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 Serial Editor

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Editorial Board

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Neuronal Microcircuitry
Freda Miller, Toronto, Canada.
Developmental Neurobiology
Shane O’Mara, Dublin, Ireland.
Systems Neuroscience
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Clinical Psychology & Neuropsychiatry
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Contributors
J. Bernacer
Mind-Brain Group (Institute for Culture and Society, ICS), University of Navarra,
Pamplona, Spain
V. Bonnelle
University of Oxford, Oxford, United Kingdom
A. Bourgeois
Laboratory for Behavioral Neurology and Imaging of Cognition, University of
Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland
C. Burrasch
Technische Universit€ €beck, Lu
at Dresden, Dresden; University of Lu €beck,
Germany
L. Chelazzi
University of Verona; National Institute of Neuroscience, Verona, Italy
T.T.-J. Chong
Macquarie University; ARC Centre of Excellence in Cognition and its Disorders,
Macquarie University, Sydney, NSW; Monash Institute of Cognitive and Clinical
Neurosciences, Monash University, Clayton, VIC, Australia
P.J. Currie
Reed College, Portland, OR, United States
C. Eisenegger
Neuropsychopharmacology and Biopsychology Unit, Faculty of Psychology,
University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria
B. Eitam
University of Haifa, Haifa, Israel
L. Font
Area de Psicobiologı́a, Universitat Jaume I, Castellón, Spain
J. Gottlieb
Kavli Institute for Brain Science, Columbia University, New York, NY,
United States
R. Handermann
Mauritius Hospital, Meerbusch, Germany
U. Hegerl
Research Center of the German Depression Foundation; University of Leipzig,
Leipzig, Germany
J. Held
University Hospital of Zurich, Zurich; Cereneo, Center for Neurology and
Rehabilitation, Vitznau, Switzerland

v
vi Contributors

L. Hellrung
Technische Universit€
at Dresden, Dresden, Germany
E.T. Higgins
Columbia University, New York, NY, United States
C.B. Holroyd
University of Victoria, Victoria, BC, Canada
M. Husain
University of Oxford; John Radcliffe Hospital, Oxford, United Kingdom
P. Kenning
€sseldorf, Du
Heinrich-Heine-University Du €sseldorf, Germany
S. Knecht
Mauritius Hospital, Meerbusch; Institute of Clinical Neuroscience and Medical
Psychology, Medical Faculty, Heinrich-Heine-University Du €sseldorf, Du
€sseldorf,
Germany
N.B. Kroemer
Technische Universit€
at Dresden, Dresden, Germany
M. Lopes
Inria and Ensta ParisTech, Paris, France
A.B. Losecaat Vermeer
Neuropsychopharmacology and Biopsychology Unit, Faculty of Psychology,
University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria
A. Luft
University Hospital of Zurich, Zurich; Cereneo, Center for Neurology and
Rehabilitation, Vitznau, Switzerland
E. Luis
Neuroimaging Laboratory, Center for Applied Medical Research (CIMA),
University of Navarra, Pamplona, Spain
K. Lutz
University Hospital of Zurich; Institute of Psychology, University of Zurich, Zurich;
Cereneo, Center for Neurology and Rehabilitation, Vitznau, Switzerland
P. Malhotra
Imperial College London, Charing Cross Hospital, London, United Kingdom
I. Martinez-Valbuena
Mind-Brain Group (Institute for Culture and Society, ICS), University of Navarra,
Pamplona, Spain
M. Martinez
Neuroimaging Laboratory, Center for Applied Medical Research (CIMA),
University of Navarra, Pamplona, Spain
I. Morales
Reed College, Portland, OR, United States
 Contributors vii

O. Nafcha
University of Haifa, Haifa, Israel
E. Olgiati
Imperial College London, Charing Cross Hospital, London, United Kingdom
P.-Y. Oudeyer
Inria and Ensta ParisTech, Paris, France
S.Q. Park
€beck, Lu
University of Lu €beck, Germany
M.A. Pastor
Mind-Brain Group (Institute for Culture and Society, ICS); Neuroimaging
Laboratory, Center for Applied Medical Research (CIMA); Clı́nica Universidad de
Navarra, University of Navarra, Pamplona, Spain
R. Pastor
Reed College, Portland, OR, United States; Area de Psicobiologı́a, Universitat
Jaume I, Castellón, Spain
N. Pujol
Clı́nica Universidad de Navarra, University of Navarra, Pamplona, Spain
D. Ramirez-Castillo
Mind-Brain Group (Institute for Culture and Society, ICS), University of Navarra,
Pamplona, Spain
I. Riečanský
Laboratory of Cognitive Neuroscience, Institute of Normal and Pathological
Physiology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava, Slovakia; Social, Cognitive
and Affective Neuroscience Unit, Faculty of Psychology, University of Vienna,
Vienna, Austria
C. Russell
Institute of Psychiatry, Psychology and Neuroscience, King’s College London,
London, United Kingdom
D. Soto
Basque Center on Cognition, Brain and Language, San Sebastian; Ikerbasque,
Basque Foundation for Science, Bilbao, Spain
S. Strang
€beck, Lu
University of Lu €beck, Germany
T. Strombach
€sseldorf, Du
Heinrich-Heine-University Du €sseldorf, Germany
B. Studer
Institute of Clinical Neuroscience and Medical Psychology, Medical Faculty,
Heinrich-Heine-University Du €sseldorf, Du
€sseldorf; Mauritius Hospital,
Meerbusch, Germany
viii Contributors

C. Ulke
Research Center of the German Depression Foundation, Leipzig, Germany
A. Umemoto
Institute of Biomedical and Health Sciences, Hiroshima University, Hiroshima,
Japan
H. Van Dijk
Institute of Clinical Neuroscience and Medical Psychology, Medical Faculty,
Heinrich-Heine-University Du €sseldorf, Du
€sseldorf, Germany
P. Vuilleumier
Laboratory for Behavioral Neurology and Imaging of Cognition, University of
Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland
M. Widmer
University Hospital of Zurich; Neural Control of Movement Lab, ETH Zurich,
Zurich; Cereneo, Center for Neurology and Rehabilitation, Vitznau, Switzerland
N. Ziegler
Institute of Human Movement Sciences and Sport, ETH Zurich, Zurich,
Switzerland
Preface
Motivation, the driving force of our behavior, is relevant to all aspects of human life
and the question how motivation can be enhanced is likewise ubiquitous. As a con-
sequence, motivation is a prominent topic in the psychological, educational, neuro-
science, and economic literature and has been subject to both extensive theoretical
consideration and empirical research. Yet, motivation and its neural mechanisms are
not yet fully understood, and the demand for new tools to enhance motivation in ed-
ucation, health, and work settings remains high. This volume provides an up-to-date
overview over theoretical and experimental work on motivation, discusses recent
findings about the neurobiological mechanisms underlying motivation and goal-
directed behavior, and presents novel approaches targeting motivation in clinical
and nonclinical application settings. It contains a mix of review articles and new
original research studies, and crosses the boundaries of and connects findings from
a range of scientific disciplines, including psychology, economics, behavioral and
cognitive neurosciences, and education.
The volume is structured into four sections: The first section discusses theories of
motivation. Strombach and colleagues (Chapter 1) review extant psychological and
economic theories of motivation and converse the similarities and differences in how
motivation is conceptualized in these two scientific traditions. Chapters 2 and 3 pre-
sent two novel, nonexclusive models of motivation. The first model, proposed by
Studer and Knecht (Chapter 2), defines motivation for a given activity as a product
of the anticipated subjective benefits and anticipated subjective costs of (performance
of) the activity. This benefit–cost model incorporates core concepts of previous mo-
tivation theories and allows deriving strategies for how motivation might be increased
in application settings. Meanwhile, Nafacha et al. (Chapter 3) focus on the motivation
underlying habitual behavior and propose that habitual behavior is motivated by the
control it provides over ones environment. They discuss the intrinsic worth of control
and in which circumstances an activity may attain control-based motivational value.
The second section of this volume covers the assessment of motivation. One tra-
dition in motivation research is to use questionnaire-based qualitative measures. But,
this approach has some limitations, including that questionnaires can only be used to
measure motivation in humans, and that these measures rely on adequate insight of
responders. In Chapter 4, Chong et al. present an alternative approach to the assess-
ment of motivation, namely use of objective measures of motivation derived from
effort-based decision-making paradigms. This behavioral assessment approach al-
lows identifying motivation deficits in clinical populations and investigating neuro-
biological mechanisms of motivation in both human and nonhuman animals (see also
Chapters 5–9).
Section 3 of this volume covers current knowledge about the neurobiological un-
derpinnings of motivation. Chapter 5 by Bernacer et al. presents new original work
on the valuation of physical activity in sedentary individuals and on the neural

xxi
xxii Preface

correlates of the subjective cost of physical effort. Kroemer and colleagues

(Chapter 6) argue that signal fluctuations in a mesocorticolimbic network underlie
and give rise to intraindividual fluctuations in motivation and effort production.
The authors review extant empirical support for this proposition and discuss how
novel functional magnetic resonance imaging techniques will enable further testing
of the suggested neurobehavioral model.
Morales and colleagues (Chapter 7) focus on motivation for seeking and con-
sumption of food. Their chapter reviews the current knowledge about the role of opi-
oid signaling in food motivation gained through laboratory experiments in animals
and presents new original data on the effects of opioid receptor antagonists upon food
motivation and effort-related behavior.
Umemoto and Holroyd (Chapter 8) explore the role of the anterior cingulate cor-
tex in motivated behavior and theorize that this brain structure contributes to the
motivation-related personality traits reward sensitivity and persistence. They also
present new data from a behavioral experiment in support of this theory.
Vermeer et al. (Chapter 9) review evidence for the involvement of sex hormones
testosterone and estradiol in motivation for partaking in competitions and in perfor-
mance increases during competitions. They describe how competition-induced tes-
tosterone can have long-lasting effects upon behavior and discuss how testosterone
might enable neuroplasticity in the adult brain.
In the final chapter of Section 3, Hegerl and Ulke (Chapter 10) describe the clin-
ical symptom fatigue and its neurobiological correlates. They discuss clinical, behav-
ioral, and neurobiological support for why distinguishing between “hyperaroused
fatigue” (observed in major depression) and “hypoaroused fatigue” (occurring in
the context of inflammatory and immunological processes) is important and propose
a clinical procedure to achieve this separation.
The fourth section of this volume showcases recent research on enhancing
motivation in education, neurorehabilitation, and other application domains. In
Chapter 11, Oudeyer et al. argue that curiosity and learning progress act as intrinsic
motivators that foster exploration and memory retention, and discuss how this mech-
anism can be utilized in education technology applications.
Strang et al. (Chapter 12) review recent work on the use of monetary incentives as
a motivation enhancement tool in the context of (laboratory) task performance, pro-
social behavior, and health-related behavior, and debate the conditions under which
this approach is and is not effective. Meanwhile, new research by Widmer et al.
(presented in Chapter 13) tested whether augmentation of striatal activation during
a motor learning task through strategic employment of performance feedback and of
performance-dependent monetary reward can strengthen motor skill acquisition and
consolidation.
Chapters 14 and 15 investigate how motivation influences perception and atten-
tion. Bourgeois et al. (Chapter 14) discuss how reward-signaling stimuli attract and
bias attention, and which neural mechanisms underlie this impact of motivation upon
attention. In Chapter 15, Paresh and colleagues then elaborate on how these effects
 Preface xxiii

can be utilized in the treatment of spatial neglect, a disorder of attention common in

stroke patients. They cover previous evidence on the effectiveness of motivational
stimulation in reducing attention deficits and present a new original study examining
the impact of monetary incentives on attentional orienting and task engagement in
patients with neglect.
In Chapter 16, we present a proof-of-concept study which shows that competition
can be used as a tool to enhance intensity and amount of (self-directed) training in
stroke patients undergoing neurorehabilitation.
Chapter 17 by Chong and Husain reviews extant clinical and laboratory evidence
for the use of dopaminergic medication in the treatment of apathy, a neuropsychiatric
syndrome characterized by diminished motivation. They also discuss how effort-
based decision-making paradigms could be used as more objective endpoint mea-
sures in future treatment studies.
In Chapter 18, Knecht and Kenning explore how insights gained in neuroeco-
nomic and marketing research into motivation and behavior offer new avenues
and models for health facilitation and meeting the challenge of lifestyle-mediated
chronic disease.
We hope that this volume will not only provide an up-to-date account on moti-
vation but also help to integrate knowledge gained in the covered disciplines and re-
search fields and to connect basic research on the neurobiological foundations of
motivation, clinical work on motivation deficits, and application research. To aid this
integration, we reflect on connections between and conclusions derived from the
various lines of research presented in the final chapter of this volume (Chapter 19).
We also outline open questions for future motivation research.
Bettina Studer
Stefan Knecht
 CHAPTER

Common and distinctive

approaches to motivation
in different disciplines
T. Strombach*,1, S. Strang†,1,2, S.Q. Park†, P. Kenning*
1
€
*Heinrich-Heine-University Dusseldorf, €
Dusseldorf, Germany
†
€
University of Lubeck, €
Lubeck, Germany
2
Corresponding author: Tel.: +49-451-3101-3611; Fax: +49-451-3101-3604,
e-mail address: [email protected]

Abstract
Over the last couple of decades, a body of theories has emerged that explains when and why
people are motivated to act. Multiple disciplines have investigated the origins and conse-
quences of motivated behavior, and have done so largely in parallel. Only recently have
different disciplines, like psychology and economics, begun to consolidate their knowledge,
attempting to integrate findings. The following chapter presents and discusses the most
prominent approaches to motivation in the disciplines of biology, psychology, and economics.
Particularly, we describe the specific role of incentives, both monetary and alternative, in
various motivational theories. Though monetary incentives are pivotal in traditional economic
theory, biological and psychological theories ascribe less significance to monetary incentives
and suggest alternative drivers for motivation.

Keywords
Incentives, Intrinsic motivation, Extrinsic motivation, Drives, Motives

1 INTRODUCTION
Motivation describes goal-oriented behavior and includes all processes for initiating,
maintaining, or changing psychological and physiological activity (Heckhausen and
Heckhausen, 2006). The word “motivation” originates from the Latin verb “movere,”
meaning “to move” (Hau and Martini, 2012), which effectively describes what
motivation is—the active “movement” of an organism in reaction to a stimulus.

1
These authors contributed equally to this paper.

Progress in Brain Research, Volume 229, ISSN 0079-6123, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/bs.pbr.2016.06.007

© 2016 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
3
4 CHAPTER 1 Approaches to motivation

Assuming that most human behavior is driven by a specific motivation, knowing the
underlying motives is crucial to understanding human behavior. While motivation
explains desired behaviors, such as striving for a career or finding a partner, it also
accounts for maladaptive behaviors, such as drug addiction (eg, Baker et al., 2004;
Kalivas and Volkow, 2005; Koob and Le Moal, 2001) or gambling (Clark et al.,
2009). During the last ten decades, such disciplines as psychology, economics, bi-
ology, and neuroscience have investigated motivation in a variety of contexts, to gain
a better understanding of factors that drive human behavior. Because the findings of
these studies are inconsistent, however, a general theory of motivation processes re-
mains elusive (Gneezy et al., 2011).
In the following, we present a range of theories of motivation from biological,
psychological, and economic perspectives, and discuss both commonalities and dif-
ferences among the various approaches. The goal of this chapter is (1) to provide a
brief and selective overview of current theories on motivation in various disciplines
and (2) to discuss important and conflicting aspects of those theories.

1.1 A DEFINITION OF MOTIVATION

Currently, no consensus on a single definition of motivation exists among the disci-
plines (Gneezy et al., 2011). In general, motivation is defined by a directedness and
intensity of behavior and tries to explain how and why goals emerge and how these
goals are sustained (Frey and Jegen, 2001; White, 1959). In everyday life, motivation
is often used to explain a person’s behavior—for example, to explain why people buy a
specific product brand, or why students study all night for an upcoming exam. These
questions have one thing in common: the goal of the motivated behavior is to fulfill a
specific need or desire. Nevid (2013) explains: “The term motivation refers to factors
that activate, direct, and sustain goal-directed behavior […]. Motives are the ‘whys’ of
behavior—the needs or wants that drive behavior and explain what we do. We do not
actually observe a motive; rather, we infer that one exists based on the behavior we
observe” (p. 288). The forces that drive behavior refer to motives and might have their
origin in biological, social, emotional, or cognitive aspects. The observed behavior is
understood by inferring the motive behind it. A motive is an isolated factor that drives
human behavior (Herkner, 1986). For example, eating a banana is an observed behav-
ior, while hunger might be the inferred motive for the behavior.
The study of motives has revealed a basic distinction between inherent motives
and learned motives (Skinner, 1938, 2014). Inherent motives are inborn and central
to survival, as can be seen in instincts and drives directed toward fulfilling biological
needs (James, 1890). Hunger is a typical inherent motive; it fulfills the biological
need to maintain a certain energy level. In contrast, learned motives are formed
through experience. The desire to receive money is an illustrative learned motive
(Opsahl and Dunnette, 1966). Money cannot directly fulfill any biological need;
however, money allows indirect fulfillment of several biological needs
(eg, buying food), and social rewards, such as status. Learned motives, therefore, de-
pend strongly on social and cultural influences, as they are formed and framed by
experience (White and Lehman, 2005; Zimbardo, 2007).
 2 Biological motives 5

Instincts
Drives
Biological Operant conditioning
Physiological arousal

Intrinsic and extrinsic

Self-determination
Motives Psychological Motivated behavior
Self-actualization
Social

Monetary incentives
Economic Performance
Preferences

FIG. 1
Overview of the different motives that are used to explain motivated and goal-directed
behavior. Motives can be divided into three categories: biological, psychological, and
economic motives, covering different aspects of human behavior.

Motives can further be categorized into extrinsic and intrinsic motives (Deci,
1971). A person is said to be intrinsically motivated when performing a behavior
simply out of enjoyment of the behavior itself, without receiving reward for the be-
havior. Alternatively, a person who performs a task only to receive a reward (typi-
cally from a second party) is said to be externally motivated (Deci, 1971). This
reward can be tangible, such as money, but also nontangible, as in the case of verbal
feedback (Deci et al., 1999).
Furthermore, motives are influenced by the context and the situation (Zimbardo,
2007). A situation includes both the objective experience and the subjective interpre-
tation of situational factors. The objective and the subjective component are indepen-
dent of each other and might be independently consulted in order to explain
motivated behavior. A person might not be hungry, but the enticing smell of French
fries might provoke a craving for that food, without an actual change in hunger status.
The discussion of theories of motivation begins with biological motives, which
were the first theories used to explain goal-directed, motivated behavior. Psycholog-
ical theories on motivation cover individual differences and aim to explain complex
behavior. Finally, management and economic research introduce tangible incentives
into motivation theory, equating motivation with performance. Fig. 1 offers an over-
view of the various approaches to explaining motivated behavior.

2 BIOLOGICAL MOTIVES
The four most prominent biological theories on motivation consider instincts, drives,
operant conditioning, and physiological arousal. All biological theories focus on mo-
tives that aim to achieve a physical/bodily change. They all build on the premise that
physical needs, urges, or deficiencies initiate behavior.
6 CHAPTER 1 Approaches to motivation

2.1 INSTINCTS AS MOTIVES

Instincts are biologically determined, existing in all species, and are innate drivers of
behavior (James, 1890; Kubie, 1948; Sherrington, 1916). Instincts are thus inherent
motives; they are fixed, rigid, and predictable patterns of behavior that are not ac-
quired by learning. They are sometimes described as a chain of reflexes initiated
by a given stimulus (James, 1890). Accordingly, the observed behavior and the un-
derlying motive are identical and observed behavior is at least clearly attributable to a
specific stimulus. For example, newborns exhibit sucking behavior as soon as their
lips or tongues are touched. This behavior occurs without any learning (Davis et al.,
1948). Instincts as motivation, therefore, suggest that a single stimulus triggers a re-
flex or chain of reflexes that is genetically preprogrammed (Morgan, 1912). Accord-
ing to instinct theory, humans primarily react to environmental stimuli, precluding
explorative and planned behavior (White, 1959). This also implies that instincts can-
not readily explain the motivation to learn, as pointed out by Maslow (1954). As
early as 1954, Maslow proposed that because humans are able to voluntarily override
certain instincts, human behavior is not as rigid and predictable as assumed by in-
stinct theory. In summary, instinct alone cannot sufficiently explain the complexities
of human behavior.

2.2 DRIVES AS MOTIVES

In 1943 Clark Hull introduced the drive-reduction theory as explanation for moti-
vated behavior, expanding the idea in 1952. A “drive” is a state of arousal or tension
triggered by a person’s physiological or biological needs, which might be food, wa-
ter, or even sex (Hull, 1943). Hull’s (1943, 1952) drive-reduction theory states that
behavior arises from physiological needs created by a deviation from homeostasis
(the tendency to maintain a balance, or an optimal level, within a biological system).
This deviation triggers internal drives to push the organism to satisfy the need, and to
reduce tension and arousal.
Drive-reduction theory distinguishes between primary or innate drives and sec-
ondary or acquired drives. While primary drives are defined by needs of the body
such as hunger, thirst, or the desire for sex, secondary drives are not directly linked
to bodily states. Instead, they are associated with primary drives via experiences or
conditioning procedures (Pavlov, 1941). One example of such secondary drives is a
desire to receive money, which helps to pay for the satisfaction of primary drives like
food and shelter (Mowrer, 1951; Olds, 1953). Drive-reduction theory thus extends
previous approaches by integrating secondary reinforcers into the model. With the
introduction of this concept, motives came to be seen as more complex and flexible,
in comparison to instinct theory. However, the theory was criticized for lack of eco-
logic validity and an explanation for the role of secondary reinforcers in regulating
tension. Money, as a secondary reinforce, can be used to purchase primary rein-
forcers such as food and water. However, money in itself cannot reduce an individ-
ual’s tension. Another shortcoming of this approach is that drive-reduction theory
 2 Biological motives 7

does not provide an explanation for behavior that is not intended to reduce any ten-
sion, such as a person eating even if not hungry (Cellura, 1969).
Also based on the idea of drives and biological unconscious needs, Freud’s mo-
tivation theory is framed on three central elements. First, his idea of psychological
determinism suggests that all psychological phenomena, no matter whether only a
thought or actual behavior, happen for a reason and the underlying motivation
can, therefore, be explained (Freud, 1961). Second, Freud states that the motives
of behavior are mainly instinct driven, and drives are dependent on biological pro-
cesses that are mostly unconscious (Freud, 1952, 1961). Third, behavior does not
directly reflect drives, but is a state of conflict that may be internal, or that may
directly express a desire contrary to socially accepted behavior (Freud, 1961). Thus,
drives are internal energizers and initiate behavior. In Freudian psychoanalysis,
the sex drive (the libido) is the most powerful drive. The libido originates in the
unconsciousness (Id) and modulates internal and external conditions (Ego and
Superego)—thereby also modulating perception and behavior in social settings.

2.3 OPERANT CONDITIONED MOTIVES

Watson (1913) held a view on behavior that opposes the ideas of Hull and Freud, who
mainly used introspection, an examination of internal thoughts and feelings, as sup-
port for their approaches. Watson, in contrast, voted strongly against the idea of in-
trospection, suggesting a more objective interpretation of human behavior. In his
view, contrary to Freud’s theory, motives are clearly deducible from the behavior
that is observed. The field of research that resulted from Watson’s theories can be
referred to as behaviorism, highlighting the central and informative aspect of the ob-
servable aspect of human behavior (Skinner, 2011; Watson, 1930). Behaviorism was
greatly influenced by the research of Skinner, who coined the term “operant
conditioning” (Skinner, 1938, 2011). While classical conditioning relies on the pres-
ence of a given stimulus that exhibits a natural reaction (Skinner, 1938), operant con-
ditioning refers to the association of a spontaneous behavior with a specific incentive
(Flora, 2004).
Skinner differentiated between two kinds of reinforcers—primary and secondary
reinforcers (Skinner, 1938; Wike and Barrientos, 1958). Primary reinforcers, or un-
conditioned reinforcers, are stimuli that do not require pairing to provoke a specific
response. Those stimuli, evolved through evolution, play a primary role in human
survival. Primary reinforcers include sleep, food, or sex and are quite stable over
the human lifetime. Secondary or conditioned reinforcers, in contrast, are stimuli
or situations that have acquired their function after pairing with a specific outcome.
Therefore, comparable to the primary and secondary reinforcers in drive-reduction
theory, the secondary reinforcers are often acquired to fulfill the primary reinforcers,
as in the case of gaining money to buy food.
In a similar vein, Hsee and colleagues (2003) describe money and other second-
ary reinforcers as a medium between effort or performance and a desired mostly pri-
mary reinforcer. In his theorizing, people receive a medium as an immediate reward
8 CHAPTER 1 Approaches to motivation

and can then trade this for another desired outcome/primary reinforcer. Money, for
example, can be traded for food. Sometimes there are even multiple channels be-
tween performance and the outcome/primary reinforce (Hsee et al., 2003). As an ex-
ample of other mediating elements, money can also be used to buy expensive clothes,
with a goal of increasing social status in order to, ultimately, achieve sexual relations.
The reinforcement approach as explanation for motivated behavior was criticized
for not sufficiently explaining the link between behavior and reinforcement. The ap-
proach basically states that all behavior needs to happen at least once, accidentally or
voluntarily, before it can be modulated or altered (Chomsky, 1959; Wiest, 1967).
However, in real life that might not always be the case. In a typical reinforcement
experiment, a very limited set of choices is offered and one of the choices is
rewarded. As an example, a rat is put in a condition where the only choices are to
do nothing, or to explore its surroundings, which are empty except for a lever. It
is thus very likely that the rat will press the lever at some point, which results in
a reward. The action of pressing a lever is thereby strengthened as a behavioral op-
tion. In real life, both animals and humans have larger choice sets. Therefore, a more
complex explanation for motivated behavior is needed than suggested by Skinner.

2.4 PHYSIOLOGICAL AROUSAL AS MOTIVE

The arousal theory of motivation suggests that people execute a specific behavior in
order to maintain an “optimum” level of physiological arousal (Keller, 1981;
Mitchell, 1982). That optimal level might vary among people and might also change
throughout a lifetime. The theory suggests that whenever the arousal drops below or
rises above a specific individual level, people seek stimulation to elevate or reduce it
again (Keller, 1981). Thus, commonalities with the drive-reduction theory exist, but
instead of tension, arousal theory suggests that humans are motivated to maintain an
“ideal” level of arousal and stimulation. No biological balance needs to be
maintained.
Consistent with this approach, the Yerkes–Dodson law (Yerkes and Dodson,
1908) states that performance is also related to arousal. In order to maintain an
“optimum” arousal level, humans adapt performance in accordance with the current
level of arousal. Moderate levels of arousal lead to better performance, compared to
performance when arousal levels are too high or too low (Broadhurst, 1959). How-
ever, the effect of incentives varies with the difficulty of the task being performed.
While easy tasks require a high-to-moderate level of arousal to produce high perfor-
mance, more difficult tasks require a low-to-moderate level of arousal (Broadhurst,
1959). Thus, arousal theory introduces the concept of performance into motivation
theory, proposing direct and measurable outcomes of motivated behavior.
In summary, biological theories on motivation suggest that biologically deter-
mined factors such as instinct or drive underlie motivated behavior. While instinct
theory regards human behavior as biologically predetermined reactions to stimuli in
the environment, drive-reduction theory and arousal theory state that humans behave
 3 Psychological motives 9

in a way that attempts to maintain a determined balance. Finally, operant conditioned

rewards link behavior to biologically relevant needs. Although biological approaches
to motivation can be regarded as simplifications of the actual processes underlying
motivated behavior, they inspired many subsequent theories to understanding human
behavior. It is worth remembering, however, that despite biological theories lack va-
lidity in studies of motivation, biological theories continue to be useful tools in the
study of other areas of behavior.

3 PSYCHOLOGICAL MOTIVES
Psychological approaches explaining motivated behavior differ from biological mo-
tives, in the sense that they do not focus solely on physiological changes, but go fur-
ther in their assumption of goal-directed behavior. Psychological theories allow
more variables additionally to biological factors in explaining individual behavior.
In psychology, theories of motivation propose that behavior can be explained as a
response to any stimulus and the individual rewarding properties of that stimulus.
However, the difficulty in studying these motives is that humans are often not explic-
itly aware of the underlying motive. The complexity in psychology is thus based on
the assumption that actions of humans cannot be predicted or fully understood with-
out understanding their beliefs and values. Therefore, it is important to understand
the association to those beliefs and values, and the associated actions at any given
time. It is crucial, as well, to account for individual differences in the motives driving
behavior. Furthermore, the investigation of motives sets a challenge because not only
is there a single defined motive, but there is often an aggregation of different motives
initiating goal-directed behavior. In general, psychological research on motives fo-
cuses on systematizing motives in a comprehensive way by accounting for individual
and temporary behaviors. The categorization and focus of individualism thereby dif-
fers among theories.

3.1 INTRINSIC AND EXTRINSIC MOTIVES

As mentioned previously, one of the most prominent categorizations of psychological
motives differentiates between intrinsic and extrinsic motives (Deci and Ryan, 2000).
The distinction between the two types of motives is based on the origin of the motive.
Intrinsic motives are subjective valuations of a behavior—meaning that the behavior in
itself is rewarding. The motivation is thus the inherent value of a specific behavior. In
contrast, extrinsic motivation refers to external incentives that are separable from the
behavior itself. Here, motivation is thus not inherent, but is induced by the prospect of
an external outcome. For example, students showing the same strong academic perfor-
mance can be motivated either intrinsically or extrinsically. When a specific study
topic is interesting to a student, the desire to know about the subject can lead to a good
grade. This would be an intrinsic motive and is free of external prompts, pressures, or
10 CHAPTER 1 Approaches to motivation

rewards (Deci and Ryan, 1985; Ryan, 2012; Ryan and Deci, 2000). In other situations,
students do face external factors. A student who receives a scholarship or another re-
ward for good grades is extrinsically motivated to perform well and is responding to
external cues (Deci and Ryan, 1985; Ryan and Deci, 2000).
Intrinsic motivation has also been acknowledged in animal studies. While biolog-
ical motives do not account for voluntary behavior executed with no given reward,
White (1959) indicates that some animals—cats, dogs, and monkeys, for instance—
show curiosity-driven or playful behavior even in the absence of reinforcement. This
explorative behavior can be described as “novelty seeking” (Hirschman, 1980). In
such cases, intrinsic motivated behavior is performed for the positive experience as-
sociated with exercising and extending capabilities, independent of an objective ben-
efit (Deci and Ryan, 2000; Ryan and Deci, 2000). Also humans are active, playful,
and curious (Young, 1959) and have an inherent and natural motivation to learn and
explore (White, 1959). This natural motivation in humans and several animals is im-
portant for cognitive, social, and physical development (White, 1959). As people ex-
perience new things and explore their limits, they are learning new skills and
extending their knowledge in ways that may be beneficial in the future.
Operant learning, thus the association of a spontaneous behavior with an incen-
tive (as suggested by Skinner), implies that learning and motivated behavior is only
initiated by rewards such as food. However, according to intrinsic motivation theory,
the behavior in itself is rewarding. Operant learning thus suggests that behavior and
consequence (or reward) are separable, while intrinsic motivation implies that be-
havior and reward are identical. Thus, research on intrinsic motivation focuses on
the features that make an activity interesting (Deci et al., 1999). In contrast, learning
theory as proposed by Hull (1943) asserts that behavior is always initiated by needs
and drives. Intrinsic motivation in this context pursues the goal of satisfying innate
psychological needs (Deci and Ryan, 2000).
Although intrinsic motivation is a very important aspect of human behavior, most
behavior in our everyday life is not intrinsically motivated (Deci and Ryan, 2000).
Extrinsic motives are constructs that pertain whenever an activity is carried out in
order to attain a separate outcome. In light of Skinner’s use of extrinsic rewards
to explain operant conditioning, learning, and goal-directed processes (Skinner,
1938, 2014), extrinsic rewards refer to the instrumental value that is assigned to a
specific behavior. However, the experience of an instrumental value is often associ-
ated with a perceived restriction of his or her own behavior and their set of choices
(Deci and Ryan, 1985).
Comparing both intrinsic and extrinsic motives with biological motives, it be-
comes evident that most of the earlier theories tended to ignore intrinsic motivation.
To a great extent, learning theories, particularly, ignored the influence of innate mo-
tives for understanding progress and human development. Theories related to drives
and needs integrated psychological aspects into their theories (Hull, 1943). However,
the theories are not clearly described and are not sufficient to explain complex human
behavior. The concept of intrinsic and extrinsic motives thus extends the previous
approaches by explaining more realistic behavior.
 3 Psychological motives 11

3.2 SELF-DETERMINATION MOTIVE

Self-determination as a motive for goal-directed behavior is based on the premise
that the organism is an active system with an inherent propensity for growth and
for resolution of inconsistencies (Deci and Ryan, 2002). This new approach has
many similarities to the assumptions made by drive theories and physiological
arousal theory. However, there is one major difference—while biological drive the-
ories assume that the set point is the equilibrium, self-determination theory suggests
that the set point is growth oriented, going beyond the initial state. The idea implies
an inherent need for development and progress. Deci and Ryan (2002) suggest that
motivation is contingent upon the degree to which an individual is self-motivated and
self-determined. They identify three innate factors that people try to fulfill in order to
develop optimally: (1) competence, (2) relatedness, and (3) autonomy (Deci and
Ryan, 2002). Competence refers to the need to feel capable of reliably producing
desired outcomes and/or avoiding negative outcomes. Thus, a requirement for com-
petence is an understanding of the relationship between behavior and the resulting
consequence, similar to the outcome expectations in Skinner’s operant conditioning
theory (Chomsky, 1959; Skinner, 1938). An individual strives for successful engage-
ment in the behavior, which is reflected by efficacy expectations. Different from the
concept of competence, the concept of relatedness references a social and psycho-
logical need to feel close to others, and to be emotionally secure in relationships with
others. Individuals seek assurance that other persons care about their well-being.
Deci and Ryan’s (2002) third factor, autonomy, addresses a person’s feeling of acting
in accord with his or her own sense of self (Markland, 1999). When acting autono-
mously, individuals feel that they are causal agents with respect to their actions.
Therefore, autonomy implies a sense of determination rather than a feeling of being
compelled or controlled by external forces, thus emphasizing the intrinsic aspects of
human motivation.
Taken together, self-determination theory comprises three innate needs or mo-
tives that must be fulfilled in order to display motivated behavior. Deci and Ryan
combine these three different motives into a more general theory (Deci and Ryan,
2000, 2002; Ryan, 2012). However, their theory is not precise, making it difficult
to predict behavior based on these categories. Nevertheless, self-determination the-
ory can be used to differentiate between personalities. For example, while autonomy
plays a central role for the behavior of some people, other people are motivated more
by social aspects and a need for relatedness.

3.3 MOTIVE FOR SELF-ACTUALIZATION

Goldstein coined the term self-actualization (Goldstein, 1939; Modell, 1993), which
refers to the idea that people have an inner drive to develop their full potential. The
process of development is thus considered to be an important motive for goal-
oriented behavior. The implication is not that every person must strive for an objec-
tive goal such as a career, but rather that all persons should develop according to their
12 CHAPTER 1 Approaches to motivation

own potential—potential that might be directed toward creativity, spiritual enlight-

enment, pursuit of knowledge, or the desire to contribute to society (Goldstein,
1939). Self-actualization is related to the concept of self-determination, both built
on the assumption that an individual’s greatest need is to realize her or his own max-
imum potential.
One approach systematizing the idea of need for self-actualization was proposed
by Maslow (1943). He developed the widely used concept of a hierarchy of needs, a
pyramid model aimed toward explaining the order of needs that humans try to satisfy.
In Maslow’s model, the needs are organized in a sequential manner, such that the
lower level of needs—hunger, for example—must be satisfied to enable striving
for the next higher motive. His pyramid consists of five levels, with the lowest level
addressing basic physiological needs such as water, food, and sleep that are required
for human survival. The second level contains the need for security. Only when peo-
ple feel secure in personal, financial, and health domains they can approach the next
level—a level that consists of psychological needs, such as friendship or a feeling of
belonging. Humans have a need to belong, to feel connected to friends and family, or
to a partner. The fourth level details the need to feel respected, proposing that when
people are accepted and valued by others they are capable of attaining the final level,
self-actualization. However, while Goldstein understood self-actualization as an in-
ner force that drives people to achieve their maximum performance, Maslow inter-
preted self-actualization more moderately as a tendency for people to become
actualized in what they are capable of becoming (Gleitman et al., 2004).
Although prominent, the pyramid by Maslow is often criticized for not depicting,
precisely, how people are motivated in real life. For instance, in some societies peo-
ple suffer from hunger or are exposed to life-threatening situations on a regular basis.
The first two levels of Maslow’s pyramid would clearly not be met. However, those
same people form strong social bonds, thus fulfilling the need for bonding which is a
higher order need. Obviously, the hierarchical nature of Maslow’s theory does not
account for this behavior (Neher, 1991). Nevertheless, the hierarchy of needs con-
tinues to be influential in research in psychology and economics. One reason is that
it proposes a model that is applicable for various approaches to motivation, and that
systematizes different motives into subgroups—of which some are innate and others
can only be satisfied in coordination with other people (Trigg, 2004).

3.4 SOCIAL MOTIVES

With regard to factors driving human behavior, it is not the outcome itself (such as
receiving a bonus of $1000 for good job performance) that tends to be most impor-
tant, but it is, rather, outcome expectancies. Thus, behavior is influenced by expec-
tations. These expectations, moreover, are strongly shaped by social and cultural
environments (McClelland, 1987). Theories on social motives maintain a specific
focus on social motives to explain motivated behavior.
McClelland (1987), one of the most influential representatives of the social cog-
nitive approach to human motivation, proposes three groups of motives: (1)
 4 Economics and motivation 13

achievement, (2) power, and (3) affiliation. Similar to self-determination theory,

these groups of motives are used to describe different personalities (Deci and
Ryan, 2002). In order to assess these three motives, a picture story test is typically
used. For this type of testing, participants receive pictures (for example, the image of
a ship’s captain explaining something to someone) and are asked to write a story
about the pictures. The stories are then rated in accordance with elements included
that relate to achievement, power, and affiliation. The first category of motive,
achievement, refers to the need for success. People scoring high on this dimension
are predominantly motivated to perform well in order to reach high levels of achieve-
ment. McClelland (1987) suggests that people with a need for high achievement of-
ten also display a need for autonomy—which might present an outcome
complication. McClellan’s second motive group, power, is not contingent on a per-
son’s actual performance. Power refers to the motivation to exert control on other
people, thereby reaching a higher level of status or prestige. Consequently, people
scoring high on the power dimension have a strong motivation to be influential
and controlling. The final motive group, affiliation, refers to a need for membership
and strong social relationships with other people (McClelland, 1987). Individuals
scoring high on this dimension are motivated to show specific behaviors in order
be liked by others.
Although McClelland’s theory on social motives reveals a number of similarities
with self-determination theory, McClelland’s approach assumes that motives are
learned and shaped by the environment, while self-determination theory suggests
that the need for development and progress is inherent.

4 ECONOMICS AND MOTIVATION

Motivation was, and still is, an important concept in economic research. However, its
interpretation varies between different “schools” and “fashions” of economic re-
search. Generally, economic research during the last 150 years can be divided into
four such schools: neoclassical economics, information economics, behavioral eco-
nomics and, very recently, neuroeconomics. The neoclassical school is the oldest and
assumes that people behave in a purely selfish, opportunistic, and rational way—
meaning that their behavior is determined by utility. Only when benefits outweigh
the costs will a given behavior be carried out. According to information economics,
people behave rationally whenever possible, meaning that people can only behave
rational when they are sufficiently informed about the costs and benefits of their be-
havior. Both the neoclassical and the information approaches assume that people
compare costs and benefits in order to make decisions, though information econom-
ics suggests that people do not always have sufficient information in order to make a
completely rational decision (Akerlof, 1970). In the context of motivation this means
that, according to these two schools, only in the presence of an external reward or in
prospect of receiving an incentive (about which people have full information) are
people willing to adapt their behavior in order to reach a goal. Accordingly, an
14 CHAPTER 1 Approaches to motivation

individual’s performance is understood to be the output variable that depends solely

on the size of the incentive. The incentive is thought to influence the degree of mo-
tivation to perform well, but this is moderated by information. Although much of the
psychological, behavioral, and—most recently—neuroeconomic research in this
area empirically demonstrates that behavior cannot be fully explained by a cost–
benefit analysis (as indicated by neoclassical and information economics), there
are still some, not to say many, proponents of these economic schools. In the early
1970s, however, behavioral economics for the first time broke away from the concept
of humans as rational agents and introduced psychological concepts into economic
theories. This development moved the focus more toward individual properties and
resulting differences in order to explain behavior. As a result, individual differences
entered economic motivation theories (Mullainathan and Thaler, 2001). Theories in
behavioral economics thus imply that different people might be motivated by differ-
ent motives, or by more than one motive.
With the introduction of functional neuroimaging methods in the early 1990s, the
research field of neuroeconomics developed (Camerer et al., 2005; Kenning and
Plassmann, 2005). By investigating the neural basis of economic behavior, the neu-
rological plausibility of theories on human behavior can be determined. Different
motives can be ascribed to processes in various brain areas, and the involvement
of these brain areas can be tested across contexts and between participants.
The following section comparatively presents different economic approaches to
motivation and discusses their ability to explain real-life behavior. A more detailed
discussion of neuroeconomic approaches to motivation is developed in chapter
“Applied Economics—The Use of Monetary Incentives to Modulate Behavior”
by Strang et al.

4.1 MONETARY INCENTIVES AS MOTIVES

For a number of reasons, economists have often proposed that behavior is initiated
only when an incentive is available (Camerer and Hogarth, 1999). This idea is
supported by a variety of studies, showing that incentives promote effort and
performance (Baker, 2000; Baker et al., 1988; Gibbons, 1997; Jenkins et al.,
1998). Behavior has thus been shown to be modulated in ways that are desired by
employers. However, in addition to the clearly financial properties of monetary
incentives, incentives also convey symbolic meaning, such as recognition and status
(Benabou and Tirole, 2003). Money allows humans to fulfill multiple needs and,
thereby, it serves multiple functions (Hsee et al., 2003; Opsahl and Dunnette,
1966; Steers et al., 1996). For instance, most employees are paid with money and
can choose for themselves what to spend the money on. If the financial compensation
is high enough, they can, for example, buy a Ferrari or Porsche, which will indicate
a high social status. This multifunctionality or—using the terminology of
economics—the “utility” makes money a powerful secondary reinforcer.
In addition to the clearly positive effect of monetary incentives on motivation,
evidence of negative effects of external rewards also exists (Albrecht et al., 2014;
Camerer and Hogarth, 1999; Fehr and Falk, 2002a). For example, receiving very
 4 Economics and motivation 15

large rewards for a laboratory task (a reward equal to an annual salary) was shown to
decrease performance compared to smaller rewards (Ariely et al., 2009). In specific
contexts, monetary incentives can thus also have unwanted negative effects on hu-
man behavior. (An in-depth discussion of this topic is provided in chapter “Applied
Economics—The Use of Monetary Incentives to Modulate Behavior” by Strang
et al.)
In summary, many situations exist in which monetary incentives can be powerful
and useful for increasing performance in the workplace, as well as other environ-
ments. However, the results presented in the previous paragraphs need to be consid-
ered with care. The increase in performance cannot invariably be explained by
monetary rewards. The incentive may have triggered additional intrinsic or social
rewards, such as power or status. The relationship between incentives and intrinsic
motivation is not yet completely understood, and the assumption that performance-
contingent rewards improve performance may not always hold true (Strombach
et al., 2015).

4.2 PERFORMANCE AS MOTIVE

One of the most influential models in economics and management was suggested by
Porter and Lawler (Lawler and Porter, 1967; Porter and Lawler, 1982). Their model
was supposed to be compatible with work and organizational processes and therefore
aimed to explain increases and decreases in performance. Performance, which in this
context is synonymous to motivation, depends on the potential reward and on the
likelihood of reaching the goal. Motivation is, therefore, also dependent on personal
skills and abilities, and on an individual’s self-evaluation of the potential to be suc-
cessful. Contrary to previous theories on motivated behavior, Porter and Lawler are
the first to equate motivation with good performance in a given task (Lawler and
Porter, 1967). This differentiates the idea of performance as motive from approaches
in psychology, because it does not rely on biologically plausible theories. However,
while Lawler and Porter’s theory clearly predicts that external incentives increase
performance in the short run, the theory does not make explicit assumptions about
how external incentives modify behavior in the long run, over month and years. Law-
ler and Porter’s theory is based on the classical economic assumption that people are
only motivated to perform well when an incentive is available (Kunz and Pfaff, 2002;
Schuster et al., 1971). This is one of the central differences between their approach
and traditional psychological approaches to motivation that assume that people can
be intrinsically motivated in the absence of external rewards.

4.3 PREFERENCES AS MOTIVES

The classical economic approach attempted to solve the motivation problem by apply-
ing explicit pay-for-performance incentives. This approach is based on the premise that
people are predominantly motivated by self-regarding preferences (eg, receiving
money for themselves). An alternative view highlights the influence of additional
preferences, called “social preferences,” such as fairness, reciprocity, and trust
16 CHAPTER 1 Approaches to motivation

(Fehr and Falk, 2002a,b). To date, empirical evidence from laboratory and field exper-
iments suggests the importance of these interpersonal or “other-regarding” preferences
(Camerer and Hogarth, 1999; Falk et al., 1999; Fehr and Falk, 2002a). Other-regarding
preferences are one of the core ideas in behavioral economics by establishing the im-
portant implication that self-regarding preferences are not sufficient to explain and mo-
tivate behavior of economic man. Additionally, several social preferences were
identified that modulate motivation to a significant extent, though not exclusively
(Barmettler et al., 2012; Camerer and Fehr, 2006; Fehr and Fischbacher, 2002;
Fehr and G€achter, 1998, 2000a,b; Fehr and Schmidt, 1999; Fehr et al., 2014;
Fischbacher et al., 2001). Thus, other-regarding preferences are exhibited if a person
both selfishly cares about the material resources allocated to him or her, and gener-
ously cares about the material resources allocated to another agent. Such a condition
implies that humans do not value their own reward in isolation, but they also compare
their own set-point with reference to others. Research on the role of social preferences
for human behavior has identified three important motives for goal-directed behav-
ior—fairness, reciprocity, and social approval (Baumeister and Leary, 1995; Fehr
and Falk, 2002b). When individuals consider their own outcome with regard to the
outcome of others, fairness plays an important role (Sanfey, 2007). The other people
serve as a reference point for determining whether or not to feel content with the re-
ward. Monetary incentives are less effective when offers are perceived as unfair. Ex-
periments in behavioral economics show that people are willing to punish the
opponents for unfair offers, even if the punishment is costly to them—as shown in
the Ultimatum Game (Sanfey et al., 2003; Strang et al., 2015). This inequality aversion
could motivate specific types of behaviors and feeling (eg, the feeling of envy;
Wobker, 2015). On the other hand, according to reciprocity theory, people repay kind
as well as unkind behavior. In other words, people are kind to those persons who were
previously kind, but are not kind to another unkind person (Falk and Fischbacher,
2006; Falk et al., 2003; Fehr and G€achter, 2000a,b, 2002). Therefore, perceived
fairness and reciprocity are tightly connected. If an individual’s behavior is perceived
to be fair, this behavior is likely to be reciprocated in the future. Reciprocity and fair-
ness are also central in workplace settings. Cooperation is a desired behavior that
cannot be evoked by monetary incentives (Fehr and Falk, 2002a). Nevertheless, from
the perspective of reciprocity, the higher salary the organization promises, the more is
the employee willing to reciprocate by contributing to the organization. Fairness and
reciprocation, therefore, are not only important in relationships between individuals,
but are also important between company and employee (Fehr and Falk, 2002a,b). Thus,
fairness and reciprocity are considered to be powerful motives for cooperation that go
beyond monetary incentives (Fehr and Falk, 2002a).
A second type of social preference discussed as a motive for behavior includes so-
cial norms and social approval. Social norms are generally defined as unwritten rules
that are based on widely shared beliefs about how individual members of a group
should behave in specific situations (Elster, 1989). When people behave in accordance
with the social norms, they receive social approval from other group members, mean-
ing that they are evaluated positively by other individuals. People use the social
 5 Economics and psychology: Different objectives? different motives? 17

information to guide their own behavior. Empirically, Fehr and G€achter (2000a) show
that the degree to which a person contributes to the common pool depends significantly
on the mean contribution of the other participants. If the degree of contribution of the
other people is rather high, a high contribution is associated with strong social ap-
proval. However, if the contribution is medium, a high contribution results in lower
social approval. Thus, social approval modulates both the degree to which people par-
ticipate toward the common pool, and their motive for behavior.
To summarize, social preferences often influence behavior to a strong degree. By
integrating social preferences into its approach, economic theory has made significant
progress toward understanding incentives, contracts, and organizations. Including so-
cial and intrinsic incentives into the theories to explain motivated behavior improved
ecologic validity, and has shown that more motives exist than those based on purely
financial interests. Social preference theories are able to explain interactive human be-
havior, such as cooperation. Although social preferences are considered to be positive,
monetary incentives have the ability to undermine this effect, and to be detrimental to
the degree of motivation—and, ultimately, to the level of performance. In conse-
quence, further research is needed here (see chapter “Applied Economics—The
Use of Monetary Incentives to Modulate Behavior” by Strang et al).

5 ECONOMICS AND PSYCHOLOGY: DIFFERENT OBJECTIVES?

DIFFERENT MOTIVES?
This chapter introduced different approaches to motivated behavior from the various
academic disciplines of biology, psychology, and economics. Motivation is defined
by the directness and intensity of behavior and poses questions about how goals
emerge and how they are sustained. Although this approach is common across dis-
ciplines, classical economic theories have largely ignored psychological theories and
findings on motivation. Until the emergence of behavioral economics, psychologists
and economists mainly worked in parallel, but separated on research about motiva-
tion. This might partly be due to differences in their research focus. While econo-
mists traditionally focus more on group or market levels in their theories,
psychologists attempt to explain individual behavior. Furthermore, economists are
interested in the behavioral outcomes of motivation, and in the ways in which behav-
ior adapts to changes in incentives, whereas psychologists are more interested in the
drivers and motives underlying the emergence of motivated behavior. These differ-
ent perspectives have long hampered integrative theories.
In general, modern economic approaches to motivation are strongly tied to the
concepts of biology and learning theories. Both rely on the assumption that there
is a direct connection between a trigger and the resulting action. Thus, while biologic
motives highlight the association of a specific behavior with an incentive, econo-
mists often assume that people perform at their maximum level or at a satisfactory
level when there is the prospect of a financial reward. Both strains of theory rely on
the simple association of desired behavior and a resulting consequence.
18 CHAPTER 1 Approaches to motivation

Advantages of classical economic theories are that they are applicable across
contexts, and that they allow for clear predictions about human behavior—implying
that they can be used to give more general and larger-scale advice on how to increase
motivation. According to traditional economic theories, an increase in extrinsic in-
centives will always result in an increase in performance, meaning that an increase in
monetary incentives will enhance both employee performance and cooperative be-
havior. Based on this assumption, motivation schemes have been launched in the cor-
porate world. Workers and managers receive bonuses, stock options, and other
monetary incentives to encourage them to perform better at their jobs (Camerer
and Hogarth, 1999).
In contrast, psychological theories on motivation do not allow, and are not
intended to make, such general and large-scale predictions about the outcome of mo-
tivated behavior. Psychological theories offer a collection of different motives and
explanations for the emergence of motivated behavior in order to account for indi-
vidual differences and the origins of motivation. An increase in performance, there-
fore, depends on the person, on the context and the form of initial motivation
(extrinsic or intrinsic). Psychologists have challenged the classical economic view
of a generally positive effect of incentives by providing compelling evidence against
the corresponding assumptions. Contrary to economic theory, monetary incentives
were shown to have a negative influence on motivation in specific contexts
(Ariely et al., 2009), and people were shown to be influenced by factors other than
solely monetary incentives. For example, intrinsic motivation has been shown to
modulate motivation to a large degree (Deci et al., 1999; Fehr and Falk, 2002b).
Thus, even in the absence of financial or other nontangible rewards, people will
sometimes engage in a task.
Behavioral economists adapted economic theories on motivation in order to ac-
count for some of these “deviant” behaviors, and for the first time acknowledged in-
trinsic motives as well as personality and social preferences as variables that
influence motivation. However, despite recognizable convergences among disci-
plines, a unifying theory is not yet in sight. The development of such a universal the-
ory that integrates findings from all branches of disciplines seems impossible,
although some researchers in the field on neuroeconomics make a claim for such
(Glimcher and Rustichini, 2004). Strengthening the exchanges between disciplines
might be a first step toward a unified approach.
The main task in motivation research is to make sense of the current knowledge
that has been gathered in the various disciplines, especially the modulatory interac-
tion of intrinsic, social, and extrinsic incentives. Motives are often unconscious,
however, which makes it difficult to measure them. For that reason, monetary incen-
tives as motives are very useful, because they allow an objective measure of the mo-
tivator itself. Also, long-term effects of motives need to be studied in order to
develop a clearer image of the underlying processes. Long-term effects have been
generally neglected in both psychology and in economics, although both areas of
study could determine behavior to a great extent (Crockett et al., 2013; McClure
et al., 2004).
Other documents randomly have
different content
confirms our impression. Nevertheless, we are glad to have this book.
The selections by Robbins are excellent and no matter whether the
reader agrees or does not agree with Mr Gompers, this compilation is
valuable for his partisans and all others interested in the history of
the American federation of labor.” James Oneal

+ − N Y Call p10 Mr 14 ’20 1150w

Reviewed by J. E. Le Rossignol

Review 2:333 Ap 3 ’20 850w

R of Rs 61:447 Ap ’20 30w

“Fortunately Mr Gompers is unusually gifted in expression due in

part, no doubt, to unusual clarity of thought.”

+ Springf’d Republican p8 F 17 ’20 140w

+ Survey 44:89 Ap 10 ’20 420w

GOMPERS, SAMUEL. Labor and the employer;

comp. and ed. by Hayes Robbins. (Labor movements
and labor problems in America) *$3.50 Dutton 331.8
20–12195

“With its companion volume, ‘Labor and the common welfare,’ this
book gives a complete review of American social problems as Mr
Gompers has known them during the past thirty-five years.” (R of
Rs) “The book is made up of excerpts from reports, speeches,
testimony, writings and editorials classified under such major
headings as Employers and employers’ organizations, Wages, Hours
of work, The ‘open’ shop, Women in industry, Unemployment,
Insurance and compensation, Limitation of output, Strikes,
Arbitration and collective bargaining, Profit sharing and Industrial
democracy. Within each group are arranged chronologically the
various minor topics which naturally come under the major
headings.” (Survey)

“A valuable, authoritative statement of the attitude of official

unionism on important labor issues.”

+ Booklist 17:12 O ’20

“To those who seek to grasp some of the inwardness of the

unfolding labor movements of the day, and particularly to the
employer who would like to know what the trade unionist’s views are
upon the subjects of employers and employers’ organizations, ... and
a host of related subjects touching the relationship of employer and
employee, this book will prove especially useful.” W. E. Atkins

+ J Pol Econ 28:791 N ’20 530w

“It is pathetic to drive through these 311 pages by Mr Gompers and

realize how his enemies waste his time in dispute on ancient matters.
In this time of change he has nothing to offer but the values and
standards of an age that is dead. He ought to be freed for thinking
out the problems of his day in the setting of his vast experience.
When he does let himself go, he has a fine rebel stroke.” Arthur
Gleason

− + Nation 111:302 S 11 ’20 1000w

 + R of Rs 62:334 S ’20 80w

“Such a book as this is as necessary for the employer who desires

authoritative information as to what official trade unions think, as it
is for the union man who wants to keep himself informed on the
various phases of the movement. It bristles with controversial
possibilities, demonstrates the profound conservatism of Mr
Gompers and is remarkably free from such inconsistencies as one
might expect in the recorded pronouncements covering a period of
nearly thirty years.” J. D. Hackett

+ Survey 44:637 Ag 16 ’20 420w

[2]
GOOCH, GEORGE PEABODY. Germany and
the French revolution. *$5.50 (*14s) Longmans
830.9
20–8640

“The object of this book is to measure the repercussion of the

French revolution on the mind of Germany. It is a study of the
intellectual ferment in Germany following the fall of the Bastille, of
the effect produced by the revolution on the minds of thinkers and
men of letters such as Goethe, Schiller, Wieland, Herder, Klopstock,
Humboldt, Fichte and Hegel, and of statesmen such as Hardenberg
and Stein. Secondarily it outlines the influence of French
revolutionary ideas on German institutions.”—Sat R
 + Ath p605 My 7 ’20 1200w
+ N Y Times p16 Ag 1 ’20 2400w

“The book will enormously enhance the already high esteem in

which Mr Gooch is held among historians. Ability in synthetic
treatment is allied to entire impartiality and exact knowledge, so that
the generalisation necessary to the making of a coherent story
neither outweighs nor is sacrificed to completeness and accuracy of
detail.”

+ Sat R 130:360 O 30 ’20 850w

“He has produced a work of erudition, which because of the wealth

of materials investigated and summarized, as well as the objectivity
and clarity of his presentation, becomes the standard book of
reference on the subject. No one should lightly undertake the task of
reading it, for it is closely packed and assumes much information on
political and cultural conditions of the day. Nor has the author
succeeded beyond cavil in his synthesis.” C: Seymour

+ − Yale R n s 10:418 Ja ’21 260w

GOOCH, GEORGE PEABODY. Life of Lord

Courtney. il *$7 Macmillan
(Eng ed 20–13567)

“With Lord Courtney there passed away, in the spring of 1918,

almost the last survivor of a great tradition. It was the tradition of
John Stuart Mill, of Fawcett, of Leslie Stephen, of Henry Sidgwick,
the tradition of reason, conscience and liberty.... From this service to
reason and conscience it followed that Lord Courtney was a liberal,
in that proper sense of the term which is independent of political
party. Of imperialism of every kind, economic or other, Lord
Courtney was an uncompromising opponent. When the war broke
out, Lord Courtney was eighty-one years old. He might well have
thought, as others, younger than he, did, that he was exempt from
taking part in the battle of opinion at home. But he was driven by his
sleepless conscience, even at the height of the storm of violence and
hate, to put in his plea for reason and reconciliation.” (Ath) “Mr
Gooch allows Courtney to do most of the presentation for himself, by
extracts from his correspondence or his speeches or, what comes to
very much the same thing, by numerous quotations from the journal
kept by Lady Courtney throughout their married life. The book opens
with one of its most attractive features, a memoir of his own early
days in Cornwall dictated by Courtney in 1901.” (The Times
[London] Lit Sup)

“In Mr Gooch Lord Courtney has found an admirable biographer.

His wide and exact knowledge of contemporary politics is always felt
in the background and never obtruded. He lets his hero speak for
himself, and, what cannot have been easy, suppresses his own
judgment and opinions.” G. L. D.

+ Ath p105 Jl 23 ’20 2900w

+ Boston Transcript p9 S 11 ’20 600w

“Mr G. P. Gooch has written an interesting life of a not very

attractive minor personality in politics. The keynote of Courtney’s
character was an unbending independence of thought, speech, and
conduct, and this quality is so rare in modern politics that the record
of his career is thereby invested with a charm that does not attach to
the man.”
 + Sat R 130:54 Ag 17 ’20 1200w

“Mr Gooch’s biography, though marred by several bad misprints

like ‘the great Llama,’ is a competent and judicious portrait and an
instructive contribution to contemporary history.”

+ − Spec 124:17 Jl 3 ’20 1900w

“His was in fact a personality that could not be ignored, one that
needs accounting for even to such as believed all his views to be
wrong. Mr Gooch’s book will help towards this understanding. It is
fortunate that Lady Courtney found a biographer so much in
sympathy with her husband’s views and yet so self-effacing.”

+ The Times [London] Lit Sup p411 Jl 1

’20 1900w

GOODE, WILLIAM THOMAS. Bolshevism at

work. *$1.60 (4½c) Harcourt, Brace & Howe 335
20–6220

The author of the present volume, special correspondent of the

Manchester Guardian in Eastern Europe, went to Moscow to study
the actual working of the government in Soviet Russia on the spot.
Since this reputedly so “destructive” government had lasted two
years he meant to discover its possible constructive side. Among his
findings are: a strong government with strong and sincere men,
capable administrators at its head; laws enforced with equality and
justice; a marked orderliness instead of anarchy, and the
peacefulness of the daily occupations and business of life
astonishing. He found that “the Russian revolution is at bottom a
moral, even a puritanical revolution, making for simplicity and
purity of life and government” and that “no amount of pressure can
fit the Russian people with a government framed and forged in the
West.” Contents: Interview with Lenin; Interview with Tchitcherin;
Bolshevism and industry; Bolshevism and the land; Bolshevism and
labor; Trades’ unions in Soviet Russia; Bolshevik food control;
Transport in Soviet Russia; Bolshevism and education; Bolshevik
judicial system; Bolshevism and national hygiene; Bolshevik state
control; School of soviet workers; A Bolshevik home of rest;
Conclusions.

Ath p226 F 13 ’20 100w

Booklist 16:329 Jl ’20

“His Russian version is at least consistent and coherent, though it

leaves many things unanswered.” Harold Kellock

+ − Freeman 1:620 S 8 ’20 300w

“It is clear that the writer approaches the Bolsheviki with

unfavorable preconceptions and, finding their character and their
conduct unlike what he had been led to expect, allowed himself to be
carried too far in appreciation. We miss the guarded reserve which is
discernible in an avowed sympathizer like Mr Ransome.”

+ − Nation 111:109 Jl 24 ’20 360w

 “As evidence of the real situation the book has little value. Mr
Goode was clearly disposed before he went to admire all that the
Bolsheviks had done or proposed to do.”

− Spec 124:216 F 14 ’20 120w

“He has no conception of the real range of his subject, and that
makes his book of very little value.”

− The Times [London] Lit Sup p126 F19

’20 260w

GOODHART, ARTHUR LEHMANN. Poland

and the minority races. *$2.50 Brentano’s 914.38
20–15472

“Mr Goodhart was attached to the mission sent in the summer of

last year into Poland by the American government to inquire into the
Jewish question. He accompanied the mission on their journey, and
has now published his diary made at the time. So it comes, therefore,
that we have much of the raw material on which Mr Morgenthau’s
and General Jadwin’s reports, which have been published by the
American government, were based. In addition to the light which it
throws upon the Jewish problem, the book is interesting as giving
pictures of the more general conditions of life and society in
Poland.”—The Times [London] Lit Sup

Ath p521 O 15 ’20 200w

 “Captain Goodhart’s diary holds the reader’s attention from the
first page to the last. Occasional humorous anecdotes enliven an
otherwise rather sordid recital.”

+ Cath World 112:405 D ’20 190w

“The most sensitive Pole cannot object to the book, neither can the
Jews, and the American can by reading it get a splendid idea of the
Poland of today. Reading the book will increase one’s knowledge but
not one’s faith in the human race.” E. A. S.

+ Grinnell R 16:358 F ’21 250w

N Y Evening Post p24 O 23 ’20 90w

“Captain Goodhart recorded incidents he saw and heard, without

prejudice, as a keen observer, with a fine sense of humor and of
fairness. His diary is a very readable little book, containing much
information that is quite valuable and entertaining. He holds no brief
for either side.” Herman Bernstein

+ N Y Times p6 D 12 ’20 2150w

R of Rs 63:111 Ja ’21 100w
Spec 125:185 Ag 7 ’20 180w

“Full of local touches and descriptions of life in Poland which make

it very vivid. One cannot help wondering a little that in the
publication of a diary of experiences by a representative of a
government commission no reference is made to the final report of
the commission.” M. A. Chickering
 + − Survey 45:514 Ja 1 ’21 250w

“Mr Goodhart has written a very interesting book on Poland

which, though unassuming in form, will be of more help to the
ordinary reader in understanding Polish conditions and Polish
problems than many more elaborate works.”

+ The Times [London] Lit Sup p527 Ag19

’20 1200w

GOODRICH, CARTER LYMAN. Frontier of

control: a study of British workshop politics. *$2 (4c)
Harcourt 331.1
20–20526

Industrial unrest today is less a matter of wages than of control of

industry. It is a “straining of the spirit of man to be free.” The author
went to England to study the present extent of workers’ control in
British industry and the book states the facts of his findings without
generalizations. R. H. Tawney writes a foreword to the book in which
he states the task the author has set himself to do as: “the analysis of
industrial relationships, of the rules enforced by trade unions and
employers’ associations, of the varying conditions which together
constitute ‘the custom of the trade’ in each particular industry, and of
the changes in all these which took place during the war.” The book
falls into two parts: Introduction: The demand for control; and The
extent of control. Some of the chapters under the latter are: The
frontier of control; Employment; Unemployment; “The right to a
trade”; “The right to sack”; The choice of foremen; Special
managerial functions. There is a note on sources and an index.
 Booklist 17:141 Ja ’21

“The study forms an excellent basis for generalizations concerning

complete self-government in industry.”

+ Socialist R 10:30 Ja ’21 120w

[2]
GOODWIN, JOHN. Without mercy. *$2 (2c)
Putnam
20–14762

The story of a mother’s fight for her daughter’s happiness.

Margaret Garth is the only child of Mrs Enid Garth, head of Garth’s,
London’s most powerful bank. When Margaret promises to become
the wife of John Orme, she arouses the enmity of Sir Melmoth
Craven, an unsuccessful suitor, and he determines to seek revenge.
So the story resolves itself into the conflict of wits and wills between
Mrs Garth and Sir Melmoth. Both are strong and clever characters
and both have powerful interests behind them. Sir Melmoth is
entirely unscrupulous and hesitates at nothing, whether it be
abducting the girl, or convicting her fiance of wilful murder. On the
other hand, Mrs Garth, where Margaret’s happiness is concerned, is
absolutely without mercy, and as she has right on her side, she finally
wins out, after a series of shrewd moves on both sides.

“Even for a ‘first book’ this novel is quite bad. It is so full of

melodramatic clap-trap, one fails to see the trees for the wood. In
style it is a frothing brook; in sentiment it is strained and banal; its
wooden motivation reflects its still more wooden characterizations.”
 − N Y Evening Post p20 O 23 ’20 140w

“Notwithstanding its crudity of style and the lack of any really

powerful passages anywhere, the novel holds the interest to the end.”

+ − N Y Times p25 D 19 ’20 290w

Springf’d Republican p9a D 5 ’20 130w
The Times [London] Lit Sup p442 Jl 8
’20 100w

GORDON, ALEXANDER REID. Faith of

Isaiah, statesman and evangelist. (Humanism of the
Bible ser.) *$2.25 Pilgrim press 224
(Eng ed 20–6575)

“This series, in which Mr Gordon’s book makes the eighth volume,

has been marked by its judicious selection of subject; and by its
success in presenting to modern minds a fresh significance in studies
of Job, Proverbs, the Psalms, St Paul, etc. Isaiah lends itself specially
to this ‘humanistic’ treatment in the hands of a well-known exponent
of the Old Testament literature who is a professor at McGill
university and at Presbyterian college, Montreal. It is not his rôle to
enter into critical discussion of text and authorship, but he
necessarily accepts and embodies in his historical setting of the parts
of the Book of Isaiah the conclusions of modern criticism as to the
Deutero-Isaiah. Many of the numerous poetical translations (and
parts of the text) are reproduced from Dr Gordon’s ‘Prophets of the
Old Testament.’”—The Times [London] Lit Sup
 “From the point of view of homiletics it may be acclaimed
unhesitatingly as high-grade work. While the book is an example of
stimulating preaching, yet one feels that the reader will come away
from it with a very unsatisfactory and hazy idea of the real Isaiah.”

+ − Bib World 54:436 Jl ’20 280w

The Times [London] Lit Sup p635 N 6
’19 130w

GORDON, GEORGE ANGIER. Humanism in

New England theology. *$1.25 (18c) Houghton 285
20–5985

This little book commemorates the tercentennial year of the

landing of the Pilgrims. The author holds that every form of theism is
founded upon a humanistic interpretation of the universe; that the
New England divinity is at heart a variety of humanism which will
endure as a type although as a system of opinion it has passed away.
He moreover holds that there are two great types of theism, the
Unitarian and the Trinitarian; the New England theology belonging
to the latter. Coming in a direct line of descent from this faith the
author confesses himself as an “out-and-out Trinitarian” whose
conception of man is that of an essentially social being. The essay
appeared in the Harvard Theological Review for April, 1907.

Booklist 16:296 Je ’20

 Boston Transcript p11 Ap 3 ’20 580w

“We wish that he had avoided the treacherous word ‘humanism.’

We have dwelt on this linguistic point because it really corresponds
to a loose way of thinking, now too general, and, in particular, points
to a vice in Dr Gordon’s treatment of theology which goes far, in our
opinion, to negate the value of an otherwise interesting book. To us
the best of the book, which withal has much to commend, is its more
personal characterization of some of the earlier divines.”

+ − Review 3:47 Jl 14 ’20 420w

Springf’d Republican p8 S 28 ’20 600w

GORDON, MARY DANIEL. Crystal ball. il *$2

(5½c) Little
20–17022

A fairy story. The dearest wish of the King of Moondom is to

possess the crystal ball from the garden of the sun. His two children,
Prince Jock and Princess Joan make up their minds to get it for him
for a birthday gift, and equipped with a tin of biscuits, toy pistol,
drinking cups and compass, they set forth. A tinker joins their
expedition and a gypsy fortune teller helps them on their way and
they are successful in the object of their quest.

“A story which the young people will read with eagerness.”

+ Boston Transcript p4 O 20 ’20 210w

 “Her tale is lively, if undistinguished.”

+ − N Y Evening Post p10 S 25 ’20 110w

GORDON-SMITH, GORDON. From Serbia to

Jugoslavia; Serbia’s victories, reverses and final
triumph, 1914–1918. *$2.50 (3c) Putnam 949.7
20–6737

To this “story of Serbia’s crucifixion,” S. Y. Grouitch, minister of

the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, contributes a foreword and says of
the author that he has followed the Serbian campaign personally and
closely, as war correspondent attached to the Serbian headquarters.
The introduction contains a brief history of the political and military
constellation of the Balkan states at the beginning of the war and the
book is not only a record of the heroic struggles and sufferings of
“one of the bravest peoples in the world” but of a series of Allied
mistakes committed along the eastern front, which, the author
claims, were responsible for much of the defeat and suffering and for
a prolongation of the war. The book falls into two parts: 1, From the
Danube to Durazzo—the Germano-Austro-Bulgarian attack on
Serbia; and 2, The campaign on the Salonica front. There is an insert
general map of the Balkan war area.

Booklist 17:24 O ’20

“We are impressed first of all with the clarity which distinguishes
Mr Gordon-Smith’s exposition of the Serbian war story.” D. L. M.
 + Boston Transcript p6 Je 16 ’20 630w
Ind 104:68 O 9 ’20 30w

“The book is of absorbing interest.”

+ Outlook 126:768 D 29 ’20 80w

“As a history of the heroic and tragic part played by Serbia in the
great war Gordon-Smith’s book ‘From Serbia to Jugoslavia’ fills a
useful place. There is perhaps too much special pleading.”

+ − Review 3:111 Ag 4 ’20 260w

R of Rs 61:670 Je ’20 60w

GORELL, RONALD GORELL BARNES, 3d

baron. Pilgrimage. *$2.40 Longmans 821
20–18248

“After the poem called Pilgrimage from which the volume is

named, and in which the author gives the key of his spiritual
aspiration, there is a group of Shorter poems, four tales of fairly good
narrative measure, Youth in idleness, On the Ponte Vecchio,
Florence, The coward, and Autumn in Flanders, a suspended
commentary on the war, and group of dramatic episodes called
Closing scenes, which chronicle the last moments of Hannibal, Mary
Stuart, a district commissioner dying of fever in Africa, and the
garrulous retrospection of an aged London clerk on a dull, sultry
August day.”—Boston Transcript
 Ath p472 O 8 ’20 150w

Reviewed by R. M. Weaver

Bookm 52:64 S ’20 40w

+ − Boston Transcript p6 Ag 7 ’20 1400w

“Lord Gorell has two distinct manners. The shorter pieces are
sensitive and wistful, but he can also manipulate the grand style, and
in the finely imagined recitative of ‘The district commissioner’ he has
given us the best thing of the kind that has been written since Lyall’s
‘Theology in extremis.’”

+ The Times [London] Lit Sup p361 Je 10

’20 580w

GORICAR, JOSEF, and STOWE, LYMAN

BEECHER. Inside story of Austro-German intrigue;
or, How the world war was brought about. *$3 (3½c)
Doubleday 940.311
20–5203

Dr Gori[)c]ar, who supplied the facts for this volume is a Slovene

who was for fourteen years in the Austro-Hungarian foreign service
where he received first-hand knowledge of the rivalries and intrigues
which preceded the war. Albert Bushnell Hart, in his introduction to
the volume, points out its object as being an examination into three
fundamental questions: (1) the criminal policy which it (the empire)
pursued in foreign affairs, including the partnership with Germany
in a far-reaching plan of conquest and spoliation; (2) the enmity
alike of Germans and Magyars to the Slavs, whether within or
without their empire; and (3) the deliberate bringing on of the great
war to serve the arrogance and ambition of the ruling classes.
Successive chapters are devoted to the various attempts of the
Austro-German war parties to precipitate a war against Serbia and
Russia, between 1906–1914 till at last a casus belli was constructed
out of the archduke’s murder. Among the closing chapters are:
Russian mobilization as the cause of the war—a glimpse behind the
scenes in Berlin during the first three months of the war; Mobilizing
half a million men in America—how the Austro-Hungarian
consulates secretly raised an army behind America’s back. There is
an appendix.

“His wide contacts with diplomatic affairs make this a contribution

of new views based on materials hitherto inaccessible.”

+ Booklist 16:274 My ’20

“Although the greater part of the historical material introduced by

Dr Goricar is not new, he manages to throw a number of fresh
sidelights on the general program of the German-Austrian-Magyar
war parties. Reliance on newspaper opinion is notoriously dangerous
but Dr Goricar quotes so profusely and intelligently that his case is
materially strengthened.” H. F. Armstrong

+ Nation 111:sup420 O 13 ’20 1500w

“As Mr Lyman Beecher Stowe is responsible for the English, it is

unnecessary to say the style is lucid and simple. One can never miss
the author’s meaning, and this makes a book which otherwise might
be difficult very easy reading. The revelations made in this volume
are by no means new to any diplomatist stationed in Europe during
the years immediately preceding 1914; but for the public at large they
are admirably stated here.” M. F. Egan

+ N Y Times 25:115 Mr 14 ’20 3000w

R of Rs 61:445 Ap ’20 160w

GORKI, MAXIM, pseud. (ALEXEI

MAXIMOVICH PYESHKOFF). Night’s lodging;
scenes from Russian life in four acts. (Contemporary
dramatists ser.) *$1 Four seas co. 891.7
20–26568

This drama of the underworld is translated from the Russian by

Edwin Hopkins and is here printed with an introduction by Henry T.
Schnittkind. The latter contains a short summary of Gorki’s life with
an equally short characterization of his dramas.

“Mr Hopkins’s translation is frequently uncouth and difficult to

read. Undoubtedly that is true of the original—but in a different way,
since it represents the staccato utterance of Russian speech. One
could hardly imagine it possible that in its present form it would be
intelligible on the stage. But who would desire to see it on the stage?”

− Boston Transcript p4 Je 2 ’20 240w

+ Springf’d Republican p13a Ap 25 ’20
330w
 GORKI, MAXIM, pseud. (ALEXEI
[2]
MAXIMOVICH PYESHKOFF). Reminiscences
of Leo Tolstoy. *$1.50 Huebsch

The reminiscences are pieced together from notes jotted down

after various meetings between the author and Tolstoy. Gorki knew
Tolstoy intimately and reveals him in many new lights and from
many different angles. Sometimes he is very human, sometimes the
impression is that of a pilgrim “terribly homeless and alien to all men
and things”; always he is infinitely wise. Gorki did not love him but
felt: “I am not an orphan on the earth so long as this man lives on it.”
At his death he did indeed feel orphaned and cried inconsolably and
in bitter despair. He leaves this predominant impression of Tolstoy:
“This man is godlike.” The translators of the book from the Russian
are S. S. Koteliansky and Leonard Woolf.

Reviewed by S. Koteliansky

Ath p587 Ap 30 ’20 2300w

“In his attempt to ‘understand’ Tolstoy. Gorky enjoyed the

considerable advantage of being himself a Russian. We do not know
the precise value of this qualification, but we may suppose it to be
considerable. On the other hand, we think that Gorky was at a
considerable disadvantage in being a romantic.” J. W. N. S.

+ − Ath p77 Jl 16 ’20 1300w

“To convey so much in so short a book is a nice illustration of

Gorky’s own courageous expressiveness. Because he respected his
emotions regarding this old Titan of Russia, we have now one of the
most real of biographical contributions. And yet most editors and
publishers would have felt that these were mere fragments and
would have howled for the circumstantiality of ‘fact.’” F. H.

+ New Repub 25:172 Ja 5 ’21 1450w

“Withal, the greatness of Tolstoy’s remarkable personality is

enhanced rather than diminished by this snapshot of the old ‘earth-
man,’ to use Merejkovsky’s term, which here takes on a special
significance.”

+ N Y Evening Post p10 D 31 ’20 250w

“Gorky’s book is particularly valuable because it reveals not only

Tolstoy as he saw him, but unconsciously Gorky reveals himself
also.” Herman Bernstein

+ N Y Times p3 Ja 9 21 3100w

“It will be seen how penetrating a study Gorky has made and how
the man who emerges from his powerful charcoal lines differs from
the smug ‘child of nature’ of the official portraits.”

+ Spec 125:212 Ag 14 ’20 1350w

The Times [London] Lit Sup p441 Jl 8
’20 40w

“Tolstoy was too great for official biography; Gorky saw him only
in fragments, but he has drawn him as Tolstoy drew his own
characters, or rather, perhaps, as Dostoevsky drew his. There is no
effort at an unreal synthesis, none even at judgment; what might
seem to be judgment is only a record of feelings which are strong and
excessive as their subject was strong and excessive.”

+ The Times [London] Lit Sup p453 Jl 15

’20 1200w

GOSSE, EDMUND WILLIAM. Some diversions

of a man of letters. *$2.50 Scribner 824
A20–530

“To his latest collection of literary essays Mr Gosse gives the

cumbersome title ‘Some diversions of a man of letters.’ It combines
in its pages seventeen excursions into the highways and byways of
literature, its figures being of every grade of prominence from
Shakespeare to Caroline Trotter, the precursor of the bluestockings.
Here we shall find discussed not merely such obvious subjects as:
The charm of Sterne; The challenge of the Brontes; The centenary of
Edgar Allan Poe; and The lyric poetry of Thomas Hardy; but also the
less conspicuous but equally interesting material offered by the lives
and the literary work of Joseph and Thomas Warton, of Bulwer, of
Disraeli, and of Lady Dorothy Nevill. In addition Mr Gosse also
discourses on: Fluctuations of taste; The future of English poetry;
and The agony of the Victorian age.”—Boston Transcript

“Mr Gosse’s diversions are also our diversions; for to anyone with
a literary tincture of mind these miscellaneous studies in criticism
and biography are the best and most entertaining of reading.
Perhaps the best thing in the book is Mr Gosse’s account of two
literary revolutionaries of an earlier age, Joseph and Thomas
Warton.” A. L. H.
 + Ath p1031 O 17 ’19 1600w
Booklist 16:234 Ap ’20

“It is altogether likely that these essays will fail to please the
modern school of literary pencillers who scorn scholarship, and who
fancy that verbal smartness and triviality is the only method of
criticism. Mr Gosse writes with a light and pleasant touch. He is by
no means a dry-as-dust because he is serious, and here he has
written a series of papers that are a distinct contribution to the
literature of criticism.” E. F. E.

+ Boston Transcript p6 Ja 28 ’20 1300w

“As a literary man-of-the-world, unbewildered and unprejudiced,

Mr Gosse goes forth to pay his calls here and there down the
centuries, and returns to his club in Victoria street to chat with his
intimates. He is correct in dress and manner, discreet in speech; he
says the right thing to every one, and nearly always of every one. A
Major Pendennis of literature, one might say, he plays an important
part in the world which he has so long cultivated.” R. M. Lovett

+ Dial 68:777 Je ’20 1550w

“Mr Gosse is bravely determined not to be a mere praiser of time

past. His poise is beautiful; he is immensely urbane to the younger
critic and grants the latter’s contentions right and left. But he cannot
hide the sadness in his heart at the thought of the cold young men
with something inscrutable in their faces who despise so much that is
venerable and beautiful to him.” Ludwig Lewisohn

+ − Nation 110:690 My 22 ’20 1250w

 “Suggestive and entertaining.” R: Le Gallienne

+ N Y Times 25:151 Ap 4 ’20 3100w

“He gives us a delightful collection of essays, distinguished in that

it is handsome in tone and written like a fine old English gentleman.”

+ Review 2:487 My 8 ’20 800w

“Mr Gosse’s essays on Sterne and the two Wartons are pure belles
lettres, but of the best brand.”

+ − Sat R 128:316 O 4 ’19 1200w

“The charm of his infectious admiration pervades nearly all the

essays that make up the volume now before us. The best and most
characteristic pages are those devoted to ‘Three experiments in
portraiture’; and of these the sketch of Lady Dorothy Nevill is easily
the most striking.”

+ Spec 123:504 O 18 ’19 1400w

The Times [London] Lit Sup p529 O 2
’19 1100w

GOULDING, ERNEST. Cotton and other

vegetable fibres; their production and utilisation. ii
*$3 Van Nostrand 677
 This is a British work based on studies made for the Imperial
institute. It is issued as one of the Imperial institute series of
handbooks to the commercial resources of the tropics, with a preface
by Wyndham R. Dunstan, director of the institute. Contents:
Introductory; Cotton; Cotton production in the principal countries
and the chief commercial varieties; Cotton growing in British West
Africa and other parts of the British empire; Flax, hemp, and ramie;
Jute and similar fibres; Cordage fibres; Miscellaneous fibres. A list of
principal publications on fibres occupies nine pages and there is an
index.

GOWAR, EDWARD. Adventures in Mother

Goose land. il *$2.25 Little
20–16169

Noel was a little boy who wished to be put into a book and because
he made his wish in the time of the blue moon it came true. And the
book was all about Mother Goose, and his adventures in her country,
where he met the little man all dressed in leather, the old woman
who lived in a shoe and all the rest of them, are told in this story.
There is humor both in the telling of the story and in the
illustrations, which are by Alice Bolam Preston.

+ Ind 104:376 D 11 ’20 90w

“His tale is cleverly contrived and attractively illustrated.”

+ N Y Evening Post p10 S 25 ’20 100w

 “It is entertainingly told and charmingly printed.” Hildegarde
Hawthorne

+ N Y Times p9 D 19 ’20 50w

+ Springf’d Republican p7a N 21 ’20 70w

GOWIN, ENOCH BURTON. Developing

executive ability. il $3 Ronald 658
19–11576

“A very simply written book for the young or prospective executive.

It deals mainly in developing attention to general matters of routine,
good working habits, office equipment and devices, rules for mental
and physical economy which will establish a spirit and habit of order.
Developed from lectures before commercial associations and
business classes. Bibliography. Index.”—Booklist

“Designed primarily for the young executive, the book brings a

wealth of ideas before him, which only await application that they
may yield him a goodly return in economies of time, energy, and
money.”

+ Am Econ R 9:829 D ’19 130w

Booklist 16:192 Mr ’20
+ Pittsburgh 24:456 O ’19 30w
 GRAÇA ARANHA, JOSÉ PEREIRA DA.
Canaan. *$2 (3c) Four seas co.
20–4216

Graça Aranha is a cultured Brazilian, prominent in the affairs of

his country, and a writer of many books, of which, says Guglielmo
Ferrero in his appreciative introduction: “‘Canaan’ is the most
beautiful.” The hero of the story is Milkau, a German colonist who,
disillusioned by the hypocrisies, hidden immoralities, and social and
legal injustices of the civilizations of Europe, imagines that here, in a
new country where the soil is virgin, unbroken, and the natives of
childlike simplicity, exists a golden state of human happiness, of joy
and work ideally blended, and little evil. For months his illusion
remains intact. Then, a wronged and persecuted young woman’s
misfortunes unveil for him the malicious injustices, cruelty, and
cupidity lurking here in the ideal country of his dreams. The close of
the story is vague—we do not know just what happens to Milkau and
Mary, but the scenes evoked in the last chapter are especially
powerful, ending in Milkau’s fervent dream and hope of a promised
land of justice and beauty yet to come through toil and faith. The
novel is translated from the Portuguese by Mariano J. Lorente.

“There is a distinctly noble flavor to the work, and certainly a large

humanity that marks it as something more than exclusively Brazilian
in significance. Indeed, for the thinking American of the north,
between Canada and the Rio Grande, the theme is of primary
importance. Millions have sought their ‘Canaan’ here and have been
no more successful than Milkau. And for similar reasons.” I:
Goldberg

+ − Bookm 51:232 Ap ’20 560w

 “‘The great American novel,’ Anatole France is said to have called
this book, which comes to us from Brazil. Whoever reads the first
hundred pages will be inclined to agree with him. Thereafter, it must
be confessed, the spell relaxes. Nevertheless, ‘Canaan’ leaves behind
it a powerful, memorable, beautiful impression. It is a book for both
the Americas.”

+ − Freeman 1:261 My 26 ’20 1050w

“As a piece of writing, due allowance being made for a wretched

translation, the book is amorphous in a curiously old-fashioned way.
In spirit and structure it goes back to the first generation of the
romantic writers. What gives its value to the book is the picture
which, largely by means of discussion, Aranha presents of the
Brazilian civilization of today.”

− + Nation 110:337 Mr 13 ’20 950w

“As pure literature the book must take a lower rank than it
commands as a work of philosophy. It requires too attentive reading
for Simon-pure fiction. The author’s canvas is overcrowded with
ideas. His book is notable for the purity of its psychological analysis,
for its powers of characterization, for the vivid beauty of its
descriptive passages and for its scenes of tremendous dramatic
power as much as it is for the light it throws into the depths of an
unusually reflective mind.”

+ − N Y Times 25:174 Ap 11 ’20 1650w

“Aside from the compelling interest of so vast a theme, and the

fascinating portrayal of Brazilian life, either of which place the book
in the first rank of modern novels, the intrinsic fineness of the book
lies in the exquisite poetry of its style.”

+ Springf’d Republican p6 Je 3 ’20 850w

GRAHAM, ALAN. Follow the little pictures!

*$1.75 (2½c) Little
20–13547

Two branches of an old English family are involved in this exciting

treasure hunt and the treasure itself could be located by deciphering
the puzzle picture left by the American ancestor to the only
remaining survivor of his family. The English representation of the
family is an irascible Scotch laird, the ingredients of whose character
are cunning and venom and a passion for recovering the treasure. He
outwits all the others that have gradually been let into the secret, but
had not reckoned on his son’s Belgian wife, a descendant of a Belgian
servant of the original Lord Tanish, who also has come into
possession of a document revealing the spot, and has married Roy
Tanish on the strength of it without loving him. She gets away with
the loot, the laird and Roy are killed in the wild pursuit, while the
other persons involved take the loss of the gold lightly, having found
more precious treasures.

Booklist 17:32 O ’20

“A good mystery story.”

 + Boston Transcript p6 Jl 3 ’20 240w
+ N Y Times p26 Ag 1 ’20 300w
+ Sat R 130:40 Jl 10 ’20 50w

“The developments of the plot are ingenious.”

+ Spec 124:798 Je 12 ’20 20w

“Readers fond of mystery will find the tale to their liking.”

+ Springf’d Republican p11a Jl 11 ’20

180w

“The author has chosen to set his scene in nowadays, and, to be

sure, a motor chase figures in it. But the story would have been as
well served by galloping horses. The dominant figure—the villain—
would have been so much more at home in a heavy wig and
jackboots.”

+ − The Times [London] Lit Sup p257 Ap

22 ’20 200w

GRAHAM, JAMES CHANDLER. It happened

at Andover; well, most of it did, anyway. il *$1.90
(3½c) Houghton
20–15954
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