2013 Intimate Partner Violence
2013 Intimate Partner Violence
Intimate partner violence: A narrative review of the feminist, social and ecological
explanations for its causation
Parveen Azam Ali a,⁎, Paul B. Naylor b
a
Faculty of Health and Social Care, University of Hull, Cottingham Road, Hull HU6 7RX, UK
b
Faculty of Social Sciences, The Open University, UK
a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t
Article history: Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major social and public health problem that affects populations around the
Received 14 March 2013 world regardless of their culture, religion, and other demographic characteristics. In the last 100 years, many
Received in revised form 29 June 2013 theories have been proposed to explain the phenomenon of IPV. Much research has been conducted using
Accepted 16 July 2013
these theories as a guiding or underlying framework. However, it is difficult to find a single account that provides
Available online 1 August 2013
a succinct and up-to-date overview of these theories. As a result, a considerable effort is required to identify and
Keywords:
retrieve relevant papers to understand the various theories, which attempt to explain IPV. This article attempts to
Intimate partner violence provide a succinct and up-to-date integrative review of the feminist, social learning, and ecological explanations
IPV of IPV. These perspectives have been critically evaluated in the light of the available literature and an effort has
Domestic violence been made to discuss the strengths and limitations of each perspective in shedding light on the causation of IPV.
Feminism © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Social learning theory
Ecological framework
Contents
1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 611
2. Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 612
3. Findings and discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 612
3.1. The feminist perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 612
3.1.1. Cycle of violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 612
3.1.2. Learned helplessness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 613
3.1.3. battered women syndrome . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 613
3.1.4. Power and control . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 613
3.1.5. Patriarchy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 614
3.2. Sociological perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 615
3.2.1. Social learning theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 615
3.2.2. Resource theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 616
3.3. Nested ecological framework theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 616
4. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 617
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 617
1359-1789/$ – see front matter © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
[Link]
612 P.A. Ali, P.B. Naylor / Aggression and Violent Behavior 18 (2013) 611–619
1856 campaign for divorce reform in the UK, and its successor…” English in any journal during the period 1990–2011 were included to
(Heru, 2007, p. 376). The next term used was ‘domestic violence’ re- obtain only current and relevant literature. However, where needed
ferring to men as perpetrators of violence in heterosexual relation- classical work from previous years was also incorporated. Among 142
ships. Other terms, often used interchangeably, include domestic sources included in this study, 43 sources were published prior to 1990
violence, domestic abuse, intra-family violence, wife abuse, spousal (1960–1989). In addition, secondary sources, such as books, were also
abuse, wife battering, courtship violence, battering, violence against referred to and included in the review where needed. The review was
women, and intimate partner abuse (Gelles, 1993; Saltzman, Fanslow, conducted section-by-section. Each article and each book were closely
McMahon, & Shelley, 1999). read and the main points and findings, strengths, and limitations of
Over the last 100 years, many theories and frameworks have been each document were summarized.
proposed to explain IPV. Such theories and frameworks can be catego-
rized under various perspectives, which include biological, psychologi- 3. Findings and discussion
cal, feminist, social learning, and ecological accounts. However, it is
hard to find evidence related to each of these different perspectives in 3.1. The feminist perspective
one article. An integrative account of biological and psychological per-
spectives has already been presented in a recent paper (Ali & Naylor, Feminism is an ideology and the current feminist movement initiat-
2013). This paper is an attempt to present a brief integrative account ed in the early 1970s has produced one of the predominant theoretical
of feminist, social learning, and ecological perspectives proposed to ex- models for IPV. Initially, it was known as the “Women's Liberation
plain IPV. The perspectives presented in the present paper have been Movement” (Walker, 2006). This was basically a political movement
critically evaluated in the light of the available literature and the initiated to advocate and ensure gender equality and to empower
strengths and limitations of each perspective are discussed. women (Chesler, 2005; Walker, 2006). The Feminist perspective is not
only responsible for bringing the world's attention to the problem but
2. Methods also for establishing women's shelters, initiating various batterer
intervention and advocacy programs, and changes in the legal and
A search was undertaken in four databases: Medline, CINHAL, Google criminal justice system to make VAW a criminal offense (McPhail,
Scholar, and PsychInfo. To identify studies using a feminist perspective, Busch, Kulkarni, & Rice, 2007). Feminists prefer to use terms like ‘wife as-
various search terms such as feminism, feminist, feminists, cycle of sault’, ‘wife battering’ and ‘battered women’ rather than ‘family violence’,
violence, violence cycle, battered women syndrome, battered women, ‘marital violence’ and ‘spouse abuse’ (Davis & Hagen, 1992; Yick, 2001).
patriarchy, patriarchal, male dominant, male dominancy, male power, They maintain that VAW is a male coercive act towards women and its
and male control were used. To retrieve studies mentioned under so- various types include sexual abuse of women, rape, marital rape, female
ciological perspective various search terms including learning, social infanticide, and female genital mutilation (Yick, 2001). They believe that
learning, intergenerational, learned behavior, socialization, socializa- IPV is not a private or family matter; rather, it is a deeply embedded so-
tion, generational transmission, resource theory, resources, resourceful, cial problem that has to be addressed by social change (Gondolf & Fisher,
economic, and economics were used. These terms were employed in 1988). They consider VAW to be a product of gender power disparity in
combination with the terms violence, domestic violence and alternative society (Bograd, 1988; Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Schecter, 1982), a social
terms for IPV including intimate partner violence, intimate partner phenomenon, determined by the patriarchal structure of most societies
abuse, wife abuse, spousal abuse, women abuse, marital violence, and that forces women to remain in a submissive state through the use of
marital abuse. Table 1 presents examples of key words used, numbers physical, psychological, sexual, and economic abuse as control tactics
of articles retrieved and numbers of articles included in the review. and permits coercive practices such as prostitution and forced sex.
A search was also conducted using Google to identify studies not These theorists maintain that until women are seen as other than sub-
published in indexed journals. In addition, the reference list of each servient, compliant victims, little will change.
article was also reviewed to identify studies that may not be listed in Feminists believe that violence in heterosexual relations is always
databases. Through literature searching 200 sources (including primary perpetuated by men in an attempt to control their women partners,
and secondary sources) were retrieved, scanned, and reviewed and 142 and research findings of symmetry in the perpetuation of violence by
sources have been used in this study. Journal articles published in men and women are erroneous. They believe that women's use of
violence is almost always an act of self-defense (Barnett, Lee, & Thelen,
Table 1 1997; Cascardi & Vivian, 1995; Kellerman & Mercy, 1992). Feminists
Examples of keywords used to search literature related to IPV. also criticize measures such as the CTS for not asking information related
Terms Alternative terms Articles Articles to circumstance or context, motivating factors, meaning and outcomes of
identified used violence (Belknap, 2001; Belknap & Melton, 2005; Dasgupta, 2001; Kurz,
Intimate partner Intimate partner violence, IPV, intimate 1989). In addition, the CTS is criticized for a possible reporting bias by
violence partner abuse, domestic violence, DV, violent men and its inability to account for differences in male–female
domestic abuse, wife abuse, spousal self-reporting patterns (Kurz, 1989). Feminists advocate for making
abuse, women abuse, marital violence, changes in the policies of institutions, societies and countries to make
and marital abuse.
them more women friendly, to help women become economically inde-
Explanation of IPV pendent and to provide women with safe houses and shelters (Dobash
Feminist perspective Feminism, feminist, feminists, cycle of 60 50 & Dobash, 1979; Yodanis, 2004). From this perspective, feminist theo-
violence, violence cycle, battered women
syndrome, battered women,
rists have offered various explanations for IPV including the cycle of vi-
Patriarchy, patriarchal, male dominant, 30 22 olence, learned helplessness, the battered women syndrome, the power
mal dominancy, male power, male and control wheel, and patriarchy, which are considered below.
control,
Sociological Learning, social learning, 60 43
3.1.1. Cycle of violence
perspective intergenerational, learned behavior,
socialization, generational transmission The cycle of violence (Fig. 1) was proposed by Walker (1979) with
Resources theory, resources, resourceful, 30 23 the aim of elucidating how and why abused or battered women remain
economic, economics, in abusive relationships. The cycle of violence is often predictable and
Nested ecological Ecology, ecological framework, 20 12 consists of three phases: tension building; abuse or explosion; and hon-
framework theory ecological, nested ecological,
eymoon or remorse forgiveness. In the first phase, tension builds-up
P.A. Ali, P.B. Naylor / Aggression and Violent Behavior 18 (2013) 611–619 613
of power in marriage and influence the risk of partner violence” characterized by a value and belief system that justifies male dominance
(Gage & Hutchinson, 2006, p. 13). Based on the feminist ideology and rejects egalitarian structures in the public and private spheres of
and resulting from discussions with battered women, researchers life. In the public spheres, power is shared by men and in private spheres
presented the model called ‘the power and control wheel’ (Fig. 2). the senior man exercises power over everyone else in the family includ-
The model was developed in 1980–81 and was a result of a Domestic ing younger men and boys (Haj-Yahia & Schiff, 2007). Therefore, in pa-
Abuse Intervention Project (DAIP) conducted in Duluth in the U.S. The triarchal societies and cultures, the husband is considered and expected
model offers explanation of the tactics used by violence or abusive to be the head of the family who should be approached and consulted
men to keep women in submissive positions and to maintain male on all important issues and decisions in the family. According to
power and control. The model assumes that no tactic or behavior is an this ideology, the use of IPV is an acceptable way of maintaining and
isolated incident; rather it is a part of the major motive to keep the exhibiting male dominance. Evidence suggests that the more people be-
women under control and exert male power. The model maintains lieve in patriarchal ideology, the more they approve of the use of VAW
that the responsibility for abuse and control lies with the abuser not by husband or intimate partners. Believers in patriarchal ideology tend
the abused. The overall aim of the intervention should be victim's safety to view wife beating not only as acceptable but also as beneficial and
and the abusers should be held accountable for their act and appropri- consider women responsible for the violence against them (Dobash &
ately dealt with by the law and judicial system. Another wheel to offer Dobash, 1979; Glick, Sakalli-Ugurlu, Ferreira, & Aguiar de Souza, 2002;
and explain how nonviolent attitudes can be promoted is also devel- Haj-Yahia & Schiff, 2007; WHO, 2005).
oped and used in barterers' interventions programs (see Fig. 3). The feminist perspective has been criticized by various groups such
Various studies have supported the relationship between a need for as academics, clinical practitioners, and sociologists for several reasons.
power in power-motivated men and violence in intimate relationships Mills (2003) states that “the assumption underpinning mainstream
(Dutton & Strachan, 1987; Mason & Blankenship, 1987). Studies also sug- feminist advocacy efforts is that all intimate abuse is heterosexual, that vi-
gest a link between male dominance and IPV (Anderson, 1997; Sugihara olence is a one-way street (male to female), that all violence warrants a
& Warner, 2002). An inverse relationship between husband's lack of state response, and that women want to leave rather than stay in their
resources, such as socioeconomic status, occupational status, income or abusive relationships” (pp. 6–7). The assertion of some feminists that
even educational level, has also been suggested (Hornung, McCullough, women can only be the recipients of violence and cannot perpetuate
& Sugimoto, 1981; Hotaling & Sugarman, 1986). violence has not only been criticized, but also dismissed by various
researchers (George, 1994, 2007; Oglivie, 1996). Several studies
3.1.5. Patriarchy have also been published which show that women can be equally as or
According to feminists, the ideology of patriarchy positively relates more violent than men (Anderson, 2002; Archer, 2000, 2002; Brown,
to the perpetuation and acceptance of the abuse of women (Smith, 2004; Capaldi & Owen, 2001; Capaldi et al., 2007; Hamberger &
1990; Yllo & Straus, 1990). Patriarchy is “an ‘umbrella’ term for describ- Potente, 1994; Straus & Gelles, 1986). Similar findings were identified
ing men's systemic dominance of women” (Pease, 2000, p. 20). It is by Fiebert (2008) in a review of 219 papers including 170 empirical
investigations. However, it is important to note here that the majority of feminists, mainly from the developing countries (Third World femi-
these studies have used the CTS critiqued above. Dutton (1994) has ne- nism) (Narayan, 1997), criticized Western feminism as being ethno-
gated the relationship between power and violence between couples, centric and ignorant of the distinctive experience of women from Third
on the one hand, and structural patriarchy and wife assault on the World countries (Mohanty, 1991). Apart from these types of feminism,
other hand. He further concluded that battering is more common in les- there are many other variants or types of the perspective based on geo-
bian than it is in heterosexual relationships. He explains that patriarchy graphical location, cultural and religious beliefs, and point of views.
“provides the value and attitudes that personality disordered men can In summary, a major stance of the feminist perspective is reflected
exploit to justify their abuse of women” (Dutton, 1994, p. 134). Oppo- by the statement that “women subjected to domestic abuse need to be
nents also accuse feminists of endorsing anti-male societal attitudes portrayed realistically as oppressed and victimised” (Knight & Hatty,
(Dasgupta, 2001). Feminists are also criticized for their over-reliance 1987, p. 460). The statement makes it clear that from a feminist per-
on the criminal justice system or their crime-centered approach spective, IPV is a “one way street”, always perpetuated by men against
(Coker, 2000, 2001; Maguigan, 2003; McPhail et al., 2007). Evidence women. The perspective remains controversial and questionable as
suggests that measures, such as mandatory arrests and mandatory already mentioned in this section. In the next section, various theories
domestic violence policies (especially in the U. S.), have negative conse- proposed under sociological perspective are reviewed.
quences such as increased surveillance for battered women, subjecting
them to legal proceedings, replacing husband control with state control 3.2. Sociological perspectives
over women's lives and decision-making. These measures result in in-
creasing women's powerlessness and inability to meet their own and The sociological perspective of IPV focuses on the social context and
their children's needs (Stark, 2004). situations in which men and women live and where violence takes
Another major limitation of the feminist perspective is that feminist place. The perspective examines factors such as societal norms and
perspective itself is divided into various forms and types of feminism people's attitudes towards violence (Erchak & Rosenfield, 1994).
and sometime some feminists criticize another feminist perspective. Various theories offered under this perspective include social learn-
For instance, black feminists maintain that oppression experienced by ing theory, resource theory, exchange theory (Homans, 1974), conflict
black women is more severe and different from that of white women theory (Quinney, 1970; Turk, 1977), and stress theory (Farrington,
and the voices of white feminists do not speak for the oppression based 1986; Jasinski, 2001). In this section, an overview of these theories is
on racism and classicism that mainly affects black women (Walker, presented.
1993). Another form of feminism, called post-colonial feminism, criticizes
the projection and perception of women from the developing world 3.2.1. Social learning theory
(non-Western women) as an oppressed, submissive, and voiceless Social learning theory (Bandura, 1977) which is also called “learned
group as opposed to the Western women's projection of being mod- behavior theory” is one of the most popular and widely used theories
ern, educated, assertive, and powerful (Mills, 1998). A group of under this perspective. This theory is based on the principle that both
616 P.A. Ali, P.B. Naylor / Aggression and Violent Behavior 18 (2013) 611–619
perpetration and acceptance of physical and psychological abuse is a Briefly, social learning theory is one of the important theories that
conditioned and learned behavior. Bandura (1977) believed that the contribute to the understanding of the phenomenon of violence in
social situation is most important in determining the frequency, form, intimate relationships. However, there is still a need to investigate
and circumstances where the aggression occurs and the target of the relative effect of witnessing violence or experiencing violence
aggressive actions. This theorist argued that men perpetrate violence in one's family of origin (Delsol & Margolin, 2004).
because they have seen their fathers being violent towards their
mothers and that women accept violence because they have seen 3.2.2. Resource theory
their mother being abused by their father. This suggests that families Blood and Wolfe (1960) proposed that in a marital or intimate rela-
play a very important role in not only exposing individuals to the use tionship, the person who is more resourceful in terms of income, occu-
of violence, but also inculcates an acceptance and approval of the use pational status, and education may have more say and power in the
of violence in relationships (Gelles, 1972). This account has been sup- marital relationship. This notion is known as resource theory which
ported by some research (Cappell & Heiner, 1990; Coid et al., 2001; has been the basis of many research studies and many other theories
Desai, Arias, Thompson, & Basile, 2002; Ernst, Weiss, & Enright-Smith, in the field of IPV. Many studies have confirmed this theory by showing
2006; Glasser et al., 2001; Mihalic & Elliott, 1997; Parillo, Freeman, & that violent intimate or husbands were deficient in resources such as in-
Young, 2003; Rich, Gidycz, Warkentin, Loh, & Weiland, 2005; Shook, come, education, and occupational status (Atkinson, Greenstein, & Lang,
Gerrity, Jurich, & Segrist, 2000). Social learning theory has been used 2005; DeMaris, Benson, Fox, Hill, & Wyk, 2003; Hoffman, Demo, &
to study the “intergenerational cycle of violence” that proposes that Edwards, 1994; Holtzworth-Munroe et al., 1997; Hotaling & Sugarman,
children who witness violence or who have been victims of violence 1986; Kantor & Straus, 1987; MacEwen & Barling, 1988; O'Leary &
themselves as children are at risk of becoming perpetrators of violence Curley, 1986). However, in a meta-analysis, Stith, Smith, Penn, Ward,
or victims of violence as adults (Black, Sussman, & Unger, 2010; and Tritt (2004) identified unemployment (r = −0.10), lower incomes
Cannon, Bonomi, Anderson, & Rivara, 2009; Ehrensaft et al., 2003; (r = −0.08), and lower education (r = −0.13) as weak predictors of
Fehringer & Hindin, 2009; Gelles, 1972; Holtzworth-Munroe, Smutzler, male physical violence. In addition, the similar factors (employment:
& Bates, 1997; Hotaling & Sugarman, 1986; Lavoie et al., 2002; Milner r = 0.01; income: r = −0.04; education: r = −0.05) were reported
et al., 2010; Renner & Slack, 2006; Straus & Kaufman-Kantor, 1994; to have negligible effect sizes, and were, thus, not useful in predicting
Swinford, DeMaris, Cernkovich, & Giordano, 2000). It is also suggested female victimization.
that children who are exposed to violence as a form of disciplining meth- Another variant of resource theory is the relevant resource theory
od in childhood learn to consider physical violence as an acceptable which maintains that “it is not so much men's lack of resources that pre-
method to treat unacceptable behavior (Gover, Kaukinen, & Fox, 2008; dicts wife abuse but lack of resources relative to their wives” (Atkinson
Simons, Burt, & Simons, 2008; Simons, Lin, & Gordon, 1998). In addition, et al., 2005, p. 1138). Thus, men who do not enjoy superior status com-
such children do not learn any other conflict resolution skills (Straus & pared with their wives, show aggressive and violent behavior towards
Yodanis, 1996). Social learning theory has also been applied to study them. Various studies support this theory by revealing that employed
the effect of media in perpetuating and acceptance of violence in relation- women whose husbands are not employed are more likely to be abused
ships. Some studies support an association between watching violent (Macmillan & Gartner, 1999). Women who earn higher incomes than
television programs or games and aggressive and violent behavior gener- their husbands are also more at risk of being abused by their husbands
ally (Eron, Gentry, & Schlegel, 1994; Huesmann & Taylor, 2006) and VAW (Anderson, 1997; Fox, Benson, DeMaris, & Wyk, 2002; McCloskey,
specifically (Russo & Pirlott, 2006). However, some researchers have 1996; Melzer, 2002). Moreover, women with higher educational level
negated any relationship between exposure to violence in the media (O'Brian, 1971) or better occupational status (Atkinson et al., 2005;
and real life violence (Freedman, 1984, 1986; Olson, 2004). DeMaris et al., 2003; Gelles, 1974; Macmillan & Gartner, 1999; Yllö
Like other perspectives, social learning theory has also been criti- & Bograd, 1988) are more at risk of experiencing violence at hands
cized. A major problem with such studies is the variation of the defini- of their husbands or intimate partners.
tion of terms, such as what constitutes witnessing violence as a child Resource theory contradicts other theories which suggest that
and how victimization and exposure to abuse in childhood are defined? empowering women through education and better employment oppor-
Does this include minor forms of corporal punishment such as mild tunities is a major strategy to tackle the problem of VAW. Another point
spanking or does it mean severe punishment (Baumrind, Lazerle, & raised against resource and relative resource theory is that these theo-
Cowan, 2002; Delsol & Margolin, 2004; Gershoff, 2002). The majority ries do not account for the gender ideologies and culture and presume
of these studies are based on participants' retrospective accounts over that all men want to be the breadwinner for their family (Atkinson
many years and are probably subject to recall and response bias. In et al., 2005). The application of this theory in societies and cultures
addition, the available studies do not test the theory and majority of that are less patriarchal in nature is also questionable. Next, in the patri-
the researchers have simply investigated the relationship between archal societies, men are more resourceful than women as they are the
violence in the family of origin and violence in marital or intimate rela- breadwinners of the family; therefore, they are considered superiors.
tionships later on in life (Delsol & Margolin, 2004; Holtzworth-Munroe Violence in these societies still exists, questioning or negating the
et al., 1997; Hotaling & Sugarman, 1986). Besides, findings of studies abovementioned theories. In short, theories from the sociological per-
conducted in this regard are inconsistent, as some researchers have spective do provide an important contribution towards understanding
identified victimization as the stronger predictor of marital violence of IPV; however, the perspective still does not explain the phenomenon
than witnessing interpersonal violence (Corvo & Carpenter, 2000; completely.
Mihalic & Elliott, 1997) and others suggest that witnessing interper-
sonal violence is the strongest predictor (Aldarondo & Sugarman, 3.3. Nested ecological framework theory
1996; Carter, Stacey, & Shupe, 1988; Doumas, Margolin, & John,
1994; Kalmuss, 1984; MacEwen & Barling, 1988; McNeal & Amato, The nested ecological framework theory is one of the most
1998). There is a paucity of research investigating the role of these widely used accounts of IPV (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1979, 1986)
variables in relation to the female perpetration of violence. It is also and Bronfenbrenner is one of its most widely read and cited authors
important to note that not all men who were abused as children or (Dasgupta, 2001). This framework has been used in relation to child
who witnessed interpersonal violence as children display violent or abuse and neglect (Belsky, 1980) and DV (Carlson, 1984; Dutton,
aggressive behavior in their marital relationships (Langhinrichsen- 1994; Edleson & Tolman, 1992; Flake, 2005; Heise, 1998). As the frame-
Rohling, Neidig, & Thorn, 1995). Likewise, not all violent and aggressive work offers a comprehensive view of the issue of IPV by looking at dif-
men have a history of experiencing or witnessing abuse in childhood. ferent factors at various levels, it has been used by the WHO (2002) in
P.A. Ali, P.B. Naylor / Aggression and Violent Behavior 18 (2013) 611–619 617
its “world report on violence and health”. The model suggests that be- as the explanatory factors. Finally, the nested ecological framework
havior is shaped through interaction between individuals and their so- looks at various factors at various levels in the family, community,
cial surroundings. Development of behavior results from the interaction and society to explain the phenomenon of violence in marital or intimate
at various levels of social organization (Dasgupta, 2001). It helps in un- relationships.
derstanding factors which influence the behavior of individuals and It is probable that no single theory or factor can fully explain the
which could increase the probability of perpetuating or accepting vio- phenomenon of IPV. As Carlson (1984) maintains: “it is futile to attempt
lence. The framework has four levels: individual; relationships; com- to demonstrate that one or two theories are correct, whereas others are
munity; and societal (Fig. 4). The individual level covers the biological wrong, when there are factors at many levels that play a causal role in
and personal factors which influence individual behavior. Such factors domestic violence” (p. 571). It is evident that every perspective contrib-
include age, gender, education, income, psychological problems, per- utes to the explanation of violence in intimate relationships. Each per-
sonality disorders, aggressive tendencies, and substance abuse. The spective has been supported as well as challenged by researchers and
next level known as relations encompasses the family including inti- each perspective provides an important insight into the issue of IPV.
mate partner, friends, and workplace situations. It explains the role of
these relationships in contributing to the risk of perpetuating or
accepting violence. The next level investigates the role of community References
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