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Jihăd
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Jihăd
From Qur’ăn to bin Laden

Richard Bonney

Foreword by
Sheikh Dr Zaki Badawi
© Richard Bonney 2004
Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2004 978-1-4039-3372-0
All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made
without written permission.
No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted
save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs
and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by
the Copyright Licensing Agency,
90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP.
Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication
may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages.
The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author
of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act 1988.
First published 2004 by
PALGRAVE MACMILLAN
Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010
Companies and representatives throughout the world
PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan
division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.
Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom
and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other
countries.
ISBN 978-0-230-50702-9 ISBN 978-0-230-50142-3 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-0-230-50142-3
This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and
made from fully managed and sustained forest sources.
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Bonney, Richard, 1947–
Jihad : from Qur’an to Bin Laden / Richard Bonney.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Jihad. 2. Islam and politics. 3. Religion and politics. 4. Terrorism––Religious aspects––
Islam. I. Title.

BP182.B66 2004
297.7'2––dc22
2004051152

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06 05 04
Contents

Foreword by Sheikh Dr Zaki Badawi x


Author’s Preface xii
Glossary xvii

Introduction 1
Prologue: The War of Annihilation (Óerem) in the Hebrew Scriptures 15

Part One: Text and Meaning


1 Jihăd in the Qur’ăn and the Sunnah 21
The Qur’ăn 21
The Gradual Transmission of the Text to the Prophet 22
A Holistic Interpretation of the Text or the Replacement of
Some Texts by Others (‘Abrogation’)? 24
Revelation by Substitution? The Four Stages in the Development
of the Qur’ănic Concept of Jihăd 25
Different Senses of Jihăd in the Qur’ăn 27
Differing Views among Modern Commentators on the Qur’ăn 29
No Perpetual War between the World of Islăm and the World of
Unbelief (Kufr) in the Qur’ăn 32
The Sunnah 33
Jihăd in the Early Collections of the ÓadĦth 34
The Early Usage of ‘Martyrdom’ in the Traditions of the Prophet 36
The Issue of Canonicity among the Collections of ÓadĦth
Literature 37
‘Weak’ and ‘False’ ÓadĦth and the Implications for the Jihăd
Traditions 38
The Importance of Historical Context in Understanding the
Prophetic Traditions 42
The Prophet: a Spiritual but not a Political Leader? 43
2 ‘Jihăd of the Sword’: Carrying the Message Abroad (Futŗ˙ăt) 53
The First Jihăds against Unrighteousness: the KhărijĦ Revolts as
Exemplars of the Rejectionist Community 55
The Succession Issue and the Choice of the Right Imăm 58
Carrying the Message Abroad (Futŗ˙ăt) and Proto-Jihăd 62
The Muslim Armies and their Conduct 68
Differences on Jihăd between the Classical Jurists 71
vi Jihăd

The Developed Ideology of Jihăd 74


The Acceptance of Juristic Disagreement: Ibn Rushd 79
Other Religionists as Second-Class Citizens: Dhimmitude and the
Payment of Jizya 83
Selective Memory rather than Historical Reality: Crusades and
Saladin’s ‘Counter-Crusade’ 86
3 Jihăd al-Nafs: The Spiritual Struggle 91
The Nature of Early ÍŗfĦsm 92
Al-QushayrĦ’s Treatise and the Genre of the ÍŗfĦ Textbook 94
The Pre-eminent al-GhazălĦ 97
The Location of ÍŗfĦ Spiritual Activity: the ‘Dervish Lodge’
(Khănqăh) and the FortiÀed Monastery (Ribă†) 99
The Transmutation of One Branch of ÍŗfĦsm: Shăh WalĦ Allăh and
the Caliphate 100

Part Two: Contextual Theorists and State Systems


4 Ibn TaymĦyah and the Defensive Jihăd: a Response to the Crusades
and the Mongol Invasions 111
The Credentials of the Shaykh al-Islăm 111
Ibn TaymĦyah’s Concept of the True Believer 113
Reviving the Duty of ‘Jihăd of the Sword’ 116
Forbidding Wrong: the Guiding Book and the Helping Sword 118
The Contemporary Violent Islamists’ Distortion of Ibn TaymĦyah’s
Thought 121
5 Jihăd as State System: the Ottoman State, Íafavid Persia and the
Mughal Empire 127
Jihăd as a Factor in the Rise of the Ottoman State 128
The Greatest SunnĦ Ruler? Süleyman the Law-Giver (al-QănŗnĦ) 132
Problems of Factionalism and the Disintegration of Military Power
under the Later Ottomans 136
Mughal Exceptionalism 139
Reviving the State and Faith under the Later Ottomans 145
From World War I Jihăd to Genocide: the Young Turks and the
Armenian Genocide 150
6 Mu˙ammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhăb and Wahhăbism 154
Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhăb’s Teaching and the Practice of Jihăd in his
Lifetime 155
WahhăbĦ Jihăd after Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhăb’s Death: Three Sa‘ŗdĦ
Regimes 163
‘Petrodollar Puritanism’ and the Issue of Tolerance of Diversity in
Islăm 168
Contents vii

7 Jihăd in the Period of the Colonial Powers: Islamic Revivalism and


Politicization of the Masses? 172
Jihăd Movements in Pre-Colonial Africa 173
The Five FulănĦ Jihăds of West Africa 175
The Prototype of the Anti-Colonial Jihăd: the Jihăd of ‘Abd al-Qădir
in Algeria 182
The Jihăd of the MahdĦ in the Sudan 183
The Jihăd of Imăm Shămil in Russia 186
The Jihăd of AmĦr Ya‘qŗb Beg in Chinese Central Asia 189
Jihăd in the Era of the Indian Mutiny 192
The Development of Modernist Arguments in Opposition to Muslim
Revivalism 194

Part Three: Ideological Interpretations


8 SunnĦ Political Jihădists of the Twentieth-Century: MawdŗdĦ, Óasan
al-Bannă’, Qu†b 199
MawdŗdĦ 200
Islamic Jihăd as World Revolution 200
The Seizure of Power by the Party of God (Óizbu’llah) 203
The Lordship of God? The Search for the Islamic State 205
Islăm Refuses Minority Status 208
Óasan al-Bannă’ 211
The Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwăn) 211
Jihăd: the Road to Salvation from Western Colonialism 212
Sayyid Qu†b 215
Jihăd as the Perpetual Revolutionary Struggle against the Forces
of Unbelief, Injustice and Falsehood (JăhilĦyyah) 216
The Supremacy of the ‘Final Texts’ over the ‘Transitional Texts’ 217
The Need for an Islamic Vanguard and its InÁuence on bin Laden 221
9 The ShĦ‘a Depiction of Jihăd and Martyrdom (Shahădah) 224
Foundational Narratives of Martyrdom 225
The Imămiyyah World View 226
The Ismă‘ĦlĦ Caliphate and its Rivals, 297/909–567/1171 228
The First Era of Sustained Group Terrorism? The NizărĦ Ismă‘ĦlĦs,
Assassination and the Doctrine of the Last Day (Qiyămah),
559/1164–654/1256 231
The ShĦ‘a as a Politico-Religious Minority in Ottoman-controlled
‘Irăq 232
The ‘Great ‘IrăqĦ Revolution’ or Jihăd of 1338/1920 and its
Implications in Iran 234
Architects of the Iranian Revolution: I. Mu†ahharĦ and Jihăd 238
viii Jihăd

Architects of the Iranian Revolution: II. Khomeini’s ‘Greater Jihăd’


of the 30 Million 243
The Resurgence of the ShĦ‘a of ‘Irăq. I: the Intifă∂ah of 1411/
March 1991 252
The Resurgence of the ShĦ‘a of ‘Irăq. II: the Jihăd of 1425/2004 255

Part Four: Context and Distortion of the Text


10 The Crucible: the Palestine–Israel Dispute and its Consequences 269
The Palestinian Jihăd of 1355/1936–1358/1939 against British
Mandate Policy 271
From Disaster (al-Nakbah) and Dispersal to the First Military
Operations, 1367/1948–1374/1955 276
Disunity and Defeat of the ‘State within the State’: the Palestinian
Movement from the Suez–Sinai War of 1376/1956 to the October
War of 1393/1973 280
The Assassination of Sădăt: Faraj and the ‘Neglected Duty’ of Jihăd 288
Operation ‘Peace for Galilee’: Óizbu’llah’s Legitimation of
‘Martyrdom Operations’ in Lebanon 292
The First Palestinian Intifă∂ah: Palestinian Peace-making Trends
and the Emergence of Hamas 304
The Second Palestinian Intifă∂ah: the AfÀrmation of JihădĦ Ideology 312
11 Osama bin Laden: Global Jihăd as ‘Fifth-Generation’ Warfare 320
Jihăd Perceived as ‘Fourth-Generation’ Warfare, 2002 321
Sowing the Wind: the ‘Fabrication’ of the Afghan Jihăd 324
Reaping the Whirlwind: Post-Soviet Afghanistan, KăshmĦr,
Central Asia, Chechnya, Xinjiang and Algeria 335
Afghanistan 335
KăshmĦr 343
Central Asia 347
Chechnya 349
Xinjiang 352
Algeria 353
The Struggle against ‘Crusaderism’ and the Sa‘ŗdĦ Regime:
Osama bin Laden and his Ideological Supporters 356
A Clash of ‘Rival Exceptionalisms’, Not a Clash of Civilizations. I:
Aspects of Militant Islamist Exceptionalism 365
A Clash of ‘Rival Exceptionalisms’, Not a Clash of Civilizations. II:
Aspects of American Exceptionalism 369
The Revenge of al-Qaeda: Global Jihăd Perceived as
‘Fifth-Generation’ Warfare 375
Contents ix

Conclusion: ‘Enlightened Moderation’: Towards a Muslim Consensus


on the Future Development of Islăm and its Relations with the West 395
To Understand Each Jihăd We Must Understand its Historical
Context 399
There is No Legitimate Offensive Jihăd: Nor Should Islăm be
Regarded as a ‘Religion of the Sword’ 400
Jihăd as the Right of Defence of the Community: the ‘Just War’
Argument in New Historical Circumstances 402
The Unity of Islăm and Tolerance Within Islăm 404
The Need for Mainstream Islăm to Embrace Positively the
Existence of Pluralist Societies in the Contemporary World 407
Mainstream Muslims Engage with the Key Issues as Perceived
by Others: Ijtihăd, SharĦ‘ah Modernization, Common Citizenship,
Power-Sharing in Civil Society, Apostasy 410
The Jihăd for Justice and the Betterment of the Human Condition 418
The Future of the Human Family. I: Six Principles for Consideration 420
The Future of the Human Family. II: Islăm’s Need to Engage in
‘Public Diplomacy’ 422
Appendix: Extract from a Legal Ruling (Fatwă) Pronounced by
Ibn TaymĦyah on the Mongols, 702/1303 424
Notes 426
Select Bibliography 553
Index 573
Foreword
Sheikh Dr Zaki Badawi

Dr Badawi is Chair of the Imams and Mosques Council, UK; Co-Founder of the
Three Faiths Forum; and Vice-Chair of the World Congress of Faiths.

The great majority of Muslims world-wide were horriÀed by the events of 11


September 2001. At the time, I stated:

The atrocity of September 11 is a violation of Islamic law and ethics. Neither


the people who were killed or injured, nor the properties that were destroyed,
qualiÀed as legitimate targets in any system of law, especially Islamic law…
Taking revenge on the innocent as sanctioned by tribalism is abhorrent to Islam
as it is abhorrent to ethical principle…

Though many Muslims condemned the atrocity, and though no religious leader of
any standing condoned what happened, the fact is that the image of Islăm has been
damaged in several ways by the events of 9/11. Firstly, it has increased fear and
suspicion of Muslims in the West and led to a rise in prejudice and stereotyping.
Secondly, it has isolated states with a Muslim majority population, who have
had to satisfy the demands of the United States by going that much further
than others in the so-called ‘war on terrorism’. Thirdly, two states have been
attacked and occupied by the United States and its allies in wars of occupation of
questionable legitimacy. The common perception is that the United States seems
to be using the ‘war on terrorism’ as an excuse for a state of permanent war and
as justiÀcation for the new doctrine, alien in international law, of the pre-emptive
strike. Finally, the reputation of Islăm itself as a peaceful and tolerant religion
has been damaged. Because Osama bin Laden and other terrorist leaders use
an historically inaccurate and distorted view of the Islamic concept of just war
(jihăd) to justify their actions, Islăm itself has been depicted by its enemies and
estranged friends as condoning unethical, unlimited and almost unthinkable acts
of violence and terrorism, which it does not.
This is why this new reappraisal of the evolution of the concept of jihăd in
Islamic history by Professor Richard Bonney is particularly timely and welcome.
It has needed someone who is both sympathetic to the mainstream Muslim
position yet who stands outside the world of Islam itself to explain the nature
of the problem both to Muslims themselves and to non-Muslims, particularly
in the West. Richard Bonney does not believe in any inevitability of a ‘clash of

x
Foreword xi

civilizations’, though he is fully aware that the present ‘war on terrorism’ may
slide into something leading to the dreaded clash of civilizations, alienating
the Islamic world. Instead, he argues cogently in this book – refreshingly for
Muslims and non-Muslims alike – that violent Islamist jihădists of the present and
recent generations are a minority aberration who have created a Àctional world of
conÁict to suit their own interests in seeking power and in an attempt to provide
a unifying ideology which seeks to mobilize and radicalize various disunited but
real political, economic and social discontents in the Muslim world. The threat
posed by the radical or revolutionary Islamists is directed equally at the regimes
in majority Muslim countries as at the United States and its allies.
Whereas Orientalists in the West have sought to depict jihăd as a state of
permanent war, in which its proponents will not rest until they have has converted
everyone else to Islăm or to accept a position of inferiority under an Islamic state,
Richard Bonney correctly depicts the jihăd as two concepts which coexist: one
is the Muslim’s struggle against his or her own lower nature, the struggle within
the self (jihăd al-nafs); the other, more political concept, is the Muslim view of
the ‘just war’. As he observes, this has changed and developed over time. At
Àrst, in the early centuries of Islam when its borders were not settled, it has to be
admitted that it was a warlike concept. But this view changed, once an Islamic
world had been established and had stabilized its frontiers: then the world of
Islăm accepted that it did in fact (and should also in theory) live in harmony with
the world outside or beyond Islăm. Richard Bonney argues that to use concepts
of jihăd from the early centuries of Islăm’s development to deÀne the modern
Islamic understanding of just war is clearly anachronistic as well as damaging
to the reputation of Islăm itself. Mainstream Muslims can only welcome this
reappraisal of the signiÀcance of jihăd in their history and hope that it is read as
widely in the Islamic world as it undoubtedly will be in the West. Indeed, it is
mandatory reading for all who seek to avert any ‘clash of civilizations’ and to
isolate and defeat radical elements who seek to subvert the rules of ethics and
justice to pursue their own wild and unworkable political ambitions.

Sheikh Dr Zaki Badawi


The Muslim College
London
16 September 2003
Author’s Preface

The academics say, so consequently do the politicians, that… violence and


terrorism actually goes back deep into the roots of Islăm, into its religious
roots. The call of jihăd… with which the Qur’ăn is full, the division of the
world into tribes, the [abode of Islăm] Dăr al-Islăm and [the abode of war]
Dăr al-Óarb, and the dream of world domination, are deemed to be the roots
of Islăm. This is why the terminology is carefully tailored to Àt this pattern. If
Pakistan makes a bomb, a nuclear bomb, it is christened as an Islamic bomb.
The bomb which was dropped on Hiroshima was not a Christian bomb, and
the bomb which was made by Israel not is not a Jewish bomb, the bomb made
by India is not a Hindu bomb but if Pakistan succeeds in making a bomb, it
is an Islamic bomb…
Khurram Murad, 19981

Rachid Ghannouchi [Răshid al-GhannŗshĦ] may have something very sensible


to say, but how many people can read him? In other words, he is not accessible
to everyone.
M. Nejatullah Siddiqi, 19982

‘In September 1970, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine hijacked
four aeroplanes; three of them were taken to Jordan and one to Cairo. On 13
September, the three in Jordan were blown up in front of the assembled world
media. This was the starting point of international terrorism appearing before a
worldwide audience.’3 Ever since this time, violent Islamist movements have
sought to capture media attention and have had no difÀculty in achieving success.
That very success has led to a potentially fatal confusion of issues and terms in the
mind of the politicians, opinion-makers and the general public in the West. It is a
confusion of terms made most manifest in the widespread use of the expressions
‘Islamic terrorism/Islamic terrorist’.
In this study, which is intended to be read both in the West and in the Islamic
world, a careful (and it is hoped, consistent) use of terms is employed. There is
no such thing, in our view, as Islamic terrorism. There is terrorism perpetrated
by violent Islamists, that is to say, by those who are acting in a political cause
but who seek to motivate people, gaining support and recruits thereby, by using
the terminology of the faith of Islăm, and in particular the ambiguous but key
concept of jihăd, the subject of this book.

xii
Author’s Preface xiii

Violent Islamists have to be distinguished from two other groups of Muslims.


One group of Muslims, the minority, are those peaceful Islamists who view the
interrelationship between their faith and politics as the central organizational
principle of their political activity. They may be considered radical. They may,
abusively, be called ‘terrorists’ even if they have publicly eschewed violence.
In such cases, the authoritarian regime in power is extending the deÀnition of
‘terrorism’ in an unwarranted way. The history of the FIS in Algeria (see Chapter
11) – which won the Àrst round of the national elections in 1991, but was then
declared an illegal organization by the Algerian military – is a case in point.
Similarly, Răshid al-GhannŗshĦ’s political party in Tunisia has been outlawed
by the government and he has been forced to live in exile. That is one reason
why his voice has not been heard, as Nejatullah Siddiqi states in the second of
our opening quotations. (The other reason that he is not heard in the West is
because he writes in Arabic, a point to which we will return.) We consider that
dialogue with peaceful Islamist leaders and peaceful Islamist movements is both
necessary and potentially fruitful. There is every interest in seeking to include
them in such a dialogue on the agenda of ‘enlightened moderation in Islăm’, both
in the positive interests of humanity and also to preclude any later abandonment
by them of the principle of non-violence and subsequent inclusion into violent
Islamist movements.
A second group of Muslims, the great majority of them, are not Islamists at
all, that is to say, they may or may not recognize the interrelationship between
their faith and politics but they certainly do not make this relationship the central
organizational principle of their political activity. They do not support Islamist
parties, whether these are peaceful political movements or militant organizations
seeking to overthrow the existing political and social system. It is this mainstream
body of Muslims to whom the agenda of ‘enlightened moderation’ is addressed
(Conclusion) and with whom, for the foreseeable future, the main dialogue
between the West and Islăm will take place.
This book is intended as a helpful contribution to such a process of dialogue,
since it is clear that a ‘false consciousness’, a misunderstanding of the nature of
Islamic history, has potentially devastating consequences in perpetuating myths
and misconceptions of ‘the other’. Such myths and misconceptions can exist
among Muslims quite as much as among non-Muslims: there is no alternative
to an objective account of the historical context, causation, achievements and
consequences of jihăd in history. This book does not claim to address all the issues
completely, because in the existing state of scholarship this is an impossible task.
It does, however, mark a considerable advance in an area of widespread concern
and controversy, especially in the West.
The book will no doubt be scorned by some within the academic community:
it makes no use of Arabic sources in Arabic; it is a work of synthesis, reliant
xiv Jihăd

on the detailed research of others; Ànally, perhaps worst of all, it unashamedly


makes no excuse for using internet resources.
On the Àrst point, the use of Arabic sources has two answers, from almost the
Àrst and last words of this book. The second quotation to this preface was the
remark that ‘Rachid Ghannouchi [Răshid al-GhannŗshĦ] may have something
very sensible to say, but how many people can read him? In other words, he
is not accessible to everyone.’ The last comments in the Conclusion concern
the Muslim community at present ‘hiding their light under a bushel’ and not
projecting effectively to the West the very real and positive progress that has
taken place within the Islamic community on issues of concern to the West.
The reverence for Arabic is understandable because of the nature of the Islamic
revelation (see Chapter 1). It is, however, an obstacle to effective communication
in the twenty-Àrst century. The languages of the West, above all English, have
to be recognized as the medium of communication for the debate on the history
and future of Islăm. This is simply practical politics, not an issue of principle:
if Muslims fail to get their point of view across so that it is understood in the
West, the misunderstanding will continue; moreover, the role of interpretation is
surrendered to scholars in the West, some of whom try hard to write without bias
and consult their Muslim friends in order to do so; others, regrettably, do not.
As to the second point, that this book is a work of synthesis, the answer is a
simple one: how else could a book with this range be written? There is a vast
literature in the languages accessible to the author, not all of which has been
encompassed. The richness and diversity of Islamic history is so great that no
one scholar can hope to do it justice. The aim of the book is a more modest
one. It is to try to inform people in the West about the richness and diversity of
Islamic history; to explain that history does not ‘determine’ the present, let alone
the future; and, if possible, to stimulate constructive debate and discussion as
well as further research in areas where the author is only too well aware that he
has only ‘scratched the surface’ of the problems. But an overview is needed to
explain why the issues are so important.
The third issue, the use of internet resources, is in the author’s view a non-issue.
There are historians and social scientists who may believe that such resources
are somehow ‘not for them’ or even ‘beneath them’ and that real knowledge is
conÀned to books. No student of jihăd can afford to take this view. For jihăd
is out and about, and very loud, in cyberspace (see Chapter 11). Muslims and
non-Muslims ignore what is being said on jihăd, and about the faith of Islăm,
whether accurate or inaccurate, in cyberspace at their peril. The violent Islamists
have made it their medium par excellence. To understand them, you have to
consult their statements. It is time that the Muslim mainstream takes its ‘public
diplomacy’ more seriously and projects itself more effectively using the same
medium for communication (see Conclusion).
Author’s Preface xv

The intentions of the author in writing this book are entirely constructive. There
is no intention to show disrespect of any person’s faith, be it Islăm, Judaism,
Christianity or any other. Dates have been given in two calendars (Muslim Era
[ME]/Common Era [CE]) up to the modern period (in the chapters before Chapter
11). It is not customary in British academic discourse for the name ‘Mu˙ammad’
and the term ‘Prophet’ to be given the additional designation of PBUH, ‘Peace
and Blessings be Upon Him’, but the author is happy for Muslims to read and
understand the text in that way.
This is a work of history, not theology. There is no wish here to undermine the
duties or purpose of Islamic scholars who are the experts in theology. It is obvious,
however, that in the history of a religious idea there is necessarily some overlap
between the two disciplines of history and theology: the sources for the early
history of the idea are in essence the same as for Islamic theology. The method of
citation used for a ˙adĦth here arises from the nature of the material displayed in
the MSA–USC ˙adĦth database <[Link]/dept/MSA/reference/searchhadith.
html>. Thus, for example, the entry in the database for Al-BukhărĦ, volume 1,
book 2, number 25 (<[Link]/dept/MSA/fundamentals/hadithsunnah/
bukhari/[Link]#001.002.025>) would be cited as Al-BukhărĦ 1/2/25 in
the endnotes. Where there is only a book and number given, as for Abu-Dăwŗd,
Book 14, Number 2510, then the reference would be cited as Abu-Dăwŗd 14/2510
in the endnotes.
This book is a jihăd in itself, not only to increase understanding, especially
in the West, of the varieties of jihăd in history, but also to facilitate greater
understanding of mainstream Islăm, whether of the SunnĦ or ShĦ‘a traditions.
This discussion takes place principally in the Conclusion. The earlier chapters
analyse different ideas of jihăd and their application within speciÀc historical
contexts. In Chapter 2, the political actions of the Four Rightly Guided Caliphs are
considered: some actions may have been more successful than others but this does
not imply that the Caliphs were other than Rightly Guided. Chapter 9 on the ShĦ‘a
depiction of Jihăd and Martyrdom (shahădah) tries to develop certain themes
which appear to emanate from that speciÀc tradition. It does not seek to stereotype
all ShĦ‘a as holding the views thus described, any more than Chapter 6 seeks to
imply that all Wahhăbis are desecrators of monuments associated with traditions
other than their own. The author advocates ‘Muslim ecumenism’ (see Chapter 6
and the Conclusion), not the continuance of damaging sectarian divisions. It is,
however, important for such different traditions within Islăm to be understood by
non-Muslims, just as those who are not Christians need to understand something
of the differences between Orthodox, Catholics, Protestants, Anglicans and so
on if they are to gain an understanding of the Christian tradition.
There are several Muslims who have encouraged the author to write this book,
and who should be thanked for their many kindnesses in lending materials and
exchanging views. If they are unnamed, it is to ensure that they are not included
Other documents randomly have
different content
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