution of the Land Revenue
Assessment Systems under Mughal:
From Zabt to Dahsala
The Mughal Empire, under emperors like
Akbar, developed a sophisticated and
relatively standardized land revenue
system, building upon earlier practices.31
The evolution from Zabt to Dahsala
represents a refinement of this system.
Zabt System:
The Zabt system (also known as the
Bandobast system) was a major
administrative and financial reform
introduced by Emperor Akbar, particularly
through the efforts of his finance minister,
Raja Todar Mal.32 It aimed to systematize
land revenue assessment and collection.
Key Features of Zabt:
 Measurement of Land: Land was
meticulously measured using a
standardized measuring chain called
jarib (made of bamboo lengths joined by
iron rings, replacing the older rope-based
measurement).33
 Classification of Land: Land was
classified based on its productivity and
continuity of cultivation:34
o Polaj: Land continuously under
cultivation.35
o Parauti: Land left fallow for a year to
regain fertility.
o Chachar: Land fallow for three to
four years.
o Banjar: Uncultivated waste land.
Revenue rates varied based on these
classifications, with incentives for bringing
fallow or waste land under cultivation.
 Assessment of Average Produce: For
each crop, the average produce per
bigha (a unit of land measurement) was
 determined based on a survey of local
yields.36
 State Share: The state's share of the
produce was fixed, typically at one-third.
 Cash Payment (Dastur-ul-amal):
While the assessment was often in kind,
the revenue was usually converted into
cash payments. To facilitate this,
schedules of cash revenue rates (Dastur-
ul-amal or Dasturs) were prepared for
each crop in different revenue circles
(dasturs or parganas).37 These dasturs
specified the cash rates based on
prevailing local prices.
 Patta and Kabuliyat: To ensure
transparency and prevent exploitation,
cultivators were given a patta (a title
deed specifying the area, type of land,
and revenue payable) and had to sign a
kabuliyat (a deed of agreement
promising to pay the stipulated
revenue).38
 Role of Officials: Amins (revenue
assessors), Qanungos (record keepers),
 and Karoris (revenue collectors) were
appointed to implement the system.
The Zabt system provided a relatively fair
and predictable revenue demand, reducing
the arbitrariness of earlier methods.39
However, it required extensive surveys and
annual assessments, which could be time-
consuming and prone to local corruption.
Dahsala System:
The Dahsala (or Ain-i-Dahsala) system,
introduced by Akbar in 1580, was a further
refinement of the Zabt system, primarily
aimed at simplifying and stabilizing the
revenue assessment process.40 It addressed
the issues of annual price fluctuations and
the extensive effort required for yearly
assessments under the earlier Zabt.
Key Features of Dahsala:
 Ten-Year Average: Instead of annual
assessments, the Dahsala system
calculated the average produce of
different crops and the average prices
prevailing over the previous ten years
 (hence "Dahsala," meaning "ten
years").41
 Fixed Revenue Rates: Based on this
ten-year average, a fixed cash revenue
rate was determined for each crop and
for each revenue circle. This meant that
the revenue demand remained relatively
stable for a decade, providing greater
certainty for both the state and the
cultivators.
 Cash Payment: Payments were
overwhelmingly made in cash, which
facilitated the monetization of the
economy.
 Continued Measurement and
Classification: The principles of land
measurement and classification (Polaj,
Parauti, Chachar, Banjar) continued
under the Dahsala system to ensure
accurate assessment.42
 Dastur-ul-amal: The schedules of cash
revenue rates (Dastur-ul-amal) were still
crucial, but now they reflected the ten-
year average prices.
Advantages of Dahsala:
 Stability and Predictability: It
introduced stability in revenue demand,
reducing uncertainty for peasants and
making it easier for them to plan their
cultivation.
 Reduced Administrative Burden: It
lessened the need for annual surveys
and assessments, making the system
more efficient.
 Fairness: By averaging prices over a
decade, it aimed to mitigate the impact
of short-term price fluctuations on the
revenue demand.
The Dahsala system was primarily
implemented in the well-administered core
provinces of the Mughal Empire, such as
Delhi, Agra, Awadh, Allahabad, Lahore, and
Multan. In other regions, less sophisticated
methods like batai (share of crop) or nasq
(group assessment/estimation) continued to
be used, especially in areas where detailed
measurement was difficult or impractical.43
In essence, the evolution from Zabt to
Dahsala demonstrates the Mughal state's
continuous efforts to create a more efficient,
equitable, and stable agrarian revenue
system, which formed the backbone of their
imperial economy.44
==========================
================

Unit 1
Decoding Medieval Agrarian Economy

0.2 Marks

1. Write a short note on agrarian Economy.

(R) LO1
2. State the concept of land ownership in
medieval India. (R) LO2
3. Discuss the assessment of kharja during
the Delhi Sultanate. (U) LO7
4. What was the role of Shahhana-i-Mandi
and Muhtasib? (R) LO9
5. Outline the local and central officials
involved in land revenue assessment during
the Ala-ud-din’s time period. (A2) LO10
6. What do you understand by the term
Dastur-i-Harsala and Dastur-i-Dehsala? (R)
LO12
7. Name two types of revenue assessment
used during Mughal India. (R) LO12
8. List out the different social hierarchy of
zamindars in medieval India. (R) LO3
9. Differentiate between Zabti and Dehsala.
(U) LO12 AND LO15
10. Define the term Galla Bakshi. (R) LO13
11. List the various officials involved at
village level under Dehsala. (R) LO15
12. State the features of karori experiment.
(R) LO14
==========================
================

I. Notion of Land Ownership, Peasant

Society, and Village Officials
1. Define Khudkasht, Pahikasht, Muzzariyan,
Rayati, Qanungo, Patwari and Zamindar. (R)
2. Differentiate between Khudhkasht,
Pahikasht and Muzariyan (U)
3. Explain the role of zamindar in the village
society (U). Show the role played by the
zamindars in protecting the peasants
against the central revenue administration.
(A1) LO5
4. Analyse the relationship between various
members of the village community. (A2)
5. Explain the role of Qanungo and Patwari.
(U) LO3
==========================
================

II. Agrarian Economy of the Sultanate

Period : Agricultural Production, Land
Revenue System

1. Define Agrarian Economy. (R)

2. Define the concept of land ownership in
Medieval India (R)
3. Define kharaj (R)
4. Explain the agrarian economy under the
Delhi sultanate. (U)
5.
==========================
================

III. Market and Price Regulations of Ala-ud-

din Khalji and Muhammad-Bin-Tughlaq

1. Define the role of shahana-i-Mandi and

Muhtasib. (R)
2. Discuss the reforms introduced by Ala-Ud-
din Khalji in the agrarian system of Delhi
Sultanate. (U) LO103.
3. Explain the market reforms introduced by
Muhamad bin Tughlaq. (U)
4. Evaluate the impact of Muhamad bin
Tughlaq’s market reforms on the agrarian
economy of Delhi Sultanate. (E) LO11
5. Explain the various land revenue
mechanism incorporated during Akbar’s rule
like batai, galla Bakshi and zabti. (U)
6. Analyse the importance of Karori
experiment of Raja Todar Mal and its
implication for the development of the
Dehsala System. (A2)
7. Explain the Dehsala system of revenue
assessment under Akbar. (U)
8. Illustrate the challenges faced by the
Mughal rulers and the peasants after the
implication of Dehsala System. (U)
==========================
================

IV. Evolution of the land revenue assessment

systems under Mughal : From Zabt to
Dehsala

1. Define Zabt, Ain-i-Dehsala, Dastur and

Rai. (R)
2. Explain the revenue assessment under
the zabti system. (U) LO13
3. Categorise the different role played by
peasants, zamindars and Mughal officials
under the Dehsala system. (A2) LO15
4. Using the concept of Dehsala, do you feel
that it can be applicable in contemporary
times to improve the agrarian problems of
India. (E) LO14
5. Discuss why the Dehsala system not
implemented in the Bengal subha? (U) LO16
6. Breakdown the evolution of the Mughal
agrarian mechanism from Babur to Akbar’s
reign. (A2) LO14
7. Explain the challenges that were faced by
the Mughal emperors due to the implication
of Dehsala System. (U) LO16
==========================
================
Unit 1
Decoding Medieval Agrarian Economy

0.2 Marks

1.Write a short note on agrarian Economy.

(R) LO1
An agrarian economy is a system where the
primary source of wealth and livelihood is
agriculture. For most of medieval India, the
agrarian economy was centered around land
cultivation, with the majority of the
population engaged in farming. The surplus
produced from agriculture was the main
source of income for the state and the ruling
class. The village was the fundamental
economic unit, and land revenue was the
main form of tax, supporting a vast
administrative and military structure.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
2.State the concept of land ownership in
medieval India. (R) LO2
In medieval India, the concept of land
ownership was complex and often
contested. The state (Sultanate or Mughal
Empire) claimed ultimate ownership of the
land. However, this was an abstract
concept. In practice, various layers of rights
existed. The peasants who cultivated the
land had hereditary rights to till it, as long
as they paid the land revenue. Between the
state and the peasants were powerful
intermediaries, such as the Zamindars, who
held hereditary rights to collect land
revenue and maintain law and order.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
3.Discuss the assessment of kharaj during
the Delhi Sultanate. (U) LO7
During the Delhi Sultanate, the assessment
of kharaj (land revenue) was a key
administrative function. It was a tax on
agricultural produce paid by non-Muslims.
Initially, the assessment was often done
through a system of crop-sharing or a fixed
tribute. Ala-ud-din Khilji later introduced
more systematic methods, such as
measurement-based assessment (masahat),
where the state claimed a fixed share of the
produce based on the measured area of the
land.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
4.What was the role of Shahana-i-Mandi
and Muhtasib? (R) LO9
Shahana-i-Mandi and Muhtasib were two key
officials in Ala-ud-din Khilji's market control
system. The Shahana-i-Mandi was the
superintendent of the grain market. His job
was to oversee the traders, ensure fair
prices, and prevent hoarding. The Muhtasib
was a public censor responsible for
maintaining public morality and ensuring
that weights and measures were accurate.
He was a market inspector with a broader
role in upholding law and order in the
marketplace.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
5.Outline the local and central officials
involved in land revenue assessment
 during the Ala-ud-din’s time period. (A2)
LO10
During Ala-ud-din Khilji's reign, both local
and central officials were involved in land
revenue assessment. At the central level,
the Diwan-i-Wizarat (revenue ministry) was
in charge. The Diwan-i-Mustakhraj was a
special officer created to recover arrears
from revenue collectors. At the local level,
officials like the Muqaddam (village
headman) and Patwari (accountant) were
crucial in measuring land and keeping
records, with supervision from higher
officials like the Amil.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
6.What do you understand by the term
Dastur-i-Harsala and Dastur-i-Dehsala?
(R) LO12
Dastur-i-Harsala and Dastur-i-Dehsala were
two methods of land revenue assessment
during the Mughal period. Dastur-i-Harsala
was an annual assessment based on the
average produce of the land in that
particular year. Dastur-i-Dehsala (also known
as Zabti) was a more systematic and
efficient system introduced by Raja Todar
Mal. It was a ten-year average assessment
based on the average produce and prices of
the preceding ten years. This was a more
predictable and stable system.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
7.Name two types of revenue assessment
used during Mughal India. (R) LO12
Two types of revenue assessment used
during Mughal India were Zabti (or Dehsala)
and Galla Bakshi (or Batai).
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
8.List out the different social hierarchy of
zamindars in medieval India. (R) LO3
The different social hierarchies of Zamindars
in medieval India included:

Primary Zamindars: These were the owners

of the land who had proprietary rights, often
at the village level.
Intermediary Zamindars: They were
powerful chieftains who collected land
revenue on behalf of the state from the
primary Zamindars and peasant cultivators.

Autonomous Zamindars (or Chieftains):

These were powerful local rulers who had
significant military and political control over
their territories and paid a fixed tribute to
the central authority.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
9.Differentiate between Zabti and
Dehsala. (U) LO12 AND LO15
Zabti and Dehsala were not different but
rather two names for the same method of
revenue assessment. The Zabti system was
a broad term for a method based on
measurement, while Dehsala was the
specific form of Zabti that involved a ten-
year average calculation of land productivity
and prices. This made it a more stable and
predictable system of revenue assessment
compared to annual methods.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
10. Define the term Galla Bakshi. (R)
LO13
Galla Bakshi was a method of land revenue
assessment based on crop-sharing. The
term translates to "division of the grain."
Under this system, the state's share of the
crop was physically divided and collected at
the threshing floor. This was a direct, on-the-
spot assessment method.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
11. List the various officials involved at
village level under Dehsala. (R) LO15
The different officials involved at the village
level under the Dehsala system included the
Patwari (village accountant) who maintained
all land records, and the Muqaddam or
Chaudhari (village headmen) who were
responsible for collecting the revenue from
the peasants and remitting it to the state.
They were supervised by higher-level
officials like the Qanungo and Karori.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
12. State the features of karori
experiment. (R) LO14
The Karori experiment was a major land
revenue reform introduced by Emperor
Akbar. Under this experiment, a special
official called a Karori was appointed to an
area yielding 1 crore (karor) of revenue. The
karori's main task was to assess and collect
revenue directly from the peasants,
bypassing the Zamindars. The features
included:

Direct assessment to curb the power of

intermediaries.

Revenue paid in cash based on the

measured area of the land.
The Karori was also responsible for
promoting cultivation and keeping a record
of local revenue practices.
==========================
================

I. Notion of Land Ownership, Peasant

Society, and Village Officials

1.Define Khudkasht, Pahikasht,

Muzzariyan, Rayati, Qanungo, Patwari
and Zamindar. (R)
 Khudkasht: This term refers to land
cultivated by the peasant-proprietors
themselves, or by hired laborers under their
direct supervision. These were resident
cultivators who had hereditary rights to their
land and often held a higher social and
economic status within the village.

 Pahikasht: These were non-resident

cultivators. They were peasants who
cultivated land in a village other than their
own. They did so either out of choice (to find
better land or lower tax rates) or out of
necessity (due to famine or social pressure in
 their home village). They generally had less
secure land rights than the Khudkasht.

 Muzzariyan: This term refers to the tenants

or sub-tenants who lacked their own land and
cultivated the fields of others, such as the
Zamindars or Khudkasht peasants. They had
little to no proprietary rights and could be
evicted more easily.

 Rayati: A general term for a peasant or

cultivator. It comes from the Arabic word
ra'iyah, meaning "subject" or "flock." It
broadly referred to any person who paid
revenue to the state or a Zamindar, but it
could also be used to refer to a Khudkasht.

 Qanungo: A hereditary official at the

pargana (sub-district) level. His main role was
to act as a record-keeper and registrar,
maintaining all land records, local revenue
rates, and customs. He was a crucial link
between the state's revenue administration
and the local village.

 Patwari: The village accountant. The

Patwari was the lowest-level revenue
official, responsible for maintaining all land
records, keeping track of land plots, crop
cultivation, and collecting revenue from the
peasants on behalf of the state or the
Zamindar. He was a crucial figure in the local
administration.
  Zamindar: A Persian term meaning "land-
holder" (zamin - land, dar - holder). A
Zamindar was a powerful land-holding
intermediary between the state and the
peasant. They were responsible for collecting
land revenue from a number of villages and
remitting a fixed portion to the central
government. They had hereditary rights over
revenue collection and often held judicial and
military power in their territory.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
2.Differentiate between Khudhkasht,
Pahikasht and Muzariyan (U)
Khudkasht, Pahikasht, and Muzariyan were
distinct categories of peasants in medieval India,
differentiated primarily by their land rights and
status within the village.

 Khudkasht: These were the resident owner-

cultivators of the village. They had a superior
and hereditary right to the land they
cultivated and resided in the village where
their land was located. They often enjoyed a
higher social standing and were not subject
to eviction as long as they paid their
revenue. They could also have their land
cultivated by hired laborers.
  Pahikasht: These were non-resident
cultivators. They lived in one village but
cultivated land in another. They lacked the
same hereditary rights as the Khudkasht.
Their primary motivation was often to find
better-quality land or take advantage of
lower revenue rates offered to them to bring
new land under cultivation.

 Muzariyan: This term referred to the tenant-

cultivators who did not own the land they
tilled. They were peasants who cultivated the
fields of others, such as the Zamindars or the
richer Khudkasht peasants, and paid rent.
They held the lowest status among the three
and possessed no hereditary rights to the
land, making them vulnerable to eviction.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
3.Explain the role of zamindar in the
village society (U). Show the role played
by the zamindars in protecting the
peasants against the central revenue
administration. (A1) LO5
In medieval Indian village society, the
zamindar served as a powerful
intermediary between the state and the
peasantry.1 They were not merely tax
collectors; their role was multifaceted,
encompassing administrative, economic,
and social functions.
Role in Village Society
The zamindars held hereditary rights to land
revenue collection and a degree of
administrative control over their territories.2
Their key roles included:
 Revenue Collection: Their primary
duty was to collect land revenue from
the cultivators on behalf of the central
government and remit a fixed portion to
the imperial treasury.3
 Administrative and Judicial
Authority: They were responsible for
maintaining law and order, and often
acted as local judges to settle disputes
within their jurisdiction.4
 Socio-Economic Power: They were
major landowners who often cultivated
their own land with hired labor.5 Their
social standing and wealth gave them
significant influence, and they often
acted as the local elite and patrons of
religious and cultural activities.6
Protecting Peasants from the State
While their main job was to collect revenue
for the state, zamindars also played a
crucial, albeit self-interested, role in
protecting the peasants. This dual function
arose from the fact that their own prosperity
was directly tied to the productivity and
well-being of the cultivators.
 Buffer Against Excessive Demands:
When the central government's revenue
demands were too high or the
assessment methods were harsh,
zamindars often acted as a buffer. They
would use their influence to negotiate
with the central administration on behalf
of the village or, in some cases, even
absorb a part of the revenue burden
themselves to prevent the peasants from
abandoning their land.
 Providing Assistance in Times of
Crisis: In periods of famine, crop failure,
or natural disaster, zamindars would
often provide peasants with loans,
seeds, and food. They did this not out of
 altruism but to ensure the peasants'
survival and ability to continue
cultivating the land, thereby protecting
their own long-term tax base.
 Security from External Threats:
Zamindars, who often maintained a
small personal military force, were
responsible for protecting the peasants
and their crops from external raids,
bandits, or other threats, ensuring a
secure environment for agricultural
production.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
4.Analyse the relationship between
various members of the village
community. (A2)
In medieval India, the relationship between
various members of the village community
was a complex web of hierarchy and
interdependence. Society was not
monolithic; it was stratified based on land
rights, economic power, and social roles, yet
all members were interconnected through
their shared reliance on the agrarian
economy.

Hierarchical Relationships
The most prominent relationship was that
between the land-holding elite and the
cultivators. This was a classic hierarchical
structure:
 Zamindars and Peasants: The
Zamindar stood at the top, a powerful
intermediary who had a hereditary right
to collect land revenue. The relationship
was primarily one of exploitation, as
the Zamindar's wealth depended on
extracting a surplus from the peasants.
However, it was also one of
interdependence, as the Zamindar
relied on a stable and productive
peasantry for their income, often acting
as a protector against excessive state
demands or external threats.
 Khudkasht and Lower Peasants:
Within the peasantry, a hierarchy also
existed. The Khudkasht were resident
owner-cultivators with superior land
 rights. They were economically and
socially dominant over the Pahikasht
(non-resident cultivators) and, most
significantly, the Muzariyan (landless
tenants). The relationship between the
Khudkasht and Muzariyan was one of
tenancy, where the Muzariyan worked
the Khudkasht's fields for a share of the
crop or rent.

Interdependent Relationships
Despite the social stratification, the village
was an interdependent unit where different
groups relied on each other for survival:
 Jajmani System: A crucial aspect of
this interdependence was the Jajmani
system, a network of service
relationships. Cultivators, particularly the
Khudkasht, would pay a fixed share of
their harvest to village artisans and
service providers (like blacksmiths,
potters, carpenters, and barbers) in
exchange for their services throughout
the year. This system ensured that
essential services were provided and
 that the artisans had a stable source of
food.
 Shared Infrastructure: The entire
community relied on shared resources
and infrastructure, such as wells and
irrigation systems, which required
collective effort to maintain. The village
headmen (Muqaddam) and accountants
(Patwari) served a vital administrative
role, acting as a link between the
peasants and the state while also being
part of the village fabric.
In summary, the village community was
bound together by both power dynamics
and a symbiotic relationship. While the
zamindars and richer peasants exploited the
labor of the lower classes, the entire system
depended on the smooth functioning of
these interdependent relationships for its
survival.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
5.Explain the role of Qanungo and Patwari.
(U) LO3
The Qanungo and Patwari were two of the
most important revenue officials at the local
level in medieval India, serving as the bridge
between the state and the village. Their
roles were distinct yet interconnected, and
they were essential for the efficient
functioning of the land revenue
administration.
Role of Qanungo
The Qanungo was a hereditary official at
the pargana (sub-district) level. His primary
role was that of a record-keeper and
registrar of revenue rights. The word
Qanungo literally means "expert in rules"
(qanun).
 Maintaining Records: The Qanungo
was responsible for maintaining a
detailed record of land holdings, local
customs, and revenue rates for his
jurisdiction. He was the main source of
information on the agrarian history of
the area.
 Verifying Land Titles: He played a
crucial role in verifying the land titles of
Zamindars and peasant cultivators,
 ensuring that revenue was collected
from the rightful owners.
 Supervising the Patwaris: He
supervised the work of the Patwaris in
the villages under his charge, ensuring
that their records were accurate and that
revenue collection was carried out
properly.
Role of Patwari
The Patwari was the village accountant. He
was the most basic and fundamental official
in the revenue administration, directly
interacting with the peasants. The term
Patwari comes from the Sanskrit word for
"village record-keeper."
 Keeping Village Records: The Patwari
maintained a register of all land plots,
crop cultivation, and individual peasant
holdings. These records were critical for
calculating the land revenue due from
each cultivator.
 Assisting in Revenue Assessment:
He provided the necessary data to the
higher authorities for assessing the land
 revenue. He would often assist the
village headman in collecting the
revenue.
 Witnessing Transactions: The Patwari
was a local official whose presence was
often required to witness land sales and
other transactions, giving them an
important role in local land affairs.
In summary, the Patwari was the primary
data collector at the village level, while the
Qanungo was the keeper of these records
at the sub-district level. Their collaboration
ensured that the state had a detailed and
verifiable account of its agrarian base, which
was essential for a consistent and effective
revenue system.
==========================
================

II. Agrarian Economy of the Sultanate

Period : Agricultural Production, Land
Revenue System

1.Define Agrarian Economy. (R)

An agrarian economy is a system in which
the primary source of wealth and livelihood
for the majority of the population is based
on agriculture. In medieval India, this meant
that the economy revolved around the
cultivation of land, with land revenue
serving as the main source of income for the
state and the ruling class. The village was
the fundamental economic unit, and the
prosperity of the empire was directly tied to
the productivity of its agricultural lands.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
2.Define the concept of land ownership in
Medieval India (R)
In medieval India, the concept of land
ownership was complex and lacked a single,
clear definition. The state (the Sultanate or
Mughal Empire) claimed ultimate ownership of
all land, which meant it had the right to a share
of the produce, known as land revenue. However,
this was an abstract claim.
In practice, multiple layers of rights existed:

 Peasant's Rights: The peasant cultivator

had a hereditary right to till the land as
long as they paid the land revenue. This right
 was known as raiyati or asami and made
them the de facto owners of the plot. They
could sell or mortgage their land as well. 1

 Zamindar's Rights: Zamindars had a

hereditary right to collect land revenue from
a number of villages.2 Their claim was not to
the land itself but to a share of the revenue,
for which they often had to maintain law and
order and pay a fixed tribute to the state.

 State's Right: The state's right was

primarily to a share of the agricultural
surplus. It did not directly interfere with the
day-to-day cultivation and generally did not
evict peasants as long as taxes were paid.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
3.Define kharaj (R)
Kharaj was the primary land tax levied on
agricultural produce in medieval India,
particularly during the Delhi Sultanate. It
was a tax paid by non-Muslim cultivators,
and its amount and method of collection
varied. It could be assessed as a fixed share
of the crop or as a fixed tribute per unit of
land.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
4.Explain the agrarian economy under the
Delhi sultanate. (U)
The agrarian economy of the Delhi
Sultanate was the foundation of the
empire's power and wealth. It was primarily
centered around land revenue, which funded
the administration and the military.1 The
economy was based on peasant cultivation,
and the state implemented several systems
to extract the agricultural surplus.2
Key Features of the Agrarian Economy
The Delhi Sultanate inherited and modified
existing Indian land revenue systems.3 The
primary tax on land was called kharaj,
which was typically a share of the crop.4 The
proportion varied, but it could be as high as
50% under rulers like Ala-ud-din Khilji.5
The agricultural landscape was
characterized by:
 Extensive Cultivation: Due to a
favorable land-to-man ratio, there was
an abundance of uncultivated land. The
 focus was on expanding the area under
the plow.
 Diverse Crops: Peasants grew a wide
variety of food and cash crops across
two growing seasons (kharif and rabi),
including wheat, barley, rice, sugarcane,
and cotton.6
 Irrigation: While agriculture was largely
dependent on monsoon rains, the Delhi
Sultans, particularly Firoz Shah Tughlaq,
invested in the construction of canals to
improve irrigation and increase
productivity.7
Land Revenue Administration
The Sultanate’s revenue administration was
complex, involving several layers of control:
 Khalisa Land: This was land directly
managed by the central government.8
The revenue from these lands went
straight to the royal treasury.9
 Iqta System: This was the most
important feature of the land revenue
system. The empire was divided into
territories called iqtas, which were
 assigned to nobles and military officers
(Iqtadars).10 In return for the right to
collect revenue, the Iqtadar was required
to maintain troops and provide military
service to the Sultan.11 The Iqtadars
were audited to ensure they remitted
any surplus revenue to the central
government.12
Reforms and their Impact
Rulers like Ala-ud-din Khilji introduced
major reforms to centralize control and
maximize revenue.13 He directly assessed
the land based on measurement (masahat),
increased the state's share to half the
produce, and imposed taxes on grazing and
houses.14 These measures were designed to
fill the treasury and curb the power of
intermediaries.15 Muhammad bin Tughlaq
also attempted to enhance taxes in the
Doab region, but his policies often led to
peasant revolts.16
==========================
================
III. Market and Price Regulations of Ala-ud-
din Khalji and Muhammad-Bin-Tughlaq

1.Define the role of shahana-i-Mandi and

Muhtasib. (R)
The Shahana-i-Mandi and Muhtasib were
two key officials in the market control
system of the Delhi Sultanate, particularly
under Ala-ud-din Khilji, designed to enforce
fair trade practices and maintain stable
prices.

Shahana-i-Mandi
The Shahana-i-Mandi was the
superintendent of the grain market. His
main role was to supervise the market and
ensure that the government's price
regulations were strictly followed. He was
responsible for:
 Preventing Hoarding: He ensured that
traders did not hoard grain to artificially
inflate prices.1
  Enforcing Prices: He saw to it that all
commodities were sold at the prices
fixed by the Sultan's administration.2
 Controlling Supply: He was in charge
of managing the supply of grain to
prevent shortages.3
Muhtasib
The Muhtasib was a public censor and
inspector of the market.4 His role was
broader, encompassing both moral and
commercial regulation.5 His responsibilities
included:
 Checking Weights and Measures: He
ensured that merchants used correct
weights and measures and punished
those who cheated customers.
 Maintaining Public Morality: He was
tasked with enforcing rules of public
conduct, such as preventing illegal
activities and ensuring fair dealings.6
 Enforcing Purity: He had the authority
to inspect goods to ensure their quality
and purity.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
2.Discuss the reforms introduced by Ala-
Ud-din Khalji in the agrarian system of
Delhi Sultanate. (U) LO103.
Ala-ud-din Khalji, born Ali Gurshasp, was the
second and most powerful ruler of the Khalji
dynasty of the Delhi Sultanate. His reign,
from 1296 to 1316 CE, is marked by his
ruthless ambition, significant military
conquests, and pioneering administrative
reforms. He came to power by assassinating
his uncle and father-in-law, Jalal-ud-din
Khalji.

Recognizing the constant threat of Mongol

invasions, he built a large, permanent
standing army, which he paid in cash. To
support this army and prevent inflation, he
implemented a radical system of market
reforms and price controls. He also initiated
a comprehensive overhaul of the land
revenue system to maximize revenue,
directly collecting taxes and curbing the
power of local intermediaries like zamindars.
Ala-ud-din's military campaigns led to the
conquest of Gujarat, Rajasthan, and
significant raids into Southern India, making
him the first Delhi Sultan to extend his
empire south of the Vindhyas.

Ala-ud-din Khalji implemented sweeping reforms

in the agrarian system of the Delhi Sultanate
aimed at increasing revenue, curbing the power
of intermediaries, and ensuring a stable grain
supply for his army and the capital's population.
His policies were revolutionary in their directness
and their reliance on a strong central
administration.
Land Revenue and Taxation

Khalji's most significant reform was in the

method of land revenue assessment. He moved
away from the traditional system of crop-sharing
or tribute and introduced measurement-based
assessment (masahat).1 This meant that the
state's share was determined by measuring the
cultivable land, ensuring a more accurate and
higher revenue collection.2 He increased the
state's share of the produce to 50%, a very high
rate for its time. He also imposed two new taxes:
a house tax and a grazing tax on cattle.

Curbing Intermediaries
A key part of Khalji's strategy was to diminish the
power of the landed intermediaries, such as the
Zamindars and local village headmen
(Muqaddams and Khuts). He abolished their
right to a share of the revenue and forced them
to pay the same taxes as the common peasants. 3
This policy was designed to centralize state
authority and prevent these local elites from
exploiting the peasantry or withholding revenue.
The revenue was now collected directly from the
cultivators by government officials.4

Market Regulations and Grain Supply

To support his large army and the urban

population, Khalji introduced a strict market
control policy. He established grain markets
and fixed prices for all essential commodities. He
created a special department, the Diwan-i-
Riyasat, to oversee these regulations.5 Officials
like the Shahana-i-Mandi (superintendent of
the market) and Barids (intelligence officers)
were appointed to ensure that merchants did not
hoard goods or charge prices higher than the
fixed rates.6 This system was vital for ensuring a
stable and cheap supply of grain for his troops
and preventing price inflation in the capital. 7
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
 3.Explain the market reforms introduced
by Muhamad bin Tughlaq. (U)
Muhammad bin Tughlaq, the second ruler of the
Tughlaq dynasty, reigned over the Delhi
Sultanate from 1325 to 1351.1 He was known as
an enigmatic and highly controversial figure in
Indian history.2 A deeply educated and
intellectual ruler, he was fluent in several
languages and had a keen interest in fields like
philosophy, medicine, and astronomy.3

His reign, however, was marked by a series of

ambitious but poorly executed administrative
experiments that often led to economic and
social chaos.4 These policies, while showing a
forward-thinking and innovative mind, earned
him the epithet of the "wise fool" among some
historians.5 His failed policies included:

 Transfer of Capital: He ordered the capital

to be moved from Delhi to Daulatabad in the
Deccan, believing it was a more central
location.6 The forced mass migration caused
immense suffering and was eventually
reversed.7

 Token Currency: To address a shortage of

silver and gold, he introduced a token
currency of copper and brass coins. The lack
of proper minting control led to widespread
counterfeiting, resulting in the collapse of the
currency system.
  Taxation in the Doab: He drastically
increased taxes in the fertile Doab region to
fund his military ambitions.8 This coincided
with a famine, leading to peasant revolts and
the devastation of the local economy.9

These policies, along with a number of failed

military campaigns, contributed to widespread
discontent and numerous revolts, ultimately
leading to the decline of the vast Tughlaq
empire.10
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
4.Evaluate the impact of Muhamad bin
Tughlaq’s market reforms on the
agrarian economy of Delhi Sultanate. (E)
LO11
Muhammad bin Tughlaq did not introduce the
major market reforms that are historically
associated with the Delhi Sultanate. The
comprehensive system of price control, market
regulation, and grain storage was the work of his
predecessor, Ala-ud-din Khalji.1 Muhammad bin
Tughlaq's policies were focused on agrarian
reforms, taxation, and a failed attempt at token
currency.2
The agrarian policies of Muhammad bin Tughlaq
had a significant and, for the most part,
disastrous impact on the agrarian economy. His
primary goal was to increase revenue and bring
more land under cultivation.

Impact of Tughlaq’s Agrarian Policies

Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s agrarian and fiscal
policies had several major impacts on the
economy:

 Increased Taxation: Tughlaq significantly

increased the land tax in the fertile Ganga-
Yamuna Doab region.3 Unfortunately, this
was done at a time when a severe famine
was already ravaging the area.4 The
combination of high taxes and crop failure
led to widespread peasant distress,
abandonment of land, and rebellion.5

 Establishment of the Diwan-i-Amir-i-

Kohi: Tughlaq established a separate
department for agriculture, the Diwan-i-
Amir-i-Kohi.6 Its purpose was to expand
cultivation by giving loans (sondhar or
taccavi) to peasants for digging wells and
purchasing seeds.7 While the intention was
good, the scheme was poorly managed, and
the funds were often misappropriated by
corrupt officials, resulting in its failure.8

 Forced Migration: His decision to shift the

capital from Delhi to Daulatabad led to the
forced migration of a large part of the
 population.9 This resulted in the disruption of
trade and a decline in agricultural production
in the region around Delhi, as peasants were
forced to abandon their fields.10

In conclusion, while Ala-ud-din Khalji's market

reforms were largely successful in their limited
scope, the agrarian policies of Muhammad bin
Tughlaq were poorly timed and mismanaged.
Instead of bolstering the agrarian economy, they
caused widespread famine, peasant revolts, and
economic instability.11
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
5.Explain the various land revenue
mechanism incorporated during Akbar’s
rule like batai, galla Bakshi and zabti. (U)
Akbar’s rule saw a significant evolution in
land revenue administration, with the
introduction and refinement of several
systems. While the Zabti system became
the most prominent, older methods like
Batai and Galla Bakshi were also used in
different parts of the empire, reflecting the
diversity of the Mughal domain.

1. Batai or Galla Bakshi (Crop-Sharing)

This was a simple and ancient method of
revenue collection where the state's share
of the crop was physically divided and
collected. The term Batai means "division"
while Galla Bakshi means "share of the
grain." This method was prevalent in areas
where measurement was difficult due to
hilly terrain or low cultivation. There were
three main sub-types:
 Khet Batai: Division of the field before
the crop was cut.
 Lang Batai: Division of the grain after
the crop was cut and stacked in heaps.
 Ras Batai: Division of the grain after it
had been threshed and winnowed.
The main advantage of this system was its
fairness, as the state's demand was directly
tied to the actual harvest. However, it was
administratively complex and required a
large number of officials to be present at the
time of harvest to ensure proper division.

2. Zabti or Dahsala System

This was the most advanced and widely
implemented revenue system under Akbar,
introduced by his finance minister, Raja
Todar Mal, in 1580. It was a major reform
that aimed to create a more stable and
predictable revenue stream for the state.
The core principle of the Zabti system was
the fixation of land revenue in cash based
on a ten-year average of both the produce
and market prices. The key features were:
 Land Measurement: All cultivated land
was measured using a standard unit
called the bigha.
 Classification of Land: Land was
classified into four categories based on
its cultivation frequency and fertility
(Polaj, Parauti, Chachar, and Banjar).
 Ain-i-Dahsala: For each crop and each
class of land, a ten-year average of the
crop's yield and the prevailing market
price was calculated. The state's
demand was fixed at one-third of this
average produce, which was converted
into a cash value based on the ten-year
average price.
  Cash Payment: The peasant was
required to pay the tax in cash, which
streamlined the collection process for
the state.
The Zabti system provided a great degree of
certainty for both the state and the peasant,
as the revenue demand was fixed and did
not fluctuate wildly with annual price
changes.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
6.Analyse the importance of Karori
experiment of Raja Todar Mal and its
implication for the development of the
Dehsala System. (A2)
The Karori experiment was a pivotal land
revenue reform introduced by Emperor
Akbar in 1573.1 It was a crucial, though
initially flawed, step that laid the
groundwork for the more successful and
systematic Dehsala system developed by
his finance minister, Raja Todar Mal.2
Importance of the Karori Experiment
The experiment's main goal was to address
the significant gap between the assessed
revenue (Jama) and the actual collected
revenue (Hasil), a problem that plagued the
Mughal administration.3 To solve this, Akbar
appointed a new class of officials called
Karoris (also known as Amils or
Amalguzars) to every area that was
expected to yield a crore of dams in
revenue.4
The importance of this experiment lay in its
radical approach:
 Direct Control: It was an attempt by
the central government to exert more
direct control over land revenue
collection, bypassing the powerful local
zamindars and intermediaries.
 Data Collection: The Karoris were
tasked with a comprehensive survey of
the land.5 Their duties included
measuring the area under cultivation,
collecting data on crop yields, and noting
local market prices. This process of
systematic data collection was
unprecedented in its scale and detail.
  Centralization: The experiment sought
to convert the land of Jagirs (assigned
lands for revenue collection) into Khalisa
(directly administered crown land),
further strengthening the central
authority.6

Implications for the Dehsala System

Despite its importance, the Karori
experiment was a failure in the short term.
The Karoris, who were often appointed for
their trustworthiness rather than their
expertise, were unable to handle the
complexities of the task. Their greed and
inexperience led to corruption and peasant
distress.7
However, the experiment's failure was
ultimately a success, as it provided the vital
data and lessons for the development of the
Dehsala system. Its key implications were:
 Data-Driven System: The extensive
data collected by the Karoris on land
productivity, crop yields, and prices over
several years became the factual basis
 for the Ain-i-Dahsala (Dehsala
System).8
 Need for a Stable System: The
chaotic and exploitative nature of the
annual assessments under the Karoris
highlighted the need for a more
predictable and stable revenue system.
This led to the fundamental feature of
the Dehsala system: using a ten-year
average to fix revenue rates, which
provided certainty for both the state and
the peasants.9
 Technological Improvement: The
experiment emphasized the need for
standardized measurement tools.10 It led
to the adoption of the Jarib (a measuring
rod made of bamboo and iron rings),
which was more accurate than the
traditional hempen rope, further
improving the basis for the Dehsala
system.11
In essence, the Karori experiment served as
a necessary, if costly, pilot program. Its
failure revealed the challenges of a direct,
annual assessment and, more importantly,
generated the comprehensive agricultural
data that made the sophisticated and
enduring Dehsala system possible.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
7.Explain the Dehsala system of revenue
assessment under Akbar. (U)
The Dehsala system, also known as the Zabti
system, was a revolutionary land revenue
assessment method introduced by Mughal
Emperor Akbar's finance minister, Raja Todar
Mal, in 1580.1 It was designed to create a more
stable and predictable revenue stream for the
state by moving away from annual, on-the-spot
assessments.2

Key Features of the System

The core principle of the Dehsala system was to
fix the land tax in cash based on a ten-year
average of both the produce and market prices.
This provided certainty for both the state and the
peasant. Its main features were:

 Standardized Measurement: The system

began with a thorough measurement of all
cultivated land using a new, standardized
unit called the bigha. This was more accurate
than previous methods that relied on rope
measurements, which could stretch or shrink.
  Land Classification: To ensure fairness,
land was classified into four categories based
on its fertility and cultivation frequency:3
o Polaj: Land cultivated every year.
4

o Parauti: Land cultivated after a fallow

period to regain fertility.5

o Chachar: Land left fallow for three or

four years.6
o Banjar: Uncultivated land left fallow for

five or more years.

 Ten-Year Average (Ain-i-Dahsala): For

each crop and each class of land, a ten-year
average of the crop's yield and the average
market price of the produce was calculated.7
The state's demand was then fixed at one-
third of this average produce, which was
converted into a cash value based on the
ten-year average price.8

 Cash Payment: Peasants were required to

pay the land tax in cash, which simplified the
collection process for the state and helped
monetize the rural economy.9

The Dehsala system was a major reform that

replaced the arbitrary annual assessments with a
more scientific and rational method.10 It ensured
a more predictable income for the state while
giving peasants a sense of security and a clear
understanding of their tax obligations.11
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
8.Illustrate the challenges faced by the
Mughal rulers and the peasants after the
implication of Dehsala System. (U)
While the Dehsala system was a landmark
reform that brought predictability to the
Mughal revenue administration, its
implementation created a unique set of
challenges for both the rulers and the
peasantry.1
Challenges for Mughal Rulers
 Fixed Revenue in a Dynamic
Economy: The system's reliance on a
fixed ten-year average meant that the
state's income did not adjust to annual
market fluctuations.2 For instance, in a
year of bad harvest and high prices, the
fixed cash revenue would have less
purchasing power, and the government
would miss out on a potential revenue
increase.
 Administrative Costs: The system
required a vast and honest bureaucracy
 for surveying, data collection, and
revenue collection. Maintaining this
bureaucracy was an immense and costly
administrative challenge, and corruption,
while reduced, was not eliminated
entirely.
 Inadequate for All Regions: The
Dehsala system was most effective in
the fertile plains of North India, where
agriculture was stable. It was not well-
suited for regions with unstable
production or diverse cropping patterns,
such as arid or hilly areas, where it was
difficult to apply a uniform system.

Challenges for the Peasants

 Vulnerability to Crop Failure: The
fixed revenue demand did not account
for individual crop failures caused by
unforeseen local calamities like
droughts, floods, or epidemics. The
peasant was still legally obligated to pay
the fixed revenue in cash, often forcing
them to take on crippling debt or sell
their assets to meet the demand.
  Forced Monetization: By requiring
payment in cash, the system forced
peasants to sell their produce in the
market. This made them vulnerable to
fluctuations in local grain prices. If prices
were low, they had to sell a much larger
portion of their crop just to pay the tax,
leaving them with very little to live on.
 Pressure from Local Officials: Despite
the system's design, local officials still
had opportunities for exploitation.
Peasants could be pressured for bribes
or forced to pay more than the assessed
amount, as they often lacked the means
to challenge the local authorities.
==========================
================

IV. Evolution of the land revenue assessment

systems under Mughal : From Zabt to
Dehsala

1.Define Zabt, Ain-i-Dehsala, Dastur and

Rai. (R)
 Zabt: This was a comprehensive land
revenue system in the Mughal Empire, based
on the measurement of cultivated land. It
aimed to fix the revenue demand in cash,
ensuring a more predictable income for the
state. The most famous form of Zabt was the
Ain-i-Dehsala.

 Ain-i-Dehsala: This was a specific and

highly refined method of the Zabt system,
introduced by Raja Todar Mal in 1580. The
term translates to "Regulations of the 10
Years." It fixed the revenue demand for each
crop on the basis of a ten-year average of
both the crop's yield and its price. This
provided a stable and consistent tax rate for
both the state and the peasant.

 Dastur: This was a local revenue rate

schedule. The Ain-i-Dehsala system, while
uniform in principle, allowed for some
regional variation. A Dastur was a table that
listed the specific revenue rates for different
crops in a particular region or locality
(pargana). It helped local officials calculate
the revenue more accurately.

 Rai: This was a traditional method of

classifying the productivity of land in
medieval India. The Rai was a yield schedule,
or a list of the average produce per unit of
land for different crops. This was a crucial
piece of data used in revenue assessment
 systems, including the early forms of the
Zabt system.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
2.Explain the revenue assessment under
the zabti system. (U) LO13
The Zabti system was a land revenue
assessment method in the Mughal Empire based
on the measurement of cultivated land. It
aimed to provide a stable, predictable source of
income for the state by fixing the revenue in cash
rather than relying on a share of the crop.
The revenue assessment under the Zabti system
was a meticulous, multi-step process:

1.Land Survey: All cultivable land was first

measured using a standard unit called the
bigha.

2.Land Classification: The measured land

was then classified into four categories based
on its fertility and cultivation frequency:
Polaj, Parauti, Chachar, and Banjar.

3.Revenue Rate Calculation: The most

famous form of the Zabti system, the Ain-i-
Dehsala, calculated the revenue rates based
on a ten-year average of both the yield of
each crop per bigha and the market price of
that crop in the locality. The state's demand
 was then fixed at one-third of this average
produce.

4.Cash Payment: The peasant was required

to pay the revenue in cash, which was
calculated based on the ten-year average
rate. This provided certainty for both the
state and the peasant, as the tax amount did
not change year to year based on fluctuating
harvests.
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
3.Categorise the different role played by
peasants, zamindars and Mughal
officials under the Dehsala system. (A2)
LO15
Under the Dehsala system, peasants,
zamindars, and Mughal officials had distinct
and interconnected roles, all centered on
the efficient collection of land revenue. This
system created a structured hierarchy with
clear responsibilities for each group.1
Role of Peasants 🧑‍🌾
Peasants were the foundation of the entire
system. Their primary role was to cultivate
the land and produce the crops that
generated the state's revenue. Under the
Dehsala system, their responsibilities
included:
 Cultivating Land: They were
responsible for tilling the land and
ensuring a good harvest.
 Paying Revenue in Cash: A major
change from previous systems, peasants
were required to sell their produce in the
market and pay the assessed revenue in
cash, based on the fixed rates of the
Dastur.2
 Maintaining Records: They had to
maintain records of their land and
production, which were cross-verified by
village officials.

Role of Zamindars 👑
The zamindars were powerful
intermediaries who, despite the centralizing
efforts of the Mughals, remained crucial to
the revenue administration.3 Under the
Dehsala system, their roles were to:
 Collect Revenue: Their primary role
was to collect the land revenue from the
 peasants within their jurisdiction and
remit a portion to the imperial treasury.
This gave them immense local power.
 Maintain Law and Order: They were
responsible for maintaining peace and
order in their territories, often with the
help of their own small military forces.
 Provide Assistance: Zamindars often
provided financial assistance to peasants
during times of crisis, ensuring the long-
term stability of the tax base.

Role of Mughal Officials 📝

Mughal officials were the backbone of the
central administration, responsible for the
implementation and supervision of the
Dehsala system.4 Their roles were to:
 Assessment and Survey: Officials like
the Qanungo and Patwari were
responsible for the detailed
measurement of land and the
maintenance of all revenue records at
the local level.5 They provided the data
 needed to calculate the ten-year
average for the Dehsala system.6
 Oversight and Auditing: Higher
officials, such as the Karori and the
provincial Diwan, were responsible for
auditing the records, ensuring that
revenue was being collected properly,
and preventing corruption.
 Policy Enforcement: The central
administration ensured the enforcement
of the system, including the collection of
revenue in cash and the use of
standardized weights and measures.7
--------------------------------------------------------------
----
4.Using the concept of Dehsala, do you
feel that it can be applicable in
contemporary times to improve the
agrarian problems of India. (E) LO14
Based on the concept of the Dehsala
system, while its core principle of providing
stability is appealing, it is not directly
applicable to contemporary times to solve
India's agrarian problems. Its rigid structure
and assumptions about a stable
environment would fail to address the
complex and dynamic challenges of modern
agriculture.

Principles That Could Be Applicable 💡

The Dehsala system was a sophisticated
solution for its time, and a few of its
underlying principles hold a certain appeal
even today:
 Predictability and Stability: The
system's primary strength was that it
provided a predictable tax burden for
peasants over a ten-year period.1 In an
age of extreme price volatility and crop
uncertainty, a similar long-term tax
policy could, in theory, help farmers plan
their finances and investments without
the fear of annual changes.
 Averaging Out Fluctuations: The use
of a ten-year average for both price and
yield was a clever way to smooth out
annual fluctuations. This principle could
be adapted to modern policies to create
more stable income streams for farmers.
Why It Is Unworkable in Contemporary
Times ❌
Despite these appealing principles, the
Dehsala system is fundamentally
incompatible with the realities of modern
Indian agriculture due to its rigidity:
 Climate Change and Environmental
Unpredictability: The Dehsala system
assumes a relatively stable environment.
In contemporary India, extreme weather
events, such as floods and droughts, are
increasingly common.2 A fixed tax based
on a ten-year average would be
disastrous for farmers in a year of crop
failure, as they would still be obligated to
pay the tax despite having no produce.
This would push them further into debt.
 Dynamic and Globalized Markets:
Unlike the relatively isolated markets of
the Mughal era, today's agricultural
prices are influenced by global supply
chains, international trade agreements,
and market speculation. A fixed tax
based on a historical average would
 quickly become irrelevant and
potentially unfair to farmers, especially
during periods of global price collapse.
 Technological Advancements: The
Dehsala system does not account for
rapid technological changes. The
introduction of new seeds, fertilizers, and
farming techniques can drastically
increase yields in a short period. A fixed
tax would not capture this increased
productivity, making the state's revenue
less dynamic and creating an uneven
playing field.
 Farmer Debt, Not Revenue: The
central agrarian problem in
contemporary India is not the collection
of state revenue but the immense debt
faced by farmers. Solutions today focus
on providing fair minimum support
prices, access to credit, and crop
insurance, none of which are addressed
by the Dehsala system's fixed tax
structure.
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----
 5.Discuss why the Dehsala system not
implemented in the Bengal subha? (U)
LO16
The Dehsala system, while a revolutionary land
revenue reform in the Mughal Empire, was not
implemented in the Bengal subah for a number
of reasons related to geography, administration,
and political dynamics.

Administrative and Political Challenges

The main reason the Zabti system was not
applied in Bengal was due to the prevalence of
powerful, semi-independent zamindars and
chieftains. Unlike the core Mughal provinces in
North India where the central authority was
strong, Bengal had a long history of powerful
local rulers who had effective control over land
and revenue collection. The Mughal
administration, particularly under Akbar, found it
more practical to co-opt these existing power
structures rather than trying to dismantle them.
Implementing a detailed land survey and direct
collection system like Dehsala would have
required immense military and administrative
effort and could have led to widespread revolt.

Geographical Factors
The Dehsala system's reliance on accurate land
measurement and classification was not well-
suited for Bengal's unique geography. The
region's vast riverine plains and deltas were
subject to frequent flooding and changes in river
courses, which made permanent land
measurement difficult and impractical. A fixed
revenue based on a ten-year average would not
have worked in an area where land quality and
agricultural productivity could change drastically
from one year to the next due to floods.

The Nasaq System

Instead of the Dehsala system, Bengal relied on a
different method of revenue assessment known
as Nasaq.1 Under this system, revenue was not
based on a new, detailed survey but on a rough
computation based on the average of past
revenue receipts and records.2 The state and the
zamindars would agree on a fixed sum to be paid
annually.3 This method was less precise but more
flexible and better suited to a region with strong
local intermediaries and a dynamic landscape.
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6.Breakdown the evolution of the Mughal
agrarian mechanism from Babur to
Akbar’s reign. (A2) LO14
The agrarian mechanism of the Mughal
Empire underwent a significant
transformation from the relatively informal
system of Babur and Humayun to the highly
organized and centralized system under
Akbar. This evolution was not linear but was
heavily influenced by the reforms of the
Afghan ruler Sher Shah Suri, who briefly
interrupted Mughal rule.1
Babur and Humayun: A Continuation of
the Sultanate
Babur and Humayun did not introduce major
reforms to the land revenue system.2 They
primarily continued the existing methods of
the Delhi Sultanate, relying on a mix of crop-
sharing (batai) and fixed payments.3 The
revenue was often collected based on old
records and estimates without a systematic
land survey. This system was largely
inefficient and failed to provide a stable or
predictable income for the state. Babur's
four-year reign was mostly consumed by
wars, leaving little time for administrative
overhaul.4 Humayun's period was also
marked by instability and exile, preventing
any meaningful reforms.5
Sher Shah Suri: The Foundation of
Reform
Sher Shah Suri, who ruled from 1540 to
1545, was a visionary administrator who laid
the groundwork for Akbar's later reforms.6
He recognized the need for a scientific and
standardized approach to revenue
collection. His key contributions were:
 Land Measurement: He ordered a
systematic survey of all cultivable land
using a standardized unit of
measurement.7
 Land Classification: He classified land
into three categories—good, middling,
and bad—to assess productivity.8
 Standardized Revenue: He fixed the
state's share at one-third of the average
produce.9 He also introduced the system
of patta (a document stating the
peasant's rights) and qabuliyat (a deed
of agreement), which protected the
peasant from exploitation.10
  Cash or Kind: He allowed peasants to
pay revenue in either cash or kind,
though cash payment was preferred.11
Sher Shah's reforms established a more
transparent and direct relationship between
the state and the peasantry, bypassing
exploitative intermediaries.

Akbar: Consolidation and Perfection

Akbar's genius lay in his ability to adopt and
perfect the reforms of Sher Shah. His initial
years were marked by administrative
instability, but he eventually centralized the
revenue system under his brilliant finance
minister, Raja Todar Mal, who had
previously worked for Sher Shah.12 The
evolution under Akbar was a step-by-step
process:
1. Early Experiments (1560s-
1570s): Akbar began by moving
towards a cash-based system but faced
challenges with annual assessments and
fluctuating prices. He experimented with
different systems, including the Karori
experiment (1573), which involved
 appointing officials to measure land and
collect revenue directly. The experiment,
while initially a failure due to corruption,
provided the crucial data needed for a
more stable system.
2. The Zabti or Dahsala System
(1580): Based on the data collected,
Raja Todar Mal introduced the Zabti or
Dehsala system.13 This was the pinnacle
of Mughal agrarian reform. Its key
features were:
o Standardized Measurement: Land
was measured using the bigha, and a
new measuring rod made of bamboo
and iron rings was introduced.14
o Scientific Assessment: The system
calculated a ten-year average of
both the yield of each crop and its
price.15 The state's demand, fixed at
one-third of this average, was
converted to cash.16 This provided
certainty for both the state and the
peasant.
o Land Classification: The system
further refined land classification into
 four categories: Polaj, Parauti,
Chachar, and Banjar.17
Akbar’s reforms were not just about
increasing revenue but about creating a
stable, just, and efficient agrarian
administration that became the backbone of
the Mughal Empire for over a century.18
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----
7.Explain the challenges that were faced
by the Mughal emperors due to the
implication of Dehsala System. (U) LO16
While the Dehsala system was a landmark
reform that provided stability to the Mughal
administration, its implementation created a
unique set of challenges for the rulers. These
challenges stemmed primarily from the system's
inherent rigidities and the vast scale of the
empire.

Challenges Faced by the Mughal Emperors

 Fixed Revenue in a Dynamic Economy:

The system's reliance on a ten-year
average meant that the state's income was
fixed in cash for a decade. This became a
major problem during times of price
 inflation. If the prices of grain and other
commodities rose sharply, the fixed cash
revenue would have less real purchasing
power for the state's expenses, like paying
the army and administration. The empire's
real income, therefore, could decline even if
the nominal revenue remained the same.

 High Administrative Costs: Implementing

the Dehsala system was a massive and
expensive undertaking. It required a vast and
well-trained bureaucracy to conduct detailed
land surveys, classify different types of land,
and maintain meticulous records. The sheer
cost and logistical complexity of this
administrative machinery were a constant
challenge.

 Corruption: While the system was designed

to reduce corruption by standardizing rates
and using a cash-based system, it did not
eliminate it. Corrupt officials could still
manipulate records, over-measure land, or
coerce peasants for bribes, which resulted in
a loss of revenue for the state.

 Not Universally Applicable: The Dehsala

system was most effective in the fertile, well-
irrigated plains of North India, where land
productivity was relatively stable. It was
difficult to implement in regions with
fluctuating land quality, like the floodplains of
Bengal, or in arid, hilly, or forested areas.
 This forced the rulers to adopt less
systematic methods like Nasaq in many
parts of the empire, which made the overall
revenue administration less uniform.
==========================
================