GE – WRITE UP

DEVANSHI JHA , 291/2022

BA HISTORY HONS.
MIRANDA HOUSE, UNIVERSITY OF DELHI
SUBMITTED TO – PRIYA MA’AM

Family and Community: A Feminist Critique of Gender,

Caste, and Patriarchy in India
The intersection of family and community in shaping women’s lives in India is a deeply political and
contested space, marked by hierarchies of caste, gender, religion, and class. Far from being neutral or
private institutions, both family and community are deeply embedded in structures of power that
reproduce patriarchy and social control. A careful reading of feminist scholarship—particularly the
works of R. Palriwala, Saheli Women’s Centre, Uma Chakravarti, Sharmila Rege, and Kumkum
Sangari—reveals the multiple and often contradictory ways in which women experience
marginalization within these institutions. The family, often glorified as a site of love and belonging, is
simultaneously a site of discipline, gendered labor, and authority, while the community acts as an
external regulatory force that polices women’s sexuality, choices, and autonomy. R. Palriwala
disrupts the idealized image of the harmonious Indian family by exposing the economic and
hierarchical structures that govern everyday life. She argues that household decision-making is
shaped by patriliny, where authority is concentrated in the hands of male elders and women often
have limited access to or control over resources. Even when women contribute significantly to the
economic functioning of the household, their roles are framed as supportive rather than central. This
reinforces male authority and normalizes unequal gender relations. Palriwala points out that
women’s participation in decision-making is often performative and constrained, especially for
daughters-in-law, who remain outsiders to the patrilineal kinship structure. Thus, the economic and
affective relationships within families are deeply gendered, reinforcing male dominance and female
dependence. Through testimonies of women across class and caste groups, the various study reveals
how marriage is a key institution through which caste endogamy is enforced. Women are expected to
conform to arranged marriages, and any deviation—especially in the form of inter-caste or love
marriages—is met with surveillance, ostracism, or violence. The community thus functions as a
gatekeeper of both caste and patriarchy, where honour is linked to the control of women’s sexuality.
This control is not merely symbolic—it has material consequences, including violence, forced
confinement, and even honour killings. Women who defy these norms are often excluded from both
family and community networks, highlighting how the threat of isolation is used as a disciplinary
tool. Uma Chakravarti critiques the traditional historiography of caste by bringing attention to
the centrality of women’s reproductive labor in maintaining caste boundaries. She argues that the
control of women’s sexuality is crucial for the reproduction of caste purity, and hence women are
positioned at the heart of caste practices but with no agency. Through practices such as patrilocal
marriage, arranged alliances, and strict codes of female chastity, caste is not just reproduced
biologically but ideologically. Chakravarti contends that caste and patriarchy are co-constitutive:
caste functions through patriarchy, and patriarchy is deeply embedded in caste logic. In this context,
the family becomes a site of caste discipline, and community, often posing as a moral force, acts to
regulate women’s behaviour in service of caste interests. Sharmila expands the critique by arguing
that the mainstream women’s movement in India has historically ignored the lived experiences of
Dalit women. Rege advocates for a Dalit feminist standpoint that centers the intersection of caste
and gender. For Dalit women, oppression is not just patriarchal or economic but also caste-based,
mediated by humiliation, sexual violence, and exclusion from both community and institutional
resources. Rege critiques upper-caste feminism for its narrow focus on gender at the expense of
caste, and insists that any serious feminist analysis must be intersectional. Dalit women are often
exploited both in their natal and marital families, and their sexual labor is not just commodified but
stigmatized. Community norms that apply to upper-caste women in terms of honour and control
manifest differently for Dalit women, where honour is often denied altogether, and violence
becomes the mechanism of control. Kumkum pushes the discussion further by highlighting the
diversity of patriarchal formations across religious communities. She emphasizes that women in
different communities face different forms of patriarchal control, whether it be through personal
laws, customary practices, or communal ideologies. For instance, while Hindu women face the
burden of caste endogamy and the joint family system, Muslim women may struggle under the
framework of religious personal laws that regulate marriage, divorce, and inheritance. Sangari
cautions against any universalist notion of “womanhood” and urges for a nuanced understanding of
multiple patriarchies that intersect with religion, community, and class. She also explores how
community-based mobilizations, such as those seen during communal violence, often deploy
gendered imagery to foster group identity and justify violence against the ‘other’. In such contexts,
women are cast as bearers of cultural identity, and their bodies become the sites on which
communal and patriarchal control is enacted. Taken together, these feminist readings reveal how the
private sphere of the family and the public sphere of the community are interconnected in
maintaining patriarchal control over women’s lives. The problems women face—whether it be lack of
autonomy, economic dependence, violence, or lack of access to justice—are not isolated incidents
but are systematically produced through the institutions of family and community. These institutions
not only shape women’s subjectivities but also determine their social mobility, political voice, and
access to resources. Moreover, rethinking of feminist strategies in India. A mere focus on legal
reforms or policy changes is insufficient if the underlying structures of caste and community-based
patriarchy are left intact. For example, while laws may exist to prevent dowry or domestic violence,
the social norms enforced by family elders or community leaders often discourage women from
seeking justice. Fear of dishonour, social exclusion, or economic ruin keeps many women silent.
Feminist interventions, therefore, must engage with community norms and family structures in order
to be truly transformative. Importantly, these works also caution against romanticizing the
“empowering” aspects of community or familial bonds, which can often serve to obscure the
everyday negotiations and compromises women are forced to make. Even when women act with
agency—such as choosing a partner, resisting marriage, or demanding property rights—they do so
within tightly policed boundaries. As the Saheli Women’s Centre findings show, community approval
remains central to social legitimacy, and transgressions are often punished harshly, even when legal
frameworks offer protection.

In conclusion, the problems women face within family and community structures are not incidental
or cultural anomalies—they are core to how patriarchy, caste, and social order are maintained in
India. Feminist scholars have shown that addressing these issues requires more than individual
empowerment or legal reform; it demands a systemic challenge to the social institutions that
reproduce inequality in the name of tradition, honor, and belonging. By centering women’s voices
and experiences—especially those at the intersections of caste, religion, and class—feminism in India
can move toward a more inclusive and radical project of social justice.