Class, Control, and Classical Music Anna Bull

digital version 2025

Featured on ebookmass.com
( 4.4/5.0 ★ | 164 downloads )

https://ebookmass.com/product/class-control-and-classical-music-
anna-bull/
 Class, Control, and Classical Music Anna Bull

EBOOK

Available Formats

■ PDF eBook Study Guide Ebook

EXCLUSIVE 2025 ACADEMIC EDITION – LIMITED RELEASE

Available Instantly Access Library

 We believe these products will be a great fit for you. Click
the link to download now, or visit ebookmass.com
to discover even more!

When Music Takes Over in Film Anna K. Windisch

https://ebookmass.com/product/when-music-takes-over-in-film-anna-k-
windisch/

Unloved Bull Markets: Getting Rich the Easy Way by Riding

Bull Markets Craig Callahan

https://ebookmass.com/product/unloved-bull-markets-getting-rich-the-
easy-way-by-riding-bull-markets-craig-callahan/

A Companion to Photography 1st Edition Stephen Bull

https://ebookmass.com/product/a-companion-to-photography-1st-edition-
stephen-bull/

Must Love Bull Riders (Sweetheart Shorts Book 5) Lacy

Williams

https://ebookmass.com/product/must-love-bull-riders-sweetheart-shorts-
book-5-lacy-williams/
Electronic and Experimental Music

https://ebookmass.com/product/electronic-and-experimental-music/

Augustine, Martyrdom, and Classical Rhetoric Adam Ployd

https://ebookmass.com/product/augustine-martyrdom-and-classical-
rhetoric-adam-ployd/

Classical and Quantum Parametric Phenomena Oded Zilberberg

https://ebookmass.com/product/classical-and-quantum-parametric-
phenomena-oded-zilberberg/

Introduction to Classical Chinese Vogelsang

https://ebookmass.com/product/introduction-to-classical-chinese-
vogelsang/

World Music: Traditions and Transformations

https://ebookmass.com/product/world-music-traditions-and-
transformations/
Class, Control, and Classical Music
ii
Class, Control, and
Classical Music
◼◼

ANNA BULL

1
iv

1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2019

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

CIP data is on file at the Library of Congress

ISBN 978–​0–​19–​084435–​6

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements vii

Introduction xi

CHAPTER 1. Locating Classical Music in Culture 1

CHAPTER 2. Boundary-Drawing around the Proper: From the

Victorians to the Present 21

CHAPTER 3. 'Everyone Here Is Going to Have Bright Futures':

Capitalizing on Musical Standard so

CHAPTER 4. 'Getting It Right' as an Affect of Self-Improvement 10

CHAPTER 5. Rehearsing Restraint: How the Body Is Transcended 93

CHAPTER 6. 'Sometimes I Feel Like I'm His Dog': Gendered Power

and the Ethics of Charismatic Authority 112

CHAPTER 7. 'Instead of Destroying My Body I Have a Reason for

Maintaining It': Young Women's Re-imagining of the Body through
Singing Opera 132

CHAPTER 8. A Community-in-Sound: Constructing the

Valued Self 1ss

V
vi Contents

Conclusion 114

Appendix: Interviewees 195

References 201
Index 221
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book is based on a study I carried out during my PhD research at Goldsmiths,
University of London. I had exceptional supervisors in Professors Les Back and
Bev Skeggs, and I consider myself enormously fortunate to have had the privilege
of their feedback on my work over the course of the thesis. I hope I have done
them justice.
However, it was while working with Professor Georgina Born, during my
undergraduate and master’s degrees, that I started writing sociologically about
classical music. I didn’t find it easy, and this research would not have happened
without her encouragement and mentorship. Professor Born was also immensely
supportive in helping me apply for the Economic and Social Research Council
funding that made this research possible.
I would like to extend very warm thanks to my editor, Suzanne Ryan, for her
enthusiasm about the book. I have also been lucky to have several supportive
academic networks during the process of writing this book. With the NYLON
research network and NYLON alumni research network I have had honest dis-
cussions, helpful feedback, and good times. The Music and Culture reading group
under the wise guidance of Anahid Kassabian has been hugely formative, and it
was a privilege to be part of such an inspirational PhD cohort at Goldsmiths. More
recently, I have had collegiality and support from my colleagues in the sociology
team at the University of Portsmouth.
I have had an immensely supportive co-​organizer and mentor in Christina
Scharff, and our conversations and co-​writing have influenced this work. In add-
ition, Geoff Baker’s encouragement right from the start of this project has been
invaluable, and his own work remains an inspiration. Dave O’Brien has been a fan-
tastic sounding board and supporter. I have also had formative discussions with
and pep talks from other academic friends: Chloë Alaghband-​Zadeh, Kim Allen,
Lucy Delap, Liz Fearon, Seferin James, Clare Hall, Sarah Hickmott, Erin Johnson-​
Williams, Helen Keyes, Annie Ring, and Fiona Wright, among others. There
have also been countless people along the way—​friends, musicians, academics,

vii
vi

viii Acknowledgements

students, and others—​with whom I have had thought-​provoking conversations;

I hope this book will help these conversations to continue.
Enormous thanks to those who have read and commented on chapters: Chloë
Alaghband-​Zadeh, Geoff Baker, Joseph Burridge, Laura Seddon, George Ackers,
Terese Jonsson, Christy Kulz, Christina Scharff, and Joe Browning, and especial
thanks to Emily Nicholls for commenting on a full draft. David Hesmondhalgh’s
generous feedback was influential at a formative stage. Three anonymous re-
viewers also gave very helpful comments.
My colleagues in The 1752 Group, Antonia Bevan, Emma Chapman, and Tiffany
Page, as well as being incredibly inspirational activist-​academics, have allowed me
to stand back from our work to complete this manuscript, and Tiffany has been
an immensely supportive friend and colleague right from the start of this project.
Thanks also to all my family for their patience and support during the lengthy pro-
cess of producing this book. I have had unfailing support from my partner, James,
who has been instrumental in making sure that I actually finished it.
Finally, my sincere thanks to all my participants, who welcomed me into their
groups and generously gave their time to talk to me. I hope this account is helpful
in making sense of all of our lives.
Earlier versions of some of the material in the book were published in 2016
under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International licence (https://​
creativecommons.org/​ licenses/​
by/​
4.0/​
) as ‘El Sistema as a bourgeois social
proj­ect: class, gender, and Victorian values’ in the journal Action, Criticism &
Theory for Music Education, 15(1), 120–​53.
An earlier version of chapter six was published by Sage in 2016 as ‘Gendering the
middle classes: the construction of conductors’ authority in youth classical music
groups’ The Sociological Review, 64(4), 855–​71.
Some material from chapters two and four were published in 2017 by Sage in
an article co-​
authored with Christina Scharff, ‘McDonalds’ Music’ Versus
‘Serious Music’: How Production and Consumption Practices Help to Reproduce
Class Inequality in the Classical Music Profession, Cultural Sociology, 11(3),
283–​301.
A section of chapter three (pages 142–​153) was previously published in ‘Uncertain
Capital: Class, Gender, and the “Imagined Futures” of Young Classical Musicians’
in The Classical Music Industry, edited by Chris Dromey and Julia Haferkorn.
Copyright 2018. Reproduced by permission of Taylor and Francis Group, LLC, a
division of Informa plc.

ix
x
INTRODUCTION

As a child growing up in New Zealand, I started learning the piano at age six and
cello at age seven. By my teens I was immersed in the busy life of a ‘talented’ mu-
sician, playing in orchestras and chamber music groups and attending courses,
competitions, and masterclasses across the country. It was obvious to myself and
those around me that I would study music at university, and by the time I left
home at seventeen, my sense of self was fully formed into the powerful identity
of ‘classical musician’.
There were huge benefits to this identity. It garnered me great approval and
high levels of one-​to-​one attention from adults. Being regularly told that I was
talented nurtured a feeling of being special and important. Classical music gave
me access to a social scene of other teenage geeks, at the Friday night rehearsals
for my local youth orchestra and at the residential courses that I attended during
the holidays. It also encouraged in me a sense of being somehow apart from the
rest of the world—​everyday concerns didn’t touch my fellow musicians and me
because we were doing something much more important than everyone else.
However, as I progressed through higher education, I started to feel doubts
about my vocation. I valued classical music’s strong social scene, but the manipu-
lative modes of pedagogy I was sometimes experiencing felt toxic, and I started to
feel frustrated that my whole life was organized around a genre of music that I felt
was trying to shut out the contemporary world. My doubts only intensified on
moving to the UK, where I studied further and worked as a musician. What I per-
ceived as classical music’s lack of social and political engagement and its values of
authority and control felt increasingly unhealthy and confining to me. Not only
that, but musically my classical training stifled my ability to participate in more
informal kinds of music-​making. I was frustrated by the lack of discussion about
how gender shaped my musical experience; for example, I hardly ever played
music by women composers. Coming from New Zealand, a country that was be-
coming more confident in its bicultural identity, I found the relentless whiteness
of this tradition especially noticeable. Long before I read any ethnomusicology,

Class, Control, and Classical Music. Anna Bull, Oxford University Press (2019).
© Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190844356.001.0001
xi

xii Introduction

I sensed that musical practice could be a space for exploring different ways of
being social, and I felt cut off from these, even while classical music afforded me
many fulfilling, exciting and magical experiences. Eventually, these doubts led me
to stop playing altogether.
Some of these concerns with classical music education, practice and culture
are shared by other commentators (for example, Burnard 2012; Green 2003; Pace
2015a; Small 1996). However, these critical discussions have rarely been linked
into a wider socio-​cultural analysis of classical music’s place in contemporary so-
ciety and its associations with classed, gendered and racialized identities. Indeed,
questions of class and socio-​economic inequality are notably absent from the mu-
sical biography I have given here. This is no coincidence. Popular discussions of
classical music are characterized by an impoverished language for talking about
economic inequality and how it is manifested socially and culturally. Such discus-
sions fail to address how economic inequality intersects with claims to morality
and value, and how cultural inequalities are not just about economic factors but
also about the social distribution of resources and power. And so, despite dec-
ades of investment in outreach programmes and education schemes intended to
broaden its appeal, classical music in the UK remains predominantly a taste and a
practice of the white middle classes.
To attempt to understand why this is the case, this book examines classical
music within one of the cultures that produces it—​white middle-​class English
youth—​to analyse it as a social scene as well as a musical practice. Through an
ethnographic study of young people playing and singing in classical music groups
in the south of England, this book demonstrates that being a classical musi-
cian is a powerful social identity for the young people in this study. It explores
how this identity, and the culture and practices associated with it, fits closely
with the values and dispositions of the professional middle class in the south of
England. Studying classical music in practice today also allows an examination of
the middle classes’ habitual roles: of boundary drawing around their protected
spaces and of reproducing their privilege through education, both of which are
camouflaged by the ideology of ‘autonomous art’ that classical music carries. The
book also outlines how these young people’s pathways through classical music
education followed routes set out by their gender and class, and it describes how
these pathways, and the culture and practices that they reproduce, were strongly
shaped by the Victorian music education institutions that safeguard and preserve
this tradition.
A sociological analysis of classical music in practice allows its bodily practices
and their associations with a Protestant, imperialist white identity to become vis-
ible. Against prevailing ideas that classical music allows us to ‘transcend . . . the
bodily’, as musicologist Julian Johnson argues (2002, 112), the book foregrounds
classical music in this youth scene as bodily practice of control and restraint, re-
vealing a culture where many of the conventions—​wearing black, being ‘faithful’ to
 Introduction xiii

a written text, and emphasizing the organic unity of the musical work—​downplay
the body’s role in creating sound and prioritize a cognitive approach to the music.
It examines how sound works on and through the body to create powerful emo-
tional states that do unrecognized political work. In this way, it demonstrates the
ways in which learning classical music can work as a mechanism for storing value
in particular bodies, thus reproducing inequality.

Key Arguments and Contributions

Classical music, or ‘Western art music’, has more often been studied as a text
rather than a contemporary cultural practice. As Tony Bennett et al. note in their
major study of class and cultural consumption in the UK:

Those who study popular music generally use qualitative and ethno-
graphic approaches often strongly informed by cultural studies, whilst
those who study classical music are more likely to use quantitative data,
focused historical studies and more ‘orthodox’ social theory. We badly
need to bridge this divide if we are to understand the relationships be-
tween musical tastes more comprehensively. (2008, 77)

While, as c­hapter 1 describes, sociologists and ethnomusicologists have now

begun turning their attention to classical music, this book is the first to compre-
hensively analyse the culture of classical music practice in relation to economic in-
equalities in the UK. Against earlier approaches in the sociology of music (Becker
1982), this book not only explores the social relations around the music but also
asks how these socialities can be heard in the music itself. Through examining mu-
sical practice, I demonstrate how dispositions associated with a particular social
position have become inscribed into the aesthetic properties of the music. One
of the book’s key arguments, therefore, is that inequalities in cultural production
need to be understood through examining the practices that are used to create the
aesthetic. In the culture of classical music analysed in this book, these embodied
practices—​codified and passed on through its institutions—​show continuities
with cultures associated with the professional white middle class in the UK and
uphold white middle-​class social domination.
While this book focuses on practice—​what people do—​it argues that the prac-
tices of classical music contribute to the formation of a middle-​class form of self-
hood. As Skeggs (2003), Reay (2017), and others have demonstrated, middle-​class
identities and culture are valued more than working-​class or ethnic minority iden-
tities across a range of social institutions. Christina Scharff and I have already
argued that classical music has an unspoken and uncontested value attached to
it (Bull and Scharff 2017, 15). This book develops our argument by outlining the
vxi

xiv Introduction

ways in which the normal practices of classical music, as observed in my research

sites, form a type of personhood that is valued among the middle classes, and
especially among the dominant group among my participants which I am label-
ling the professional middle class: those whose families have been middle class
for more than one generation, and whose parents were predominantly in pro-
fessional occupations (as outlined in c­ hapter 1). I suggest that classical music is
an ideal site for the middle classes to construct symbolic, cultural and economic
boundaries to safeguard their privilege, as the discourse around the ‘autonomy’ of
the aesthetic—​the idea that this music exists in a separate realm from any social
concerns—​allows issues of inequality to be sidelined in favour of prioritizing ‘the
music itself’. The clear ideas of right and wrong around the aesthetic of classical
music, as institutionalized in British music education, mean that any questions
of how the aesthetic itself might contribute to reproducing inequalities are dis-
allowed. Crucially, however, I link these debates back to some of the cultural insti-
tutions that reproduce and legitimize classical music’s practices, and thereby its
inequalities, and I suggest that it is classical music’s institutions that should lead
change.
As well as examining the culture of classical music within a youth scene in
England, this book also uses classical music as a lens through which to examine
the norms and values of different fractions of the English middle classes. This
study is particularly timely given increasing levels of inequality in the UK.
Recently, sociology has begun to focus on elites in the UK and US (R. Atkinson,
Parker, and Burrows 2017; Khan 2012; King and Smith 2017; Rivera 2016;
Savage and Williams 2008), and there is also a long tradition of sociological
research looking at working-​class subcultures. Within this space, the middle
classes also need to be studied as political and economic actors; it is neces-
sary to examine groups who store and pass on resources—​economic, cultural
or social—​to be able to understand how this closes off spaces of privilege to
others. Studying the middle classes is also important because their ‘common-​
sense’ norms are often universalized in social theory, government policy, and
the media, and those inside this bubble are likely to be unaware that different
ways of seeing the world and different value systems exist, even within their
own country (Savage 2003, 536; Skeggs 2003). Critically examining the culture
of the white middle classes can help to shed light on the invisible norms of this
politically powerful group.
In addition, the role of institutions in storing value over time has been iden-
tified as an important way in which the middle classes retain their position. The
development of classical music institutions between the 1830s and 1890s paral-
leled the rise of the middle classes in nineteenth-​century Britain, as described in
­chapter 2, and the historical formation of the patterns that we have inherited today
are a crucial part of the story of this book. Classical music represents the continu-
ation of a cultural tradition forged in the nineteenth century that in many ways
 Introduction xv

has attempted to eschew the technological and social changes of the twentieth
and twenty-​first centuries. Nevertheless, waves of institution-​building during the
twentieth century have influenced this tradition. In the UK, classical music could
be theorized as the original post-​war youth movement; the first British youth or-
chestra appears to be the Reading Youth Orchestra, set up in 1944, which toured
Germany in 1949 (Reading Youth Orchestra 2014), and every decade since there
has been a steady stream of new groups. Classical music is therefore a fascinating
lens through which to examine the legacies of class and value that have been ac-
crued and passed down through these institutions. Many of these institutions are
still powerful in shaping young people’s musical lives today, and the book lays out
the values and norms that they reproduce.
Focusing on young people allows aspects of classical music’s culture that
might normally remain unspoken to become visible. In education, its norms
are spelled out in pedagogic instruction from adult leaders and teachers.
Examining youth engagement with classical music also foregrounds an
interesting contradiction: classical music in the UK is predominantly listened
to by ‘older age groups’ (Savage 2006, 169), and there are regular panics about
the grey-​haired audiences at concerts (Service 2009). Why, then, are these
young people bucking this trend? Who are they, and do they represent the fu-
ture of classical music?
Finally, this book contributes to ongoing debates about democratizing public
funding for and access to culture (Neelands et al. 2015). In the UK, classical
music—​ particularly opera—​ receives a disproportionately high level of state
funding compared to other forms of culture, as outlined later in this introduc-
tion. This should be problematized and discussed more openly. By contrast, from
within classical music’s ranks, fears are regularly reported that it is dying out
or that it is failing to reach young people. There is an urgent question to be ad-
dressed, therefore, of how to renew this cultural tradition while also democra-
tizing cultural funding. This book will, I hope, open up ways in which changing
the culture of classical music could also lead to creative renewal. This question of
renewal feeds into debates about music education; music educators often hold a
strong commitment to social justice, but the means to work towards this goal are
not agreed on. This book shows how the everyday practices of classical music are
an important part of a discussion about ethics, social justice, and respect for di-
verse musical cultures.
Against this backdrop, I put forward four ways in which the tradition and
practices of classical music as found in my research sites form a contingent con-
nection with the middle classes. Firstly, its repertoire requires formal modes of
social organization that can be contrasted with the anti-​pretentious, informal,
dialogic modes of participation found in many forms of working-​class culture.
Secondly, its modes of embodiment reproduce classed values such as female re-
spectability. Thirdly, an imaginative dimension of bourgeois selfhood can be read
xvi

xvi Introduction

from classical music’s practices, and finally, the aesthetic of detail, precision, and
‘getting it right’ requires a long-​term investment that is more possible for, and
makes more sense for, middle-​and upper-​class families.
Most notably, I argue that the ideology of the ‘autonomy’ of classical music
from social concerns (Bourdieu 1984; Born 2010; Eagleton 1990; Goehr 1992;
Wolff 1993) needs to be examined in historical context as part of the classed
legacy of classical music’s past. While for Bourdieu the apparent autonomy of
high art enables boundary-​drawing around taste, I follow Michèle Lamont
(1992b) in theorizing this boundary-​drawing as not limited to taste but including
symbolic boundaries that can have moral, economic or cultural content. A theor-
etical intervention of this book is to suggest that we need to examine the prac-
tices of classical music alongside other forms of classed boundary-​drawing such
as private schools, gated communities, and suburbanization. The sonically sealed
spaces of many classical music venues, insulated from their urban surrounds,
enable its aesthetic of detail, precision, and dynamic extremes, and I argue that
these are simply another of the middle classes’ ways of closing off their protected
and exclusive spaces to other groups in society. This is both an historical legacy of
the institutions that we have inherited and also a tradition that is actively repro-
duced as a resource for recreating classed identities. But at moments of height-
ened social inequality, classical music’s autonomy is threatened, and the moral
guilt/​responsibility that also characterizes middle-​class identities (Reay, Crozier,
and James 2011) comes to the fore, for example, through classical music’s recent
discovery of class inequality through the proliferation of El Sistema–​inspired
music education programmes (as discussed later). It is therefore necessary
to examine classical music’s autonomy from the social as contested, uneven
and never absolute in order to make sense of many of its social and aesthetic
practices today.
This book focuses on class inequality in relation to classical music education
outside of school in the UK context. There is a specific historical formation to
class in the UK that has sedimented into the classed identities and structures that
are visible today. This means that the extent to which the arguments put forward
here are also helpful for explaining patterns of inequality around classical music
production in other contexts must be a matter for empirical investigation. The
expansion of British music education institutions to Commonwealth countries
(Johnson-​Hill 2015; Kok 2011) suggests that there are likely to be some similar-
ities in practices elsewhere, even if the meanings of these practices and the ways
in which they intersect with structures of inequality may be different. In addition,
rather than examining the vital issue of music within the school curriculum, the
book focuses on out-​of-​school music education. The declining number of students
receiving music tuition within schools in England (Daubney and Mackrill 2018;
Scott 2018) makes it even more urgent to understand how out-​of-​school music
education can reproduce inequalities. In this way, this book also aims to con-
tribute to discussions of the status of music within schools.
 Introduction xvii

Defining Classical Music

While for many people ‘classical music’ may be a familiar, commonsense term, it is
currently being questioned and problematized both within and outside academia.
In academic music studies, it has become the norm to use the term ‘Western
art music’ to describe the canon of repertoire and body of practices that I am
describing. However, as Laudan Nooshin argues, ‘Whatever its historical legacy,
clearly “western art music” is (solely) western no longer’ as ‘the forces of coloni-
alism and, more recently, globalization, have afforded this music a global reach
that can no longer be captured by the term “western” ’. She suggests that we need
a more appropriate terminology for a genre that ‘has taken on a multitude of
forms and meanings globally’ (2011, 296) but still remains ‘ideologically loaded,
since it claims exclusive ownership of a cultural space whilst denying the existence
of “others” who have been and continue to be central to it and who are rendered
invisible by the dominant discourses’ (294).
In the interests, therefore, of locating this musical practice in a particular time
and space, I use the vernacular term that my participants used: ‘classical music’.
For them, this term had a taken-​for-​granted meaning that didn’t require explan-
ation. Indeed, mainstream, online and specialist media also use the term ‘clas-
sical music’, further confirming that there exists in public discourse a commonly
understood phenomenon by this name. However, while the term is common par-
lance, its meaning is explored throughout the book, as is the question of what is
included in this definition and what is excluded from it. The way in which ‘classical
music’ is defined is important—​and contested—​because the boundaries drawn
around it work to store value in this space.
Theorizing classical music as a genre with common ‘orientations, expectations
and conventions’ (Neale 1980, 19),1 it is possible to give a working definition
drawing on existing theoretical and empirical studies (Frith 1996b; Gilmore 1987;
Green 2003; Goehr 1992; Kingsbury 1988; Small 1996, 19) to identify a set of
shared conventions. These studies identify classical music as a practice that repro-
duces from staff notation a canon of music composed between around 1750 and
1950, using acoustic instruments and tending to eschew post-​1900 technologies.2
It draws on the ‘work-​concept’, where the performer attempts to faithfully repro-
duce the intentions of the composer (Goehr 1992). This reproduces a hierarchy
between composer, performer and audience (Small 1996) where the composer’s
wishes take priority. It requires distinctive modes of adult-​led pedagogy where

1   
In television, Steve Neale theorizes genre as ‘systems of orientations, expectations and conven-
tions that circulate between industry, text and subject’ (1980, 19). For the purposes of understanding
genre in classical music, we need to examine different circuits: cultural and educational institutions,
texts (including performances), and musicians/​audiences.
2   
Contemporary classical music and early music are distinct genres in their own right, and as such
they are outside the scope of this book.
xvii

xviii Introduction

pupils usually take one-​to-​one lessons to learn ‘musicianship’; how to interpret

the composer’s intentions; staff notation; and technical skill at their instrument
or voice (Kingsbury 1988; Green 2003).
As well as these conventional practices, classical music is also characterized
by discourses of transcendence or autonomy from social concerns (Born 2010;
Bull 2009; Frith 1996b; Goehr 1992; James H. Johnson 1996; Yoshihara 2008).
Indeed, as Born notes, a ‘defining feature of the ontology of Western art music
from the nineteenth century to the present’ is ‘the disavowal of music’s social
mediations’ (40), although for David Clarke (2012, 174) this autonomy should
be seen as more or less strong at different points in time. These conventions and
discourses are reproduced through institutions; Simon Frith notes that ‘art music
discourse’ has developed on the basis of its validation in academic institutions,
which ensure that ‘[only] the right people with the right training can . . . experi-
ence the real meaning of “great” music’ (1996b, 39). Despite this, classical music’s
contemporary institutions, particularly education institutions, have received rela-
tively little critical attention (although see Baker 2014; Benzecry 2011; Bohlman
1989; McCormick 2015). And yet, its institutions play an important role in safe-
guarding and reproducing this tradition. As such, this book critically analyses the
‘institutional ecology’ of classical music.
These institutions and practices produce classical music’s distinctive aesthetic
qualities. Aesthetics are commonly understood as qualities that relate to sensory
beauty as distinct from social or cultural interpretations (R. Williams 1976, 32);
for example, Goehr (1992, 121) describes aesthetics as a shift from ‘extra-​musical
to purely musical criteria of value and classification’. In this book, I understand
the ‘aesthetic’ of the music to refer to its sonic qualities, but throughout I attempt
to link the aesthetic of classical music with its social, institutional and historical
conditions of production.

Classical Music and Inequality: What We

Know So Far
David Hesmondhalgh (2013, 4), in his manifesto for a more ambivalent music
sociology, suggests that we explore ways in which the arts and culture might
draw upon and reinforce patterns of social inequality, rather than reproducing
arguments about the ‘power of music’ (Hallam and Creech 2010) that focus ex-
clusively on its benefits. There is no simple formula for understanding the rela-
tionship between music and inequality. As c­ hapter 1 theorizes, one of the ways
in which classical music reinforces patterns of inequality is through being valued,
in various ways, over other genres. Indeed, existing patterns of consumption and
production of classical music as well as its unequal funding structures show stark
patterns of inequality.
 Introduction xix

Data on cultural consumption from the UK shows that listening to classical

music is strongly stratified by age and education level.3 A mixed-​methods study
of cultural consumption and class, across a variety of types of culture, found ‘be-
yond question, the existence of systematic patterns of cultural taste and prac-
tice’ (T. Bennett et al. 2008, 251). Notably for this study, the authors found that
people with higher education qualifications were six times more likely to listen to
classical music than those without (Savage 2006, 169). Particularly for white re-
spondents, Bennett et al. found that ‘classical music remains attuned to class’, and
among this group, for the working class, it evoked ‘a response which is much more
complex than a straight rejection or distaste for it’, for example, distancing them-
selves from it (2008, 82–​84). They conclude that ‘classical music thus emerges
as a mainstream, established musical field, whose appeal is somewhat broader
than a narrowly defined middle class, but taste for which is highly correlated with
university education’ (169). For many of this group, however, classical music was
viewed as ‘soothing’, enjoyed for its ‘easy listening’ qualities (86) and ‘claiming
affiliation with classical music denote[d]‌respectability’ (87). Confirming this link
between classical music consumption and the middle classes, Crawford et al.’s
study of orchestral audiences highlighted ‘the continued individualistic, middle-​
class, and exclusionary culture of classical music attendance and patterns of be-
haviours’ (2014, 1) arguing that ‘classical music helps make and maintain who the
middle classes are’ (15).
Examining those who play classical music in the UK, whether in education or
professionally, reveals a similar picture, although, as Christina Scharff (2017, 41–​
42) notes, data on inequalities is difficult to come by and even when it is avail-
able, socio-​economic data is often missing. Examining the music industry more
generally (not just classical music), O’Brien et al. (2016) found that it, along with
publishing, it is the most difficult of the creative industries to gain access to as a
working-​class person. In Scharff’s (2017) study of sixty-​four early-​career women
classical musicians in Berlin and London, she found the majority (n = 44) iden-
tified as middle class, with eleven more unsure of how to describe their socio-​
economic background. We therefore have to look to music education institutions
for more data. The most comprehensive picture is painted by Born and Devine’s
(2015) study of tertiary education music degrees. Using admissions data from
2007–​11 for music and music technology degrees in the UK (excluding conserva-
toires), they demonstrate that there is a clear class divide between those studying
music at university and those studying music technology; the former are pre-
dominantly middle class, while the latter tend to be working-​class young men.4

3   
Chapter 1 will discuss ways of theorizing and measuring class. Education level is usually under-
stood by sociologists to constitute one aspect of class.
4   
This finding is supported by earlier research by Nicola Dibben (2006, 91), who reported that while
the total number of students studying music at UK universities increased 38% between 1996–​97 and
2001–​2, there was no significant increase in the numbers from the lowest social classes.
x

xx Introduction

These figures also reveal a genre divide between different types of musical know-
ledge. Music degrees tend to have a relatively large component of classical music
and require the ability to read standard staff notation (Born and Devine 2015),
while music technology degrees instead require knowledge of music technology
software.
The dominance of middle-​and upper-​class young people in tertiary classical
music education also extends to music conservatoires (specialist tertiary music
education institutions). The Royal Academy of Music took fewer than half its
pupils from state schools in 2017, and the Royal College of Music took 56.9%
(Coughlan 2017; this contrasts with the 93.5% of pupils in the UK who attend
state schools, the remainder attending fee-​paying independent schools). Even
among those pupils from state schools who attend music conservatoires, very
few tend to come from disadvantaged backgrounds or areas.5 Students and staff
across conservatoires are also disproportionately white, as Scharff details; only
twenty-​eight, or 2% of staff at UK music conservatoires in 2014 could be identi-
fied as black or minority ethnic (Scharff 2017, 57), and black applicants were less
likely to be accepted (48). Gender divisions are also striking. While roughly equal
numbers of males and females study at conservatoires, fewer than a third of the
teaching staff are female, and in 2014, women made up only 1.4% of conductors
and 2.9% of artistic directors in British orchestras, and only a quarter of principal
players (55).
These inequalities at the tertiary level are set up through unequal participa-
tion in music education for students younger than eighteen. A report6 from the
Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music (ABRSM) found that 90% of chil-
dren from AB backgrounds (the most privileged) had ever played an instrument,7
against 74% from grades C1 and DE (lower socio-​economic groups) (Hume and
Wells 2014). This reflects a long-​term pattern for music exams to be predomin-
antly undertaken by the middle classes, as David Wright has described (2013,
226). The ABRSM study also found that the main reason both children and adults
gave for choosing not to play a musical instrument was a lack of interest; or if
they had learnt and given up, the main reason was having lost interest (Hume
and Wells 2014, 18–​19). By contrast, the cost of lessons was only the seventh
most important factor for those who had given up playing and the second most

In 2007–​10, fewer than ten pupils per year in the UK who received free school meals (a commonly
5   

used measure of disadvantage in the UK) had attended any of the music conservatoires by age nine-
teen (Department for Business, Innovation and Skills 2013). Supporting this finding, data from the
five top conservatoires in the UK in 2012–​13 shows that only 3.9% of students came from ‘low par-
ticipation neighbourhoods’, the lowest fifth of the UK, by area, for participation in tertiary education
(Scharff 2017, 46).
6   
Because study was not weighted according to class, these figures should be treated with caution.
7   
These descriptions use market research categories to analyse class. A, B, and C1 roughly cor-
relate with middle class; C2, D, and E roughly correlate with working class. For further discussion, see
Crompton (2015).
 Introduction xxi

important factor for those who had never played. This suggests that economic
barriers may not be the principal explanation for why people do not play an in-
strument. This finding is supported by wider research in music education on
young people’s music-​making and identity (A. Lamont et al. 2003), suggesting
that the social identity of young people playing classical music is the greatest bar-
rier to participation, working in conjunction with economic barriers.
As well as stark inequalities in consumption and production of classical music,
it receives disproportionately high levels of public and philanthropic funding.
Analysing the value of music in London at the end of the last century, Dave Laing
and Norton York (2000) showed that classical music attracted 90% of the avail-
able public music subsidy. In 2015–​18, 24.8% of total Arts Council England port-
folio funding for music was allocated to orchestral music, and 57.9% was allocated
to opera and music theatre (Monk 2014), a level of funding disproportionate to
the size of audiences (Hodgkins 2013).8 Antony Feeny (2016) shows that be-
tween 1946 and 2015, across all four UK Arts Councils, grant expenditure on each
category of classical music has increased relatively steadily until quite recently
(although other areas of the arts have increased more than classical music). By
2015, classical music (including opera) accounted for around 20% of Arts Councils
of Great Britain’s expenditure (Feeny 2016). Moving away from public funding,
philanthropic organizations show a similar trend. In a directory of UK music edu-
cation charities using 2010–​11 data on their income, assets and wealth, seven out
of the top ten music education charities are dedicated to classical music, opera
and ballet (Arts Council England 2012a). As c­ hapter 2 will explore, this uneven
weighting of the institutional ecology of music education towards classical music
is formed through the historical legacy passed on by the Victorians that shapes
provision and progression routes today.
How can explain these enduring patterns be explained? While similar middle-​
class dominance of publicly funded culture occurs across high art genres (Neelands
et al. 2015), classical music is one of the most deeply stratified forms of cultural
taste and practice. This is exacerbated by the commonly held assumption that in-
equality within classical music is purely an access issue; it is simply that some
people have not had a chance to learn to love it yet. The explanation given in
media and cultural sector discussions follows this logic to suggest that this access
is solely economic as learning an instrument is too expensive for working-​class
families, especially at a time of cuts to music education provision (see, for ex-
ample, Hewett 2014; Richens 2016). While this is certainly true, it is only one part
of the explanation. Against this position, this book puts forward the argument

8   
This trend was also apparent in the region in which my research took place. When I crunched
the 2012 numbers for Arts Council portfolio funding (encompassing regularly funded organizations),
I found that one pound in every five went to organizations that are dedicated to classical music. The
actual proportion of funding that went to classical music was therefore higher, as some organizations
supported classical music as well as other art forms, and so are not included in this figure.
xxi

xxii Introduction

that enduring patterns of unequal participation in classical music education are

not solely a reflection of economic barriers but instead reflect the types of music
that different groups in society enjoy and want to play.
However, while classical music in the UK is almost exclusively played and lis-
tened to by the middle and upper classes, in the last ten years there has been
a worldwide explosion of music education programmes that teach orchestral in-
struments to disadvantaged children. Inspired by the Venezuelan music education
programme El Sistema, an intensive orchestral programme that claims to rescue
disadvantaged children from a life of drugs and crime through learning classical
music, a worldwide movement of nearly three hundred El Sistema offshoots has
grown up (‘El Sistema Global Program Directory’ n.d.). Geoffrey Baker’s ethnog-
raphy of El Sistema Venezuela, rather than finding an inspiring model of social
change through music, describes predominantly middle-​ class children being
yelled at by untrained and poorly paid teachers in a pedagogic model that would
seem dated to the Victorians. Furthermore, as he notes, there is something that
doesn’t add up about using an inherently exclusive organization, the symphony
orchestra, for a social inclusion programme (Baker 2014)—​and, indeed, a 2016
study by the Inter-​American Development Bank suggested that the poverty rate
among El Sistema’s intake was one-​third that of wider Venezuelan society (Baker
2017a). A major evaluation produced to demonstrate El Sistema’s effectiveness,
as Baker, Bull, and Taylor describe, is characterized by flaws and limitations so
serious that it is ‘impossible to take seriously’ (2018, 6).
Despite El Sistema’s flawed and partial evidence base, the idea of using clas-
sical music to alleviate inequality has caught the worldwide imagination, and cul-
tural entrepreneurs in the UK have been among those leading the charge. In the
UK, Sistema Scotland’s first project was set up in 2008, followed by In Harmony
Sistema England (IHSE) in 2009. These programmes are ‘social action’ pro-
grammes first and foremost; the Arts Council England 2011 funding guidance
for IHSE programmes requires that participation in these programmes lead to
‘avoidance of anti-​social behaviour, drug abuse, and crime’ (Arts Council England
2012b, 6). As I have argued elsewhere (Bull 2016a), this assumption that without
classical music disadvantaged children are headed towards a life of drugs and
crime perpetuates stigmatizing stereotypes about working-​class identities. In
addition, the idea that disadvantaged children can change their material circum-
stances through learning classical music reinforces Victorian ideas that people in
poverty would no longer be poor if only they acted more like middle-​class people,
thus diverting attention from structural and state-​led solutions to inequality.
This book contributes towards debates around El Sistema–​inspired programmes
in the UK and around the world by showing how the social identity and musical
values of classical music are not neutral but fit with the identity and values of
the professional middle class. This book makes visible what is at stake in such
programmes by outlining how classical music’s classed history shapes its conven-
tions and practices today. If education programmes such as El Sistema drew on
Random documents with unrelated
content Scribd suggests to you:
 Statistics - Cheat Sheet
Third 2023 - Laboratory

Prepared by: Instructor Davis

Date: July 28, 2025

Results 1: Learning outcomes and objectives

Learning Objective 1: Theoretical framework and methodology
• Literature review and discussion
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Learning Objective 2: Fundamental concepts and principles
• Key terms and definitions
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Learning Objective 3: Case studies and real-world applications
• Literature review and discussion
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Learning Objective 4: Practical applications and examples
• Case studies and real-world applications
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Learning Objective 5: Problem-solving strategies and techniques
• Practical applications and examples
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
Key Concept: Historical development and evolution
• Experimental procedures and results
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
[Figure 6: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Important: Historical development and evolution
• Critical analysis and evaluation
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Important: Best practices and recommendations
• Literature review and discussion
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Note: Interdisciplinary approaches
• Experimental procedures and results
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
Definition: Problem-solving strategies and techniques
• Best practices and recommendations
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Topic 2: Practical applications and examples
Remember: Study tips and learning strategies
• Theoretical framework and methodology
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
[Figure 11: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Key Concept: Current trends and future directions
• Ethical considerations and implications
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Definition: Problem-solving strategies and techniques
• Learning outcomes and objectives
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Practice Problem 13: Case studies and real-world applications
• Problem-solving strategies and techniques
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
[Figure 14: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Key Concept: Critical analysis and evaluation
• Learning outcomes and objectives
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Remember: Theoretical framework and methodology
• Historical development and evolution
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Key Concept: Practical applications and examples
• Practical applications and examples
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Practice Problem 17: Critical analysis and evaluation
• Research findings and conclusions
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
Definition: Statistical analysis and interpretation
• Statistical analysis and interpretation
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
[Figure 19: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Note: Research findings and conclusions
• Current trends and future directions
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Practice 3: Best practices and recommendations
Example 20: Practical applications and examples
• Literature review and discussion
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
Note: Key terms and definitions
• Critical analysis and evaluation
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
Note: Research findings and conclusions
• Study tips and learning strategies
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
[Figure 23: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Important: Ethical considerations and implications
• Key terms and definitions
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Key Concept: Statistical analysis and interpretation
• Literature review and discussion
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
Key Concept: Critical analysis and evaluation
• Statistical analysis and interpretation
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Note: Critical analysis and evaluation
• Key terms and definitions
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Example 27: Study tips and learning strategies
• Best practices and recommendations
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Important: Comparative analysis and synthesis
• Assessment criteria and rubrics
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
[Figure 29: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Key Concept: Experimental procedures and results
• Best practices and recommendations
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Module 4: Case studies and real-world applications
Remember: Literature review and discussion
• Fundamental concepts and principles
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Example 31: Theoretical framework and methodology
• Assessment criteria and rubrics
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Key Concept: Case studies and real-world applications
• Interdisciplinary approaches
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Practice Problem 33: Literature review and discussion
• Best practices and recommendations
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Example 34: Critical analysis and evaluation
• Practical applications and examples
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Note: Practical applications and examples
• Best practices and recommendations
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Practice Problem 36: Theoretical framework and methodology
• Fundamental concepts and principles
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Practice Problem 37: Key terms and definitions
• Assessment criteria and rubrics
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
[Figure 38: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Example 38: Case studies and real-world applications
• Assessment criteria and rubrics
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
Definition: Key terms and definitions
• Fundamental concepts and principles
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Part 5: Theoretical framework and methodology
Example 40: Best practices and recommendations
• Ethical considerations and implications
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Key Concept: Historical development and evolution
• Case studies and real-world applications
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Practice Problem 42: Theoretical framework and methodology
• Ethical considerations and implications
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Example 43: Problem-solving strategies and techniques
• Theoretical framework and methodology
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Example 44: Literature review and discussion
• Learning outcomes and objectives
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Important: Statistical analysis and interpretation
• Learning outcomes and objectives
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
[Figure 46: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Practice Problem 46: Current trends and future directions
• Best practices and recommendations
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Note: Best practices and recommendations
• Experimental procedures and results
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
Practice Problem 48: Key terms and definitions
• Practical applications and examples
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
[Figure 49: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Example 49: Literature review and discussion
• Research findings and conclusions
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
Abstract 6: Literature review and discussion
Important: Critical analysis and evaluation
• Study tips and learning strategies
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Practice Problem 51: Ethical considerations and implications
• Literature review and discussion
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
Important: Fundamental concepts and principles
• Critical analysis and evaluation
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Example 53: Study tips and learning strategies
• Historical development and evolution
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Formula: [Mathematical expression or equation]
Remember: Interdisciplinary approaches
• Study tips and learning strategies
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Definition: Learning outcomes and objectives
• Study tips and learning strategies
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Practice Problem 56: Current trends and future directions
• Problem-solving strategies and techniques
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
Remember: Ethical considerations and implications
• Experimental procedures and results
- Sub-point: Additional details and explanations
- Example: Practical application scenario
- Note: Important consideration
[Figure 58: Diagram/Chart/Graph]
Welcome to our website – the perfect destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. We believe that every book holds a new world,
offering opportunities for learning, discovery, and personal growth.
That’s why we are dedicated to bringing you a diverse collection of
books, ranging from classic literature and specialized publications to
self-development guides and children's books.

More than just a book-buying platform, we strive to be a bridge

connecting you with timeless cultural and intellectual values. With an
elegant, user-friendly interface and a smart search system, you can
quickly find the books that best suit your interests. Additionally,
our special promotions and home delivery services help you save time
and fully enjoy the joy of reading.

Join us on a journey of knowledge exploration, passion nurturing, and

personal growth every day!

ebookmass.com