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 AGLOBAL
HISTORY of the
COLD WAR,
1945–1991
Philip Jenkins
A Global History of the Cold War, 1945–1991
 Philip Jenkins

A Global History of the

Cold War, 1945–1991
Philip Jenkins
Institute for Studies of Religion
Baylor University
Waco, TX, USA

ISBN 978-3-030-81365-9    ISBN 978-3-030-81366-6 (eBook)

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© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2021
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher,
whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation,
reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any
other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation,
computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt
from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained
herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with
regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Cover illustration: @ Keystone Press / Alamy Stock Photo

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Contents

1 Introduction  1

Part I Between Wars? 1945–1967  17

2 Origins: The World in 1946 19

3 The Struggle for Europe 37

4 Nuclear Perils 57

5 Asian Theaters 73

6 Decolonization and Third World Struggles 91

7 Khrushchev and Kennedy107

Part II Living in the Cold War 121

8 National Security and Repression123

9 Spies, Saboteurs, and Defectors137

10 Cold War Cultures151

v
vi Contents

Part III The Struggle Redefined: 1968–1991 171

11 Crisis of Ideologies: The World in 1968173

12 A Cold Peace, or War by Other Means?187

13 Four Minutes to Midnight: The World in 1980203

14 The New Struggle213

15 Endgame229

16 Conclusion: Winners, Losers, and Inheritors245

Index255
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Near Omaha, Nebraska, stands Offutt air base, which from 1948 through
1992 was the home base for the US Strategic Air Command (SAC). Founded
in 1946, the SAC was tasked with organizing vast nuclear-armed bomber fleets
which ideally would deter any foe tempted to attack the country. Within a few
years, these were increasingly augmented by missiles. Offutt was chosen as
headquarters because Nebraska stood at the heart of the continental United
States and was furthest removed from potential enemy bomber attacks. From
1959, Offutt was defended by powerful surface-to-air missiles. The SAC
remained active and on perpetual watch until it stood down in 1992, following
the end of the global confrontation that we call the Cold War.
Offutt became home to a museum displaying key aircraft in US military his-
tory, which later moved to another Nebraska location to become the Strategic
Air Command and Aerospace Museum. This is an extraordinary place, with
many tangible remains of that frightening era. The stars of the large collection
include such astonishing items as a gigantic Convair B-36 bomber, with its
230-foot wingspan. With a combination of jet engines and multiple piston-­
driven propellers, some versions of the B-36 had an intercontinental range of
10,000 miles. From the time it entered into service in 1948 until its replace-
ment by the B-52 in 1955, the B-36 was a mainstay of the US strategic arsenal,
and over 360 such aircraft were built. These aircraft, and other later weapon
systems, were intended to bear the nuclear arms that would annihilate the
Soviet Union, causing many millions of deaths. At the same time, Soviet equiv-
alents would be extinguishing great cities in the US and Europe.
What makes this museum so distinctive is that it commemorates a war that
was never fought or, at least, in anything like the way that was contemplated.
In consequence, no B-36 ever engaged in combat of any kind. The B-36 never
achieved the legendary fame of other aircraft like the Flying Fortress or the
Spitfire, and never featured in popular culture depictions of heroic deeds or

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2021
P. Jenkins, A Global History of the Cold War, 1945–1991,
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2 P. JENKINS

futile missions. We can view that achievement—that non-war—in different

ways. We might be extremely thankful that wise policies and effective deter-
rents prevented such a catastrophe, or else we might be outraged and angry
that anyone ever contemplated such horrific slaughter. But the importance of
the story cannot be exaggerated. Both in the threat that was posed to human
civilization and the fact that the ultimate confrontation was averted, we are
looking at one of the most significant facts in human history.

What Kind of War?

If the importance of the Cold War is beyond doubt, its unusual quality raises
some intriguing issues for a historian. When we describe other wars, such as the
Napoleonic conflicts or the Second World War, we know exactly who the par-
ticipants were, when the conflicts began and ended, and where combat
occurred. We can cite the dates on which wars were declared and when peace
agreements ended them. Not only are none of these basic data available to
anyone studying the Cold War, but historians argue at length about basic terms
and details, about the what, why, when, and where. All these questions con-
tinue to divide historians.
By a conventional definition, the Cold War was a confrontation between the
Soviet Union and the US, and the power blocs that each led, which are con-
ventionally termed the East and the West. This situation lasted from just after
the end of the Second World War to the collapse of the Soviet state, roughly
from 1945 to 1991. In the English-speaking world, the “Cold War” concept
was framed by George Orwell, in 1945, and again by the US presidential
adviser Bernard Baruch in 1947. It was popularized by the 1947 book The
Cold War, by the journalist Walter Lippmann. The conflict was so called in
contrast to the hot and extremely destructive world war that had just con-
cluded and was instead characterized by rivalry that fell short of military action
between US and Soviet forces.
The question then arises whether this could legitimately be termed a war. In
legal terms, the two powers were never even enemies, as war was never declared.
Fighting certainly did occur between states aligned to one or other of the two
blocs, most famously in Korea and Vietnam, while internal revolutions and
repressions claimed many lives. If we combine these various conflicts, then the
“non-war” between East and West resulted in tens of millions of deaths. Even
if the two superpowers avoided total and direct war with each other—if they
avoided the constantly dreaded Third World War, “WWIII”—this was nothing
like true peace.

Who Fought the Cold War? The West

Nor was it obvious who the competing sides were in this singular war, and that
lack of definition would have enormous policy consequences with which we
still live today. In the late 1950s, say, global confrontations were
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

overwhelmingly likely to be depicted in terms of East and West, between

Moscow and Washington, and that was the model commonly assumed among
policymakers on both sides. The B-36s existed to attack Soviet targets and
Soviet forces. Even if a particular situation or problem did not immediately
have such an obvious dimension, then it would be reported and analyzed as
part of the larger Cold War context. If a war had developed in 1962, there was
little doubt about the nations that would be aligned on each side. Yet as we will
see repeatedly, such a simplistic East-West approach would often be misleading.
“The West” is a problematic concept. As commonly presented at the height
of the Cold War, two worlds confronted each other, with the West representing
democracy and freedom, and, by some accounts, the heritage of European
culture and civilization. In the US, college courses on the “Western Heritage”
were semi-seriously described as ranging “From Plato to NATO.” Yet the
US-led alliance of the 1950s included such long-powerful countries as Britain
and France, which had their own distinctive interests and needs, and which
struggled to resist the demands of their overwhelmingly powerful US ally. Nor
was such a transatlantic alignment historically inevitable. Until 1945, different
combinations of allies viewed Germany as their principal enemy. The US saw
no natural or eternal alliance with France or Britain, and throughout the 1920s,
US war plans had imagined a likely conflict against the British Empire (includ-
ing Canada), which would be allied with Japan.
After the Second World War, the US was closely allied with the British
world, and the critically important intelligence-sharing system known as Five
Eyes includes the US, Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. But that
“special relationship” had its definite limits, and the US tried to exclude the
British from nuclear secrets. Britain and Canada meanwhile were much more
open than the US to maintaining diplomatic relations with Communist pow-
ers, including Mao’s China and Fidel Castro’s Cuba, Moreover, that close
Anglophone network did not necessarily extend to other North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) states. In 1966, France withdrew from NATO’s formal
military structures, and transatlantic tensions became acute during the Vietnam
War years. British and European allies were often disdainful of American cul-
tural expressions. Western populations also varied enormously in their attitudes
toward Communism. Throughout the Cold War years, Communist parties in
France and Italy were very powerful organizations commanding mass support,
which was certainly not the case in Britain or Canada, leave alone the
US. Throughout the Cold War, Soviet propaganda and diplomatic efforts
encouraged the detachment of Europe from the US concept of a com-
mon “West.”
Defining “the West” would often be controversial. If indeed the term
referred to a US-led alliance of democratic states opposed to Communism, it
was difficult to include Spain, which was strictly nondemocratic until after
1975, yet which was de facto integrated into US defense arrangements. At dif-
ferent times, dictatorial regimes in Portugal and Greece clearly defined them-
selves as anti-Communist and therefore Western. The US alliance also included
4 P. JENKINS

such key Asian and clearly non-Western nations—Japan, as well as South Korea
and Taiwan (the Republic of China). In the 1970s, Israel sought to expand the
concept of the West and its struggles beyond that central anti-Communist
theme. Israeli leaders presented the country as a part of the “West” engaged in
common cause against terrorism and against hostile Arab and Islamic states.

Who Fought the Cold War? The East

The concept of “the East”—the Communist world—also demands unpacking.
Although US administrations sometimes presented all Communist powers as
integral parts of a solid Eastern Bloc, that view became ever less tenable as the
decades went on. From the 1950s, although Yugoslavia remained Communist,
it became ever more detached from the Soviet alliance in Europe. Other East
European states followed. The Soviets had to struggle constantly to maintain
the loyalty of members of its alliance, the Warsaw Pact, and to ensure that
domestic reforms in these satellite countries did not lead to defiance of its
hegemony. Even a faithful Soviet ally like Cuba’s Fidel Castro was capable of
independent and provocative actions that angered Moscow. During the 1960s,
China became so hostile to the Soviet Union that the two countries came close
to open war. By that point, definitions of Communism itself were in flux. In the
West, the New Left that emerged in the late 1950s presented itself as equally
disdainful of both American and Soviet regimes, and that perspective became
very popular in many societies.
In the early years of the Cold War, the US and the USSR were so inconceiv-
ably stronger than any possible rivals or competitors that it made some sense to
think of their contest in bipolar terms. As the decades progressed, that assump-
tion became ever less plausible.

Beyond East and West

The issue of diversity within the Communist world—the East—had real politi-
cal consequences. Some states and movements were avowedly and wholeheart-
edly pledged to Communism, but others were not, although their policies
borrowed heavily from the left-wing language and assumptions. So how did
each side assess its potential friends and enemies? What decided whether a hos-
tile or critical government was actually part of the enemy camp?
In the 1950s, many nations defined themselves as part of a Third World,
affiliated neither to the Eastern and Western sides in the Cold War, but pro-
claimed values of nationalism, anti-imperialism, neutralism, and non-­alignment.
From an American or Western point of view, a government that spoke the
language of socialism and anti-imperialism might well be a veiled or unadmit-
ted ally of the Soviets, especially if it acted against US economic interests, and
it thus needed to be treated as an enemy. Such a vision neglected purely local
circumstances, grievances, and loyalties. Some crises, which were at the time
seen as East-West battles, can in retrospect be seen as expressions of
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

nationalism and anti-imperialism, or of legitimate social activism. On occasion,

the strict Cold War interpretation would be correct: Castro’s regime really was
Communist and pro-Soviet. At other times, the view proved incorrect. Despite
an early Communist background, South African leader Nelson Mandela was
anything but a tool of Soviet Communism.
Such a debate over interpretation was pivotal to the Vietnam struggle that
was so critical to the central years of the Cold War. US policymakers differed
fundamentally as to whether Communist North Vietnam acted as it did because
it was an obedient tool of the Soviet-Chinese world front, or if it really was fol-
lowing its announced principles of nationalism. Each interpretation demanded
a very different set of policies and reactions. What we decide about these moti-
vations shapes our understanding of the actual scale and scope of the Cold War.
If North Vietnam was an integral part of the Communist Bloc, then the war
was a principal battlefront of that wider struggle. If we emphasize the national-
ist role in the struggle, then the Cold War context is less central.
The problem of understanding motives was further complicated by the role
of religion in shaping political ideology. To some extent, religious language
and motives ran throughout the whole conflict, and the language of “defend-
ing Christian civilization” was important in the West from the 1940s. But new
dimensions of religion and faith-based activism came to play an ever greater
role in political ideology from the 1970s onward. Both the US and the Soviets
repeatedly failed to comprehend that religion might be an authentic motivator
of political action and resistance, rather than a thin disguise for some secular
cause. When the older bipolar world view failed to pay proper attention to
nationalism and religion, it was ignoring or underplaying very potent drivers of
human affairs. This confusion would become apparent in the understandings
that each side developed of the Arab-Israeli conflict, or successive crises in Iran,
Poland, Lebanon, and Afghanistan.
Complicating the language of “war” is the fact that each of the main partici-
pants sought to undermine its enemy by subversive actions that fell short of
open military combat. If Americans and Russians did not fight an apocalyptic
battle in central Germany, then for almost half a century the two sides actually
did fight through proxies and surrogates, who might or might not wear uni-
forms. But in domestic matters, as in international, reliably identifying such
enemy proxies or agents was not an easy task. Both sides debated whether
protesters and dissidents in their own respective societies were complaining
about authentic injustices, or if they might actually be tools of the other side in
the global confrontation. In the US context, right-wingers often saw a sinister
Soviet hand directing the Civil Rights protests led by Martin Luther King Jr.
Soviet authorities were no less convinced about the Central Intelligence Agency
(CIA) sponsorship of the country’s human rights activists, or the surging dem-
ocratic movement in Poland. In both cases, governments or political factions
found conspiratorial interpretations valuable because they served at once to
stigmatize and delegitimize troubling social movements, and to emphasize the
direct threats posed by the Cold War enemy. For both sides, guilt by
6 P. JENKINS

association was a powerful theme throughout these years. Of its nature, the
Cold War created a hothouse atmosphere for the breeding and cultivation of
conspiracy theories.

When Was the Cold War?

If the “who” component of the Cold War is debatable—the issue of identifying
the respective combatants—then so is the when. In common parlance, the very
phrase “Cold War” most often summons images from the 1950s or early
1960s. For Americans, these might include the McCarthy hearings into domes-
tic Communism, the Cuba missile crisis, civil defense drills, or images of the
SAC’s bomber fleets; and each individual society has its own distinctive roster
of memories and symbols. Crises accumulated between 1947 and 1954, and
then became ever more acute with the arrival of hydrogen bombs in the
mid-­1950s, and intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) delivery systems a
few years afterward. The years between 1958 and 1962 were uniquely perilous.
But such a chronological focus is misleading, as the same fundamental themes,
realities, and dilemmas persisted through the 1980s. So, of course, did the
personalities. The Cold War reached a perilous new height between 1981 and
1984, and the world was arguably as close to annihilation in 1983 as it had
been in the early 1960s.
The chronology issue illustrates very different national approaches. From a
Soviet perspective, the key moment in the story was the Bolshevik Revolution
of 1917, which created a new Communist order. From 1919, the Soviet-­
directed Communist International, the Comintern, encouraged Communist
causes and militancy worldwide. The subsequent decades witnessed numerous
assaults intended to destroy that Communist order. In 1936, the grand alliance
between Hitler’s Germany and militarist Japan was called the anti-Comintern
Pact, the Agreement against the Communist International. Between 1941 and
1945, Germany undertook its near-lethal assault on the USSR, but Soviet his-
tory had usually involved bitter contention with capitalist nations, including
the US. From this perspective, what Westerners call the Cold War was only one
phase of a conflict that had been in progress since 1917, made immeasurably
more dangerous by the new nuclear component.
For West European nations like Britain and France, relations with the Soviet
Union in the years between the two World Wars had often involved conflict,
espionage, and subversion, both in home nations themselves and in their colo-
nial territories. In 1924, false charges of Comintern interference in Britain did
much to overthrow a Labour government in that country. Many of the spy
scandals and exposes that we commonly think of as quintessentially Cold War
events involved espionage activities that occurred in the West during the 1930s,
but which were only revealed in the 1950s. In this framework, the Spanish
Civil War of the 1930s was one of the great set-piece military struggles of the
longer-term Cold War, and the heavy Soviet aid supplied to left-wing forces
closely foreshadowed later events in Korea and Vietnam. Both from the Soviet
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

and the West European points of view, the Second World War marked a brief
and unusual period of alliance and cooperation, which speedily and inevitably
collapsed not long after Nazi Germany was destroyed. Between the wars,
Winston Churchill was legendary as a fire-breathing anti-Communist, a role he
promptly resumed after 1945, when he popularized the term “iron curtain.”
Other countries had their own chronologies. For Poland, the post-1945 con-
flict was a phase in a much longer historical struggle for freedom from Russian
rule, which dated back to the eighteenth century. Poles regarded their defeat
of a Soviet Communist invasion in 1920 as a near-miraculous vindication of
that struggle and of their national identity.
Such rewritings affect our sense of historical period. Scholars sometimes
describe the East-West tensions of the 1980s as a “Second Cold War,” the
assumption being that the first or “real” Cold War occurred in the 1950s and
1960s. That whole post-1945 history was itself a second phase, resuming the
open hostility that had prevailed between 1917 and 1941.
However standard it may seem today, the notion that the fundamental
Soviet-Western rivalry was somehow new after 1945 was chiefly an American
perspective. US armed forces had intervened against the Bolsheviks in 1918,
and the country had a lively domestic Red Scare that ran through the 1920s.
In the US Congress, the House Committee on Un-American Activities began
its fervent quest for Communist infiltrators in 1938. Even so, the nation’s poli-
tics through the interwar years had emphasized isolationism, and avoiding con-
frontation with other powers. (The US still felt entitled to intervene freely in
its poorer neighbors in the Caribbean and Central America.) The administra-
tion of Franklin Roosevelt (1933–1945) sought peaceful relations with the
Soviets, and in 1933, the US finally gave diplomatic recognition to the Soviet
state. Roosevelt also placed the US in opposition to the European powers in
matters involving the colonial empires and decolonization. Only after some
serious internal debate was the US prepared to take the lead against Soviet
advances after 1945. From such an American viewpoint, the Soviet confronta-
tion appears more novel and demanding of explanation than it might appear
elsewhere in the world. American predominance over popular culture and the
academic world ensured that the US chronological perspective became the
norm in other nations that increasingly forgot their own older experiences.
Although the period used here for the Cold War—from 1945 through
1991—does have a clear unity and historical utility, it was to some extent an
American construct.

What Was the Cold War About?

The matter of periodization guides our understanding of the issues at stake in
the Cold War, and the question of what the global struggle was actually about.
The Soviet emphasis on 1917 suggests that this was above all an ideological
contest between Communism and capitalism, or as others might have said,
8 P. JENKINS

between Soviet tyranny and Western freedom. But the conflict was at least as
much geopolitical as ideological.
Historically, states tend to follow certain long-term policies regardless of the
administration in power at any given time, or its ideological coloring. For rea-
sons of economics or geography, they define their spheres of influence in par-
ticular ways. Such long continuities are evident in the Soviet case. In the
nineteenth century, the absolute monarchy of the Tsars regarded certain
regions as essential to its security, and the country’s future growth. The
Russians occupied most of Poland, and a potent pan-Slavist vision presented
Russia as the ultimate guardian of all Slavic and/or Orthodox peoples in
Eastern and Southeastern Europe. Russian governments looked south for the
future expansion of which they dreamed, into the Ottoman Empire and the
Levant, and toward Persia and Afghanistan. A map of Tsarist territorial ambi-
tions around 1900 would also provide a valuable guide to the directions of
Soviet policy through the Cold War. In 1940, Stalin’s government declared
that, beyond redrawing borders in Europe, “its territorial aspirations center
south of the national territory of the Soviet Union, in the direction of the
Indian Ocean.”1 During the Cold War as I am defining it here, both Turkey
and Persia (Iran) would repeatedly be the setting for superpower tensions and
clashes. In pursuing its international goals, the Tsarist regime used intelligence
and secret police systems in ways that strongly foreshadowed later Soviet
behavior. That included the use of surrogates and proxies to carry out terrorist
acts on Western soil, with a view to discrediting the regime’s enemies.
Long continuities are no less apparent in the US instance. From the 1820s,
the US had attempted to exclude European powers from the Americas, north
and south, suggesting that it saw all these territories as within its sphere of
influence: this was the so-called Monroe Doctrine. Throughout the early twen-
tieth century, US forces frequently intervened in Caribbean or Latin nations,
sometimes in countries that would later be pivotal to Cold War rivalries, such
as Cuba and Nicaragua.
Historians dislike counterfactuals, but as a thought experiment, we might
imagine how affairs might have developed if we take Communism out of the
political picture. Suppose that the Russian regime in power in the 1940s was
neither Soviet nor Communist, that it was monarchist or even democratic.
Further assume that this alternative Russia had played such a decisive role in
smashing Nazi Germany, leaving a world balance much like what we actually
know in 1945. The hypothetical non-Communist Russia would still see a vital
interest in expanding its power over Eastern Europe, to supply a buffer against
future invasion, and it would be an obvious tactic to create puppet regimes.
Further West, Russia would confront a vast power vacuum in what had been
the heart of Europe, with the collapse of Germany and Italy, and the extreme
weakness of the Allied victor states, of France, Britain, and the Netherlands.

1
Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918–1945: series D. US Department of State
(Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1960).
 1 INTRODUCTION 9

Europe was conspicuously in play, and both Russia and the US would face
heavy pressure to fill that resulting vacuum. The twilight of the colonial and
imperial powers created a host of new opportunities and pressures on a global
scale inviting Russian expansion into that country’s historically defined sphere
of expansion, and beyond.
The fact that US and Russian military forces were by far the world’s most
powerful would be central to any future relationships. Even without the ideo-
logical element, something like the Cold War would have been easily imaginable.
But pursuing such a mental exercise also points to its limitations. Of itself,
Marxist ideology did not determine Soviet views of the wider world, but with-
out that ideology, the Soviet Union would never have secured the broad and
devoted international support that so often proved vital to its interests. In
Tsarist times, liberals and radicals around the world had loathed Russia as a
symbol of tyranny and authoritarianism, just as, after 1917, so many would
laud the Soviets as the exemplars of a heroic future. However much outsiders
admired the cultural achievements of Tsarist Russia—all the magnificent litera-
ture, music, and art—these splendors were evidently not associated with the
regime or its policies. Matters were quite different under the Soviets, who com-
manded vast and highly appealing resources in the form of propaganda and soft
power, which exercised immense influence in many parts of the world.
Moreover, these messages were inextricably associated with Communist ideol-
ogy and Soviet politics. This sympathy acquired an institutional foundation
through flourishing Communist parties and affiliated movements in many
nations. In the post-1945 context, this ideological power gave Communism
and Soviet causes real advantages in societies struggling against colonialism in
Africa and Asia, or against imperialism and exploitation in the Americas. The
resulting ideological contest shaped every aspect of Cold War thought, policy-
making, and rhetoric.

How Did Technology Shape the Cold War?

The Cold War was also a technological confrontation, in ways that transcended
ideological struggles. It is tempting, but usually misleading, to describe human
affairs in terms of revolutionary new technologies, to fall into the error of tech-
nological determinism. While such breakthroughs might transform human
interactions, they can never be discussed in isolation. In the case of the Cold
War, it is difficult to avoid such a central emphasis on new forms of weaponry,
above all the nuclear menace, and in popular parlance, the two are inextricably
linked. The Cold War is recalled as the age of intense nuclear fears and vice versa.
At first, nuclear weapons did not greatly escalate the destructive potential of
warfare. Using massed fleets of bombers armed with conventional weapons,
both the Americans and British had caused immense casualties in enemy cities
between 1942 and 1945. But as nuclear weapons grew in effectiveness in the
late 1940s, they raised the prospect of swiftly destroying an enemy nation, at
huge human cost. This trend was vastly amplified in the 1950s, with the
10 P. JENKINS

coming of the hydrogen bomb, which raised the stakes in the struggle to an
almost infinite degree. The first US weapon tested, in 1952, was 450 times
more powerful than the bomb used against Nagasaki, and the Soviets tested
their own device the following year. Actual deployable weapons followed a
couple of years later. Ballistic missiles enormously accelerated the speed with
which such weapons could be delivered anywhere in the world. By 1959, both
the US and the Soviets deployed their intercontinental ballistic missiles,
or ICBMs.
Together, these changes transformed both warfare and international poli-
tics. From the start, they gravely undermined the great Soviet superiority in
conventional military forces in Europe. Although the US and Britain had
deployed very large armies against the Germans, the nature of their societies
made these efforts very difficult to support for any lengthy period. The nuclear
element changed everything. Before 1949, the Soviets had no such resource
themselves, and the West retained a crushing superiority in nuclear arms into
the early 1960s. The existence of thermonuclear weaponry raised the prospect
that a Western attack might swiftly eliminate the Soviet state and much of the
population. Without the potential nuclear threat, it is difficult to imagine how
the Soviets could have resisted military actions against a profoundly weakened
Western Europe during numerous crises from the late 1940s onward. But even
the weaker Soviet nuclear forces could still pose enough of a threat to the
Western powers, and above all to the US, to discourage conventional military
operations that would otherwise have proved very tempting. This would for
instance have included a US invasion of Cuba in 1962. Nuclear weapons played
an essential role in ensuring that the Cold War did not become an outright
world war and also in determining its long time-span.
The nuclear balance of terror ensured that a direct confrontation between
the two key players had to be avoided, literally as a matter of life and death.
This determined the nature of conflict and the means through which rivalries
would be pursued, commonly through clandestine and covert tactics. This
placed a high premium on subverting the rival’s position in his own territories,
to combating his allies and supporters, and building up friendly forces. Guerrilla
and low-intensity operations proliferated, as it was vital to allow each super-
power to deny that it was directly involved in military assaults on its rival. When
the Soviets orchestrated major military interventions in several African nations
in the mid-1970s, they did so largely through Cuban allies and proxies (who
had long dreamed of aggressively expanding their revolution in these direc-
tions). Rather than using massed military forces of their own, the two sides
deployed small numbers of personnel as advisors, trainers, or special forces.
Intelligence and surveillance, both international and domestic, acquired
unprecedented significance. So did effective internal security mechanisms and
policing. All that would have been true regardless of the ideological coloring of
the respective sides, and the key protagonists.
The Cold War is much more than merely “the nuclear age,” or indeed
“nuclear paranoia.” But it is incomprehensible without the nuclear dimension.
 1 INTRODUCTION 11

Where Did the Cold War Take Place?

The Cold War was truly global, even more so than the very wide-ranging activ-
ities associated with the two World Wars. Apart from military encounters or
revolutions, surveillance activities brought East-West competition into every
area of the globe, including the poles, as well as the deep seas, and space itself.
Although the main ground forces confronted each other in Europe, crises and
conflicts could erupt anywhere in the globe, from Laos to Congo, from
Nicaragua to Angola. As it was suggested earlier, the broad range of societies
affected should make it impossible to speak in simple East-West terms, as each
individual situation had its own particular set of circumstances and world views.
Profoundly affecting the shape and outcome of these various global situa-
tions was the break-up of the old colonial empires and subsequent decoloniza-
tion. This constituted a revolutionary change in global affairs as they had
existed over the previous quarter-millennium, when European powers had for-
mally or informally ruled much of the world’s surface. Occupation, defeat, or
near-bankruptcy made it impossible for those once great powers to maintain
that rule, and some faced bloody revolutions and civil wars. Between 1945 and
1965, Britain, France, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Italy lost most or all of
their once-vast imperial possessions in Africa and Asia, and Portugal followed
in the mid-1970s. This is sometimes considered to mark the end of formal
decolonization, although the Soviet Union itself included many conquered
peoples, predominantly Muslims, who had been incorporated into the Russian
Empire in Tsarist tines.
Of itself, that tectonic change did not result from the Cold War, but was
rather an immediate outcome of the Second World War, and just like the revo-
lutionary impact of nuclear weapons, it began quite independently of US-Soviet
rivalries. If the Cold War had not happened, this imperial collapse would still
have proceeded, and it would have resulted in conflicts and chaos across vast
regions of the planet. But as the transformation occurred, it could not fail to
become a factor in this larger East-West strife. Dozens of newly independent
nations came into being, from enormous entities such as India, Indonesia, or
the Democratic Republic of the Congo to tiny statelets. The share of the
world’s population in these regions grew steadily over the coming decades in
consequence of very rapid population growth, which by the 1960s was exciting
Western fears of a population explosion. Many of the new nations were in stra-
tegic locations, or controlled strategic resources, often in huge quantities: the
Congo was a crucial source of uranium. Particularly in the Middle East, the
quest to gain and secure oil resources would always prove a powerful tempta-
tion for both Russia and the US.
For policymakers on both sides, the new opportunities were intoxicating.
And if the overall situation originated outside the Cold War context, matters of
ideology soon became extremely important. With the critique of imperialism
that was fundamental to their value system, the Soviets had an obvious advan-
tage in this emerging battle, and they worked strenuously to build up their
12 P. JENKINS

anti-colonial credentials, arming and training national liberation movements

and revolutionary regimes. The Americans and their allies had to compete
imaginatively, through a combination of economic and political solutions, as
well as direct military efforts. On occasion, the West leaped to assume Soviet
inspiration in particular situations that were in fact entirely local in nature, and
over-reacted accordingly.

Was the Cold War Inevitable?

Time and again, the Cold War involved actions and decisions that seem unpar-
donable and by no means only as they are judged with the benefit of hindsight.
On many occasions, both sides ran risks that could easily have resulted in global
destruction on an apocalyptic scale, with millions dead. Even if such a cata-
clysm was averted, there is plenty of blame to be allocated.
Having said this, it is not easy to imagine circumstances in which the basic
antipathy could have been avoided, especially given the circumstances at the
end of the Second World War. Together, the destruction of the European
power balance, the threat to the imperial systems, and the tremendous might
of the two superpowers—each with its historic needs and demands—made a
confrontation all but certain. Just how this clash would develop was shaped
and constrained by the new environment created by nuclear weapons. At many
points in this book, we will encounter moments when different paths might
have been taken, for better or worse. But the fundamental realities of the Cold
War itself suggest a tragic inevitability.

How Do We Tell the Story of the Cold War?

The Cold War, then, was far more than a simple bipolar clash between a righ-
teous US-led West and an aggressive Communist East. That complexity and
nuance has increasingly been reflected in historical writing on the struggle
through the decades, and the present book seeks to take full account of these
insights.
Through that evolving literature, the historiography, we see the powerful
influence of new kinds of source materials as they became available, but no less
significant were shifting political attitudes, as each society projected its contem-
porary interests and obsessions into the historical past. To that extent, each era
has told its own story of the Cold War, which might be scarcely recognizable
to readers just a decade or so before or afterward. And however much serious
scholars would dislike such language, they have often tried to identify their
particular heroes and villains, who have similarly changed over time. When
consulting any book or scholarly article on this era, we should always begin by
noting the date of publication, as this will tell us much about the amount and
character of the source material available to the particular historian prevailing
at the time of writing, and the attitudes.
 1 INTRODUCTION 13

For Americans at least, the heroic image of the conflict was the normal
interpretation well into the 1960s. Even then, there were dissident voices
who presented a very different view of specific confrontations such as the
Korean War, and one much more sympathetic to Communist motivations
and behavior. Such minority views became much more commonplace as the
US became ever more disenchanted with its experience in Vietnam. In the
1970s, the exposure of vast amounts of materials about the misdeeds of
Western intelligence agencies caused a radical rethinking of many aspects of
the post-1945 Cold War, both within Western nations and, especially, in the
Third World or Global South. Liberal and left-oriented historians became
much more sympathetic to narratives that would once have been confined to
devoted Communist writers. In particular, domestic “Red Scares” and anti-
Communist purges in Western nations were treated as monstrously wrong
and unjustified, as cynical “witch-­hunts.” (We will repeatedly describe these
events in the present book.)
The balance changed again in the 1990s, with the release of masses of hith-
erto secret material from Eastern Bloc nations and also of declassified Western
intelligence materials. This often confirmed the reality of Soviet and
Communist clandestine activities around the world and further allowed a
thorough revision of historic confrontations like the Cuba Missile Crisis. The
release of Eastern Bloc materials has utterly revised our interpretation of ter-
rorist movements in Western nations and often confirmed what were once
speculations about clandestine Communist involvement. Meanwhile, the US
has released information about their surveillance activities in Eastern Bloc
nations, with data that were once regarded as the most secret crown jewel of
the intelligence community.
In the past quarter century, the Cold War has been an immensely fruitful
field for historical research, with a huge outpouring of scholarship that can
barely be touched upon here. Some key themes should however be mentioned.
One is the globalization of research, with the much greater coverage of affairs
in Global South nations. This allows us to understand particular conflicts in
terms of the specific and local forces at work in a society, without imposing the
simplistic East-West framework that might once have been used. This approach
has the added advantage of allowing us to see local groups and individual actors
operating according to their own interests and ideologies, which might or
might not coincide with those of Moscow or Washington.
Throughout the modern wave of globalized studies, scholars must wrestle
with the question of intent. When a situation developed in a particular way, can
we assume that a state or group actively sought that outcome? When, for
instance, we see the expansion of Communist power in Eastern Europe in the
1940s, earlier historians might have seen a simple Soviet plot, directed by Stalin
personally. Closer examination suggests a much more nuanced and contingent
view, closely attuned to diplomatic needs and pressures at any given moment.
In Vietnam, similarly, we have also seen how scholars debate the motivations of
14 P. JENKINS

participants: is it more useful to frame the North Vietnamese as Communist,

or as nationalist? On some such questions, highly experienced and able histori-
ans are still unable to achieve consensus, for instance in the role of Communist
ideology and organization in the early phases of the Cuban Revolution. Was
Fidel Castro a secret Communist from the start? Did he adopt that stance for
strategic reasons? Such debates abound.
Perhaps our greatest problem in telling this story is that we already know the
ending, and that has to condition how we tell the narrative. We know that the
US-Soviet nuclear standoff would eventually be resolved and that Offutt would
ultimately stand down. But during the Cold War itself, such an outcome would
have seemed improbable, to the point of seeming a fairy tale. Modern historical
writing proceeds according to the knowledge that the conflict would end
peacefully, but it is vital not to fall into the trap of assuming that inevitability.
On multiple occasions, the survival of human civilization really was at risk.

Further Reading

As the Cold War affected so much of the world over such a lengthy period, the
volume of possible sources is immense, even if we confine ourselves to mate-
rials in English. The sheer breadth of topics and ongoing debates is sug-
gested by the articles appearing in the prestigious Journal of Cold War
Studies, which has been publishing since 1999. Throughout this book, each
chapter will suggest readings, but from the nature of the topic, these are very
selective indeed, and they lean heavily toward recent work, mainly from the
past decade.
One indispensable collection of essays is Melvyn P. Leffler and Odd Arne
Westad, eds., The Cambridge History of the Cold War (three volumes, 2010),
and see the important contributions in Richard H. Immerman and Petra
Goedde, eds., The Oxford Handbook of the Cold War (2013). Each of these
volumes contains multiple essays on detailed aspects of the Cold War, with
specific chronological, regional, and thematic studies. I have not referred to
these studies individually in the chapters that follow, but they are highly rel-
evant and extremely informative about the particular topics discussed.
There are several fine single volume surveys of the Cold War, including John
Lewis Gaddis, The Cold War: A New History (2005); Michael L. Dockrill
and Michael F. Hopkins, The Cold War, 1945–1991 2nd ed. (2006); Melvyn
P. Leffler, For the Soul of Mankind (2007); Norman Stone, The Atlantic and
its Enemies: A Personal History of the Cold War (2010); and John Lamberton
Harper, The Cold War (2011).
Odd Arne Westad stresses global and Global South dimensions in The Global
Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times (2005),
and in his The Cold War: A World History (2017). Compare Lorenz M. Lüthi,
Cold Wars: Asia, the Middle East, Europe (2020). Global conflicts also form
the subject of Paul Thomas Chamberlin’s important study of The Cold War’s
 1 INTRODUCTION 15

Killing Fields: Rethinking the Long Peace (2018). Robert Cowley, ed., The
Cold War: A Military History (2005) addresses the military dimensions of
the conflict. See also Campbell Craig and Fredrik Logevall, America’s Cold
War: The Politics of Insecurity (2012); Ralph B. Levering, The Cold War: A
Post-Cold War History (2016); and Christopher R. W. Dietrich, ed., A
Companion to U.S. Foreign Relations: Colonial Era to the Present (2020).
Dianne Kirby addresses a critical theme in Religion and the Cold War (2003).
For (very) long continuities in political attitudes, see David S. Foglesong, The
American Mission and the “Evil Empire”: The Crusade for a “Free Russia”
Since 1881 (2007).
Throughout this book, I will often refer to works of fiction, whether films,
television productions, or novels, as excellent illustrations of strictly contem-
porary attitudes. Some works in particular are fine historical sources in their
own right, in showing how shrewd individuals responded to the situations
they observed. Some of these fictional productions actually contributed sig-
nificantly to contemporary debates about the issues they were covering. A
list of such possible fictional items could be extended indefinitely.
 PART I

Between Wars? 1945–1967

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Date: July 28, 2025

Background 1: Study tips and learning strategies

Learning Objective 1: Statistical analysis and interpretation
• Research findings and conclusions
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
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Learning Objective 2: Literature review and discussion
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Learning Objective 3: Problem-solving strategies and techniques
• Practical applications and examples
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Learning Objective 4: Ethical considerations and implications
• Practical applications and examples
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Learning Objective 5: Statistical analysis and interpretation
• Learning outcomes and objectives
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Note: Research findings and conclusions
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[Figure 7: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Example 7: Historical development and evolution
• Interdisciplinary approaches
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Key Concept: Historical development and evolution
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[Figure 9: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Note: Learning outcomes and objectives
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Exercise 2: Theoretical framework and methodology
Important: Experimental procedures and results
• Problem-solving strategies and techniques
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Important: Interdisciplinary approaches
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• Literature review and discussion
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Example 13: Experimental procedures and results
• Problem-solving strategies and techniques
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Remember: Problem-solving strategies and techniques
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Important: Ethical considerations and implications
• Ethical considerations and implications
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- Note: Important consideration
Practice Problem 16: Study tips and learning strategies
• Historical development and evolution
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Practice Problem 17: Historical development and evolution
• Interdisciplinary approaches
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- Note: Important consideration
Definition: Learning outcomes and objectives
• Statistical analysis and interpretation
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Important: Study tips and learning strategies
• Theoretical framework and methodology
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[Figure 20: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Discussion 3: Literature review and discussion
Definition: Current trends and future directions
• Ethical considerations and implications
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Practice Problem 21: Problem-solving strategies and techniques
• Practical applications and examples
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Note: Key terms and definitions
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Definition: Comparative analysis and synthesis
• Experimental procedures and results
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- Note: Important consideration
Definition: Historical development and evolution
• Fundamental concepts and principles
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Note: Case studies and real-world applications
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Important: Statistical analysis and interpretation
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Definition: Assessment criteria and rubrics
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Introduction 4: Comparative analysis and synthesis
Definition: Statistical analysis and interpretation
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Key Concept: Historical development and evolution
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[Figure 32: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Note: Comparative analysis and synthesis
• Best practices and recommendations
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Important: Best practices and recommendations
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Example 34: Assessment criteria and rubrics
• Key terms and definitions
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Remember: Interdisciplinary approaches
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Important: Interdisciplinary approaches
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Practice Problem 37: Comparative analysis and synthesis
• Case studies and real-world applications
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Definition: Critical analysis and evaluation
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Summary 5: Problem-solving strategies and techniques
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Key Concept: Experimental procedures and results
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Remember: Problem-solving strategies and techniques
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Key Concept: Fundamental concepts and principles
• Research findings and conclusions
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- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
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Definition: Interdisciplinary approaches
• Historical development and evolution
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- Note: Important consideration
Important: Theoretical framework and methodology
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[Figure 50: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Module 6: Comparative analysis and synthesis
Definition: Key terms and definitions
• Theoretical framework and methodology
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[Figure 51: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Example 51: Statistical analysis and interpretation
• Literature review and discussion
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
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- Note: Important consideration
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
[Figure 52: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Definition: Interdisciplinary approaches
• Best practices and recommendations
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- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Remember: Practical applications and examples
• Historical development and evolution
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- Note: Important consideration
Key Concept: Literature review and discussion
• Experimental procedures and results
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Definition: Current trends and future directions
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[Figure 56: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Definition: Critical analysis and evaluation
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Example 58: Statistical analysis and interpretation
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[Figure 60: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Section 7: Learning outcomes and objectives
Note: Study tips and learning strategies
• Case studies and real-world applications
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Remember: Best practices and recommendations
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Note: Comparative analysis and synthesis
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Important: Comparative analysis and synthesis
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Definition: Practical applications and examples
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[Figure 66: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Note: Learning outcomes and objectives
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[Figure 67: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Remember: Literature review and discussion
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[Figure 68: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Remember: Study tips and learning strategies
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Note: Critical analysis and evaluation
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Discussion 8: Historical development and evolution
Note: Comparative analysis and synthesis
• Case studies and real-world applications
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Key Concept: Key terms and definitions
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Practice Problem 73: Research findings and conclusions
• Current trends and future directions
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[Figure 74: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Important: Key terms and definitions
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Key Concept: Case studies and real-world applications
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Note: Case studies and real-world applications
• Study tips and learning strategies
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
[Figure 80: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Appendix 9: Experimental procedures and results
Definition: Key terms and definitions
• Current trends and future directions
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
Note: Learning outcomes and objectives
• Assessment criteria and rubrics
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
[Figure 82: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Practice Problem 82: Research findings and conclusions
• Literature review and discussion
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
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