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Klezmer
 Klezmer
Music, History, and Memory

WA LT E R Z E V F E L D M A N

1
 1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2016

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

CIP data is on file at the Library of Congress

ISBN 978–​0–​19–​024451–​4

This volume is published with the generous support of the AMS 75 PAYS Endowment of the American
Musicological Society, funded in part by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the
Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
This volume is dedicated to the memory
of Moyshe Beregovski (1892–​1961).
 “That which has been, has still to reveal to us what it is. It does not lie
there as an inert residue. There is more in the past than what has so far
been objectively and rationally extracted from it.”
—Karl Jaspers, Vom Ursprung und Ziel der Geschichte
 CONTENTS

Prefaceâ•… ix
Acknowledgmentsâ•… xix
About the Companion Websiteâ•… xxiii

Introductionâ•… 1

PART 1 â•… THE KLEZMER PROFESSION: SOCIAL

AND ARTISTIC FUNCTION

1. The Music of the Klezmer Within East Ashkenazic Musicâ•… 31

2. What’s in a Name? The Word Klezmer and Jewish

Professional Musiciansâ•… 59

3. The Klezmer Ensembleâ•… 99

4. The Role of Russia in the Study of Klezmer Musicâ•… 117

5. The Jewish Wedding and Its Musical Repertoireâ•… 137

6. East European Jewish Danceâ•… 163

PART 2 â•… GENRE AND ST YLE IN KLEZMER MUSIC

7. The Genres and Repertoires of Klezmer Musicâ•… 205

8. Moralishe Niggunim: the Musical Genres of the Weddingâ•… 215

vii
viii Contents

9. Rhythmic Melody Among the Ashkenazim: Nign and Zmires 235

10. Old European Components in the Core Repertoire 249

11. The Sher: History and Choreography 261

12. North and South in Klezmer Music: Northern Redl

and Southern Freylekhs 275

13. Skotshne and Freylekhs 299

14. The Khosidl at the Interface of Mystical and Secular Expression 315

15. The Bulgar: a Transnational Klezmer Dance Genre 347

16. Postlude: a Klezmer Legacy 367

Appendix 1: Overview of Modal Usage in Klezmer Music 375

Glossary 387
Bibliography 391
Index 405
 P R E FA C E

Over a hundred years ago a khasene, a Jewish wedding was about to begin
in a shtetl in Podolian Ukraine. The fiddler Tarrasiuk from Ternovka was
davening minkhe, praying the afternoon prayer. A tall man with a long red
beard, he swayed in his prayers as the bride and her relatives await the
music to start the kale ​bazetsn ceremony, the bride’s cathartic lamentation,
which must precede the ceremony under the khupe, the wedding canopy,
where the couple will be legally married.
In a shtetl near Vinitsa, also in Podolian Ukraine, in winter, the daugh-
ter of one of the wealthiest Jewish merchants of the town has just been
married under the khupe. Tarrasiuk’s contemporary, the violinist known as
Marder Hagodel, “The Great Marder,” was just waking up in a clean room
in the town’s best hotel. It was ten-​thirty at night. He had slept through
the previous day, after eating a tasty meal at the hotel, recovering from his
arduous trip by train and wagon from Vinitsa. His son-​in-​law has led the
band through all the preliminary music, the mazltovs for the relatives, the
kale-​bazetsn, even the music for the khupe and the ritual dances. Only now
will the Great Marder enter the wedding salon to fulfill his obligations to
play for this wedding. He crosses the snowy street and enters the wedding
salon, where his patron and the other respected guests are waiting at their
table. Marder enters, greets his band, and they quickly tune up. For the
next hour the salon resounds with the long held chords of the bass, cello
and viola as Marder’s violin sings its touching Jewish laments and fantasies.
The bride’s father winks to his new brother-​in-​law, he costs a fortune, this
Marder, but he is worth it!
In a shtetl near Vilna in Lithuania, a poor Jewish workman was mar-
rying off his daughter. Of course the wedding took place at home in the
summer, how could he afford to hire a hall and pay for heating and lighting
in winter? And for music he could only engage four of the youngest mem-
bers of the local klezmer—​a fiddle, clarinet, trumpet and drum. He did not

ix
x Preface

have to pay them a kopeck—​if the guests want to dance, let them pay for
each number! Of course this was a happy occasion, but he knew that some
of his neighbors would sneer at this band, calling it a—​“a fidl,​paykl, ​tokhes
kapelye,” a fiddle, drum and backside band.
The summer of 1915 in the town Gline in Galicia. The previous win-
ter, as the Austrian troops had retreated before the advancing Russians,
they had set fire to the Jewish quarter of town. The Cossacks destroyed
most of the rest. By summer, after the Jews had been burnt out of their
homes, cholera spread in the town. It was carried by the Russian troops
and spread by the miserable conditions of the dispossessed Jews. Soldiers,
Poles and Jews began to die. Following ancient custom, as a remedy, the
rabbi decreed that the community must do a spectacular good deed, they
must marry off two of its poorest members, both of them orphans, and
hold the wedding at night in the cemetery. They chose a poor porter, a
strong man in the prime of life and a poor girl much younger than him,
whose parents had just died in the cholera. The rabbi, shammash and gabai
of the synagogue measured the circumference of the cemetery grounds
with white sheets. Later in the day the whole Jewish population of the
town began to arrive, led by the klezmorim. The rabbi and his assistants
set up a wedding canopy on the cemetery grounds and the musicians
began to play unearthly music. The violin led with a melody while the
cimbalom, the contra-​fiddle and the bass, held a drone. The ceremony
was short, and unlike other weddings, no happy tune was played at the
end of the ritual under the khupe. The klezmorim led the way out of the
cemetery, through the poor Gentile neighborhood, playing a sad little
tune. This whole ceremony was known as the shvartse khasene, the “Black
Wedding” where the klezmorim played the special melody that would
coax the spirits of the dead relatives from their graves so they could join
in the ceremony. By having the dead share in the primal ritual of life the
community hoped to enlist them to intercede with Heaven so that the
Angel of Death would leave their town.
In the summer of 1920 in Edineţ, a lively town in northern Bessarabia, a
wedding is taking place. Since the Romanians marched in two years earlier,
setting up a cap on a pole to which all townsmen had to salute, the Jews
were often afraid. But by now things had settled down and they are more
hopeful about the future. The Edinetser kapelye, of which the town was
proud, led by its Gypsy violinist and its Jewish clarinetist, was playing for
general dancing at the wedding of a relative of the Feldmans, local furriers.
A young clarinetist from the Tarrasiuk clan of Ternovka, on the Russian
side of the border, had come as a refugee from the Civil War there, and has
been invited to play as an adjunct for almost no pay. As the band plays a
sher, young Meshilim, son of the furrier Reb Velvel Zev, contributes toward
 Preface xi

the cost of the klezmorim. It is scenes like this that he will remember, after
he has emigrated to New York. Many years later he would relate them to his
son, also named Velvel Zev.

Klezmer Music: An Invocation

Klezmer music stands across from us and apart from us. It is a little island just
off the shore. On a clear day we can make out trees and pathways, half-​ruined
houses from the days when it had been inhabited. Sometimes ghostly music wafts
our way from the island, almost too faint to hear, but at other times strident and
piercing. Some free summer afternoon I think I would like to go out to the island,
but there is no bridge and no ferry service. The water is unaccountably deep and
turbulent—​I don’t dare to try to swim. I stare out at the blue, almost cloudless
sky, wondering why I cannot traverse that short distance. In fact, as the weeks
and months pass the island seems to move further out to sea. I can recall the days,
over a decade ago, when people still managed to come to our shore from there,
but nowadays the traffic has ceased. The closest we come is to listen to the tales
of those who had met natives of the island many years ago. We can only wonder
what had gone on there. Some tales speak of hedonistic celebrations, others of
ecstatic near-​mystical trances or of sober artistic meditations, while still others
tell of unspeakable vulgarity, or of bland routine days closing with a few perfunc-
tory ditties at night.

As a teenager in the 1960’s, I once heard the Yiddish writer Isaac Bashevis Singer
being interviewed in a Reform synagogue in Manhattan. Singer had characterized
the condition of the Yiddish language as “sick.” Later in the interview the rabbi mis-
quoted the writer by saying, “Mr. Singer, earlier you had said that the Yiddish lan-
guage is dead.” Singer corrected him: “Rabbi, I had said that the Yiddish language is
sick.” The writer paused, then went on, “And in our history the difference between
‘sick’ and ‘dead’ is a big difference.”
In the 1960s, when Singer was saying these words about Yiddish, the music of
the klezmer—​the traditional instrumentalist of the Yiddish-​speaking Jews—​was
“sick” but not actually dead. To be sure, to most observers the music may have
seemed more dead than alive. The 1950s and 1960s were witness to the death
of most of the famous klezmorim in America—​such as the clarinetist Naftule
Brandwein (1884–​1963), the violinist Berish Katz (1879–​1964), and the cim-
balist Josef Moscovitz (1879–​1953). Shloimke Beckerman, the outstanding clari-
netist, passed away a decade later in 1974, but he had long ceased to perform his
Jewish repertoire in public. Moreover, the music that they had played at weddings,
at landsmanshaft gatherings, at public dances, at restaurants, or on the radio hardly
found an audience among the American-​born generations of Jews. Indeed there
xii Preface

was still something of an audience for their music among American Greeks and
Armenians, but among the Jews other music—​whether Israeli, Cuban, or American
genres—​had taken its place. Of the outstanding musicians mentioned above, only
the clarinetist Beckerman had a son, Sid, who continued something of his musical
tradition. Beckerman’s nephew Sam played accordion for the sole European-​born
klezmer who still had something of an audience: the clarinet virtuoso Dave Tarras
(1897–​1989). And some American-​born musicians (notably, the clarinetists Max
Epstein and Sam and Ray Muziker) still performed it on a high level. But while
this music had lost much of its viability, it survived in part among more provincial
Jewish communities in the Bronx and Philadelphia, among other places. Outside of
the United States, in Canada and Argentina, a similar scenario played itself out on
a smaller scale.
A few lines of a personal nature may help to explain why I was not content to let
this music be forgotten, and how it connects with my memory and the memory of
my family.
My father was born in 1898 as Meshilim ben Zev Feldman, in the small town
Edineț, province of Hotin, Bessarabia, into a family of furriers. At the age of twenty-​
four he emigrated to America with a Romanian passport as Max Feldman and
ended up as a small merchant, first on the Lower East Side and then in the Bronx.
As a child I can see my father, usually focused on something other than me, or any
other person. In the morning, he davens. At night, he reads the Yiddish daily der Tog.
During the summer, while visiting us in the Catskills for weekends, his greatest plea-
sure seems to be sitting under a shady tree, once again reading der Tog. Yet I know he
has another side. At weddings and bar mitzvahs I remember him hopping across the
dance floor, dancing a sher with my mother and other couples, or snaking through a
freylekhs or bulgar. Even at home, in enthusiastic moments he was known to cut his
feet across the floor in strange scissor-​like movements. There are never words, only
this language of dance. My mother tells me that she had taken me to his regional
landsmanshaft organization, the “Edinitser Society,” when I was too young to walk.
Who knows what bulgars and shers I might have witnessed, held in my mother’s
arms? My governess, a poor and selfless intellectual from Chişinau, poked fun at my
father’s conservatism. He was not “progressive” like her; she was from the regional
capital and could read as well as speak Russian, while he was from a distant shtetl.
After Yiddish, he had learned only an imperfect Romanian and once in America had
not mastered English as well as she had. Yet, she had to admit, where he was from
“the men are light on their feet.”
Our neighborhood in the West Bronx was then home to a large Yiddish-​speaking
community and a smaller Ladino-​speaking one from Turkey and the Balkans. By
age ten, I was attending the Turkish synagogue as well as my father’s little shul. In
Music and Art high school I became acquainted with our Greek and Armenian
neighbors, one of whom painted icons in the local Greek cathedral, in nearby
 Preface xiii

Washington Heights, eventually playing around the Catskills with the young Greek
band Leventiko Pende (the Levantine Five). My active languages began to include
Hebrew, Yiddish, Turkish, and some Russian and Romanian. My father enjoyed
the many recordings of Greek clarinet music I borrowed, telling me that the Greeks
played a “Semitic” music that differed from ours mainly in its rhythms. Indeed, on
some of these recordings Dave Tarras was playing but issued under a Greek name!
When I made friends with a Ruthenian-​American whose uncle had been a fiddler,
I came home with stacks of Galician country music from Canada. My father was
visibly moved to hear these kolomeykas played on the fiddle; this was music close
to his heart. Unlike many Jewish immigrants to America, my father had quite a lot
to say about the “Old Country,” and much of it was quite positive. He also taught
me to distinguish different kinds of Romanian music. To him Wallachian music
from Bucharest was exaggerated, artificial, and silly. The real music of the Volokhs
was Moldavian music, or better still Bessarabian music. While he spoke of some
genres as Jewish and others as Moldavian, I am not sure he would always have been
able to draw a clear line between the klezmer music of the Volokhs and of the Jews,
because in Bessarabia most professional bands had been mixed for generations.
Years later, after my father’s death in 1970, the great klezmer Dave Tarras told me
a few details about Edineț. Tarras remembered it as “a lively Jewish town” where
all but the poorest people had their own cellars in which they made and stored
wine. In New York, one of the landsmanshaftn for whom he played regularly was
the “Edinetser Society.” The Edinetsers appreciated his music so much that Tarras
had composed a bulgar tune in their honor: the Edinetser Bulgar, one of his earliest
recordings from the 1920s.
The opening vignettes in this preface show contrasting aspects of this music, as
they were revealed to me in different points in my life. Such stories played no role in
a generalized “memory” to which all American Jews were expected to subscribe but
existed only as personal, familial, or regional histories. All emanate from memories
of particular Jews, all but one from people I had known personally. The first, from
Tarras, is a story that he was told as a child and emphasizes the piety and serious-
ness of his fiddler great-​uncle, head of the prestigious Tarrasiuk kapelye. The second,
gleaned by the cellist Joachim Stutschewsky from one of his klezmer informants in
Tel Aviv, speaks of one of the greatest klezmer fiddlers in Podolia during the same
era. The short vignette from Lithuania comes from the bassist Naftali Aharoni in
Jerusalem, born Aronczyk in Vilna in 1919, to describe the polar opposite in sta-
tus of Marder and Tarrasiuk—​the minimal klezmer group for the wedding of poor
Jews. From the poet and klezmer Yermye Hescheles of Gline in Galicia (1910–​
2010), whom I interviewed in New York, I learned of the “Black Wedding,” held in a
cemetery—​the antithesis of any wedding I had seen or been told about. And finally,
I have a composite picture from my father’s stories about Edineț and Dave Tarras’s
biography as he related it to me.
xiv Preface

The Name “Klezmer Music”

and the Klezmer Revitalization
Growing up as an artist, a musician, and a scholar, I became increasingly curious
about this music that was becoming elusive in my own post-╉World War II American
environment. I was primarily interested in learning Jewish instrumental music, and
secondarily in reestablishing an audience for it. To these ends, I collaborated with
the mandolinist/╉clarinetist Andy Statman in studying with Dave Tarras, who had
been something of a household name in my family. By 1976, I was consistently
using the English term “klezmer music” for the repertoire that Statman and I were
learning from Tarras and from old recordings and notations. But where did this
term come from, and why was I using it?1
Already by the mid-╉1970s, I felt the necessity of having a name with which to
define the music we were learning. It was instrumental music and so did not fit into
any known category of “Jewish music.” It was not cantorial singing, nor Hasidic
song, nor Yiddish folksong, nor Yiddish theater song, nor Israeli song. As we will
see in the Introduction and Chapter 1, even in Europe, the song culture in Yiddish
was highly differentiated from the world of klezmer music and dance. They became
even more so in America, where these two expressive forms were largely supported
by different social groupings within the Yiddish-╉speaking Misnagdic community
during the interwar period and beyond. In New York, Yiddish songs of a variety
of genres were supported largely by avowed Yiddishists, who might be Bundists,
socialists, or politically unaffiliated beyond their loyalty to Yiddish. On the other
hand, the music of the klezmorim survived in America largely through the petit-╉
bourgeois landsmanshaft organizations who hired them for weddings, bar-╉mitsvahs,
and dances. Coming as I did from a landsmanshaft culture, the distinction between
the world of the klezmorim and dancing, with its moderately religious and “tradi-
tionalist” background, and that of the more “progressive” world of Yiddish song,
was very palpable.
Written material on the topic was scarce, and none of it was in English. I had
access to Joachim Stutschewsky’s Hebrew monograph Ha-╉Klezmerim (1959) and to
Moyshe (Moisie) Beregovski’s Yiddish article “Yidishe instrumentalishe folksmuzik”
(1937), as well as Ivan Lipaev’s seminal Evreiskie orkestry (1904) in Russian, located
in the Slavonic Division of the New York Public Library. In their different ways
these three texts, describing the Jewish wedding music mainly of my grandparents’
time in Russia and Ukraine, excited my imagination. On two trips to Romania, the
Balkan countries, and Turkey in 1969 and 1971—╉when I was working at Columbia

1
╇ The Yiddish singer and researcher Michael Alpert reminded me that, when I visited him in Los
Angeles in 1976, I had employed the term “klezmer music,” which no one seemed to understand at the
time (Alpert, pers. communication, 2007 and 2014).
 Preface xv

Graduate School on quite another folklore topic—​I had contact with scholars at the
Folklore and Ethnography Institute in Bucharest, including the noted researcher
on Romanian, Crimean Tatar, and Yiddish music, Ghisela Suliţeanu. An older
Romanian friend of mine in New York—​who had known the noted ethnomusi-
cologist Constantin Brailoiu—​directed me to Harry Brauner, another major Jewish
musicologist at the Institute in Bucharest, whom I visited in 1971. I became aware
that Romanian scholars distinguished between muzica populara (folk music of the
people) and muzica lăutareasca, (music of professional musicians). This seemed like
an apt distinction for the Yiddish musical culture as well, which had had its profes-
sional musicians. The Yiddish language did have a term for the musician who per-
formed music at traditional Jewish weddings in Eastern Europe: he was a “klezmer.”
In my family, the term klezmer sometimes came up (as in my father’s memories of
the musicians in Edineț) but never in connection with the present. A group or band
were klezmorim, a kapelye, or else simply “di klezmer”—​a collective plural.
It seemed the Yiddish language had no general term for the music that the
klezmer musician had played. This in itself was nothing unusual. I was aware that
dance and wedding repertoires in Turkey, Greece, or Romania had no generic
names, other than the names of specific dances or wedding rituals. At most there
might be a name like the Turkish davul-​zurna (drum and shawm) to refer to any
celebratory or dance music played by Gypsies on these instruments—​as I learned
while studying Turkish dance in Erzurum in 1971. When I performed with Statman
in the rembetika ensemble Palioparea in New York, I understood that it was a new
urban genre and so it acquired a name.
Pre-​Soviet Russian scholars (both Jewish and non-​Jewish), including Ivan
Lipaev, Joel Engel, Zusman Kiselgof, and Nikolai Findeisen, had not invented a
name for the Jewish instrumental music that they were collecting and studying
(see Chapter 4). During the 1920s and 30s, the Soviet Jewish researcher Moyshe
Beregovski created several different terms in Russian and Yiddish to refer to this
instrumental musical repertoire played by the klezmorim. It appears that he was the
first to attempt to name the entire repertoire. When writing in Russian, Beregovski
used evreiskaia narodnaia instrumental’naia muzyka ( Jewish instrumental folk
music), literally translated into Yiddish as yidishe instrumentale folks-​muzik. But he
also created two Yiddish terms: klezmerishe folks-​muzik and klezmerishe muzik. He
had apparently created these terms already in the later 1920s (Irzabekova 2013).
In his 1937 Yiddish-​language article, he used the term klezmer on almost every
page, and it was evidently still widely understood by Yiddish speakers even though
the semi-​official organization of Jewish musicians, and the “traditional” weddings
at which they had played, were by then things of the past. Writing in Hebrew in
the 1950s, Joachim Stutschewsky transposed Beregovski’s klezmerishe muzik into
muzika klezmerit. The credit for the invention clearly goes to Beregovski; but in the
America of the 1970s I was obliged to reinvent the wheel for the contemporary
English language.
xvi Preface

In 1976, Ethel Raim—​director of the Balkan Arts Center (now the Center for
Traditional Music and Dance)—​and I wrote to the National Endowment for the
Arts in Washington, DC for a grant to document and present Dave Tarras and his
accompanists. The title we chose was an English translation of Beregovski’s yidishe
instrumentale folks-​muzik to “Jewish Instrumental Folk Music.” But by the time
the first concert with Tarras was being planned, it seemed appropriate to choose
between klezmerishe folks-​muzik and klezmerishe muzik. I chose the latter, simplify-
ing and Anglicizing it to klezmer music. Thus our concert poster read: “The Balkan
Arts Center Presents: Jewish Klezmer Music: A Tribute to Dave Tarras.” The con-
cert in New York in November 1978 seems to mark the first appearance of the term
“klezmer music,” which has continued to describe the music up to the present day
in a great many languages.2 It seems incredible that at the time we felt the need to
add the word “Jewish” to be sure that “klezmer music” would be understandable to
an American audience! In 1979, Andy Statman and I used it again as the title for
our album Jewish Klezmer Music,3 (which I translated back into Yiddish as yidishe
klezmer muzik on the album cover).
At present the continued relevance of the term “klezmer music”—​often shortened
simply to “klezmer”—​for the variety of musical genres it is used to cover is being
debated, but its use in the 1970s and 80s certainly helped to focus attention on the
genre. The fact that 1970s American English still had no term for a musical repertoire
that had almost three generations of performance and development in America testi-
fies to the underdeveloped state of Jewish studies in general, and Jewish ethnomusi-
cology in particular. It also testifies to the limited commercial viability of the music
outside of its Jewish life-​cycle function.4 The leading performers themselves were

2
I learned in 2007 from James Loeffler (University of Virginia) that American Jewish journalists
in the interwar period had used the term once or twice, but it had no linguistic or cultural continuity in
English after the War. Entries in the Encyclopedia Judaica, notably that by Hanoch Avenary of Tel Aviv
University, did employ the term “klezmer music,” no doubt derived through J. Stutschewsky’s muzika
klezmerit, to be discussed below. But none of this had any currency in post-​W WII North America.
All current international terms—​including the German Klezmer-​Musik, are calques from post 1978
English, and not from any original Yiddish term. Hebrew has retained Stutschewsky’s muzika klezmerit.
3
Barbarba Kirshenblatt-​Gimblett (NYU) called it “the first ‘authenticity’ album, marking the
entry of the term klezmer music.” See her, “Sounds of Sensibility,” in Slobin 2002: 141. Our LP record
jacket also contains my rather thorough description under the rubric “klezmer music.” This was the
first such description in the English language. Professor Kirshenblatt and I chose the name “Klezmer-​
Muzik”—​Yiddish orthography for English “Klezmer Music”—​for the reissue of 78 recordings at the
YIVO issued by Folkways in 1981 (edited by Henry Sapoznik). Professor Martin Schwartz in Berkeley
also used our English term “klezmer music” for his reissue of his private collection in 1982, and which
he defined further as “Early Jewish Instrumental Music.”
4
American discographic evidence reveals that part of the klezmer dance repertoire retained per-
haps more viability in the 1960s among American Greeks and Armenians than among Jews. From
the 1940s to the 1960s there were also klezmer recordings made by Greek and Armenian musicians
(such as Tetos Dimitriades and Gus Vali in New York and Ray Mirjanian in Philadelphia), aimed at
 Preface xvii

either no longer alive or in any case no longer performing publically, and the available
discography was very limited. It would seem that naming the genre helped to focus
the attention of a younger generation of Jewish Americans whose interest in the pos-
sible existence of such a musical style had been frustrated in part by their inability to
articulate what exactly they were looking for. The rapid and widespread acceptance
of the new name “klezmer music” was largely due to its usefulness as a marketing
tool, roughly analogous to bluegrass or jazz in an earlier American context.5
The first Tribute to Dave Tarras concert in 1978—​with Sam Beckerman and
Max Goldberg, and including a cameo performance by Andy Statman and myself—​
proved to be a major milestone on both a personal and a cultural level. As I have
described elsewhere (Feldman 2002), the concert and the ecstatic dance party
following it turned into a major cultural catharsis for New York Jews. Many then-​
younger musicians and singers who would later involve themselves professionally in
klezmer music or in Yiddish song (such as David Krakauer, Frank London, Hankus
Netsky, Bob Cohen, Josh Waletzky, Paula Teitelbaum, and Janet Leuchter) avow that
this one concert had a galvanizing effect. As Village Voice critic Nat Hentoff wrote:
“Dave Tarras’ musical lineage spans three generations, and he needn’t look far for an
heir,” and “I saw much musical life to come from these, our common, roots” (Hentoff
1978: 24).
The Moldavian Jewish connection also brings to the fore the author’s “halfie”
status, a term, according to Abu-​Lughod, for “people whose national or cultural
identity is mixed by virtue of migration, overseas education or parentage” (Abu-​
Lughod 1991: 137). From an ethnographic perspective this “halfie” status con-
fers certain advantages through insider knowledge or access, but also carries the
danger of unexamined assumptions transferred from one culture to the other. In
a sense, most of my work with klezmer music as both a scholar and a performer
since my graduate student years has been a struggle to avoid the pitfalls of this
situation while taking full advantage of its benefits. My research in Moldova from
2011 to 2015 has allowed me to reconnect with my father’s shtetl Edineț, and
with the memories of the older Moldavian lăutar musicians still playing there
in a recognizably local style, as well as with still older musicians who have emi-
grated to Germany, Israel, or Canada in post-​Soviet times. I plan to treat this rich
Moldavian klezmer/​lăutar tradition separately in another monograph.
In several ways the present work is a continuation of the groundbreaking research
of Moyshe Beregovski (1892–​1961) in early Soviet Ukraine, supplemented by more

both a Jewish and a Near Eastern market. Among anecdotal evidence I can cite a conversation I had
in Toronto (ca. 1985) with a Jewish record shop owner who told me that at that time he continued to
stock Dave Tarras LPs—​which were issued on the Greek-​American “Colonial” label more for the local
Greeks than for Jews.
5
Alan Bern made a similar point in his interview for David Kaufman’s documentary The New
Klezmorim: Voices Inside the Revival of Yiddish Music (Toronto, 2000).
xviii Preface

historicist methods developed by Hungarian and Romanian ethnomusicology as

well as post-​World War II developments in the field. Prior to my work in Moldova,
I conducted my field research by extensive interviews with the few European-​born
klezmer master musicians still alive in the late-​twentieth century, especially Dave
Tarras (1897–​1989) and Yermye Hescheles (1910–​2010). Of course, since klezmer
music has now become a popular music with a wide and heterogeneous audience
both in America and abroad, it is inevitable that much publication will be of a pop-
ular nature. While there is no shortage of such publications in English, German,
Italian, or a variety of other languages, there is also a small but growing number of
critical studies based on major primary sources. While larger, synthetic studies of
the music of East European Jews are yet to be written, this preliminary research into
one important repertoire is long overdue.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

For a book with such a long gestation, acknowledgements grow exponentially,

and citing them reveals much about how this research progressed. My earlier
work on the bulgarish dance (1994) was in a sense an homage to my teacher Dave
Tarras (1897–​1989), and to his role in transmitting, composing, and developing
Moldavian klezmer music in America. But within the following years—​through the
agency of my friend, the Yiddish folklorist Itzik Gottesman—​I had the good for-
tune to meet the poet, journalist, and klezmer violinist Yermye Hescheles (1910–​
2010), originally from the shtetl Gline in Eastern Galicia. Through our extensive
interviews in 1998, Hescheles became a direct link to the klezmer music of Eastern
Europe. I regret that I will not be able to share this book with him.
Teaching affords many opportunities to test and refine ideas. Between 2000
and 2008 my teaching of klezmer and Yiddish music at the Music Department of
New York University, the Music Department of Bar Ilan University, Beit Shalom
Aleichem (Tel Aviv), and the Rubin Academy for Music and Dance in Jerusalem
helped to shape several of the topics presented in this book. I was able to develop
my ideas about Jewish dance and its relationship to klezmer music through my
guest teaching of Professor Barbara Kirshenblatt-​Gimblett’s course in “Jewish
Performance” at New York University (2008), which led into my course in Gesture,
taught at New York University in Abu Dhabi (2012–​14), in which both the Yiddish
language and Ashkenazic dance had a prominent role. This in turn was fed by the
“Yiddish Dance Research Symposium: Defining Yiddish Dance,” sponsored by the
Center for Traditional Music and Dance (CTMD) and held at NYU in December
2007, with the continued enthusiastic support of directors Ethel Raim and Pete
Rushefsky. My class “The Dancing Ashkenazim” at Beit Avichai in Jerusalem
(2005–​7) attracted interested dancers from Yiddish, Hasidic, Yemenite, Iranian,
and Indian backgrounds. I later developed these ideas in my workshop “Ashkenazic
Dance: History and Theory,” given at Yiddish Summer Weimar in 2009, and in
Advanced Yiddish Dance classes in Weimar in 2010 and 2015, at the invitation of
Alan Bern, whose support for klezmer and Yiddish music has been extraordinary.

xix
xx Acknowledgments

Over the years, both my dancing and discussions with the Yiddish dance pioneer
and singer Michael Alpert have been stimulating and enriching. I would like to thank
Professor Steven Blum for inviting me to create the lecture and concert series “The
Revival of Klezmer and Yiddish Music in New York, 1975–​2002” at the Graduate
Center of the City University of New York in 2003. Two chapters of this book were
sharpened by presentations at the Association for Jewish Studies Meetings, in the
panel that I organized with James Loeffler of the University of Virginia—​“Music in
Ashkenazic Society: ca. 1600–​1920” in 2008 (Chapter 1) and “The Sher: History
and Choreography” (Chapter 11) in an earlier panel in 2007. Our relationship goes
back to Professor Loeffler’s graduate student days and his unpublished “Lexicon of
Klezmer Terminology” (1997). I refer to his assessment of several topics, from the
role of Jewish musicians in Russia (Chapters 2, 4) to the decline of the traditional
Jewish wedding in America (Chapter 5).
Perhaps the most stimulating environment in which to develop ideas about
Jewish music were the meetings of the Ashkenaz Study Group of the Jewish Music
Research Centre in the Hebrew University, under the auspices of Professor Edwin
Seroussi. There I presented the material for “Music of the Sher” (Chapter 11) in
2003 and “North and South in the Klezmer Dance Repertoire” (Chapter 12) in
2007. In this and in other contexts, my conversations with the musicologists Andre
Hajdu and Eliyahu Schleifer were invaluable. My many conversations and field
trips to Hasidic events and individuals in Jerusalem, Bnei Brak, and Lod with the
researcher Yaakov Mazor were revelatory.
Of the individuals whose interest contributed to this book, foremost is my wife
and colleague, Professor Judit Frigyesi. Her presence is felt both in my assessment
of the connection of the klezmer repertoire with Ashkenazic nusah, about which
we had lectured together at Wesleyan University as early as 2002, and in the area of
gesture within music, about which she lectured at the NYU Abu Dhabi Institute in
2013. She was also able to draw in my Emirati, Arab, Indian, Chinese, and African
students to the mysteries of Bartok and Haydn and the beauty of Hebrew Sabbath
zmires. Our joint lecture at Wesleyan had been arranged by our friend and col-
league Professor Mark Slobin, whose propagation of the research of Beregovski
and sustained interest in the klezmer phenomenon goes back to the 1970s—​when
I was a graduate student and co-​organizer of the initial Dave Tarras concert in 1978
with the CTMD. From that era I invoke the memory of my mentor Harold Powers
(1928–​2007), whose incisive queries about music and modality changed the direc-
tion of my research and indeed of my life. And it was in his Music Department in
Princeton University that I taught my first course in klezmer music in 1985.
Among fellow scholars, I will mention Lyudmila Sholokhova, now the head
librarian of the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research in New York, who rediscovered
and catalogued the Beregovski sound archive in the Vernadsky Library in Kiev, and
who has read most of my manuscript, while sharing her voluminous knowledge of
early Soviet research in Jewish music. In the next generation, my former student and
 Acknowledgments xxi

collaborator, musicologist Michael Lukin from Petersburg and Jerusalem, whose

research on Yiddish folk song is path breaking and whom I quote especially in
Chapter 8 on the musical repertoire of the wedding. Jonathan Boyarin, Professor of
Anthropology and Modern Jewish Studies at Cornell University, has shown interest
in the project from the start and contributed a reading of the chapter on the struc-
ture of the Ashkenazic Wedding (Chapter 5). The eminent poet and travel author
Robin Magowan has read the chapters in Part One and tried to convey his mastery
of the English language to me (probably to little avail!). From beginning to end, my
friend and assistant Ms. Christina Crowder has done everything from editing the
text to digitizing music and participated in long-​ranging discussions whose results
can be seen especially in Chapter 13 on the Skotshne. Without these discussions—
​often on the road between Chişinau and Edineţ or Bucharest and Iaşi—​many
thoughts expressed here might not have come to light. And it was she who urged
me to include the appendix on modal usage.
I should thank those scholars who helped to furnish me with rare materi-
als, principally my friend and senior musicologist Izaly Zemtsovsky (now of San
Francisco), who while a professor at the Russian Institute for the History of the Arts
in St. Petersburg brought me a copy of Beregovski’s Nign collection manuscript,
which I use extensively in Chapter 9. Professor Mark Kligman of UCLA, then of
the Hebrew Union College in New York, allowed me to copy several early cantorial
manuscripts, including that of Hirsch Weintraub.
Lastly I wish to thank all those institutions and individuals who supported the
writing of this book: The Littauer Foundation, for my organization of the Hescheles
interviews (2000); The Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture, for the plan-
ning of the present book (2001–​2); Professor Avraham Novershtern of Tel Aviv
University and Beit Shalom Aleichem, in consort with Professor Edwin Seroussi
of the Hebrew University, who funded the early writing of the book (2003); and
the Magowan Family Foundation, who demonstrated a commitment to seeing that
the writing of this book was successfully accomplished (2002–​8). NYU Abu Dhabi
deserves my thanks for generously supporting my fieldwork in Moldova from 2011
to 2015 for my next klezmer topic, in the course of which I was also able to consider
material and issues connected with the present book.
Walter Zev Feldman
New York City
September 11, 2015
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