Pakistani Politics and State Evolution –

Course Design
Course Description
This course offers a comprehensive survey of Pakistan’s political history from
its independence in 1947 to the present, examining how the state’s
structures and identity have evolved through periods of democracy, military
rule, and socio-economic change. We will explore the foundations of
Pakistani politics in the post-colonial context, the causes and consequences
of military interventions, the oscillation between authoritarian regimes and
democratic experiments, and the ideological shifts (such as Islamization and
modernization) that have shaped state policies. Contemporary issues like
federal-provincial relations, foreign policy challenges, and future prospects
for Pakistan’s political stability are also integral to the curriculum.
Throughout the course, students will engage with key scholarly works and
historical documents, using them to contextualize Pakistan’s trajectory
within broader South Asian and global trends. (For instance, we consider
Marshall Berman’s notion that to be modern is “to find ourselves in an
environment that promises us adventure, power, joy, growth… and, at the
same time, that threatens to destroy everything we have”[1] – a perspective
that illuminates the upheavals accompanying Pakistan’s nation-building and
modernization.) By the end, students will have a nuanced understanding of
how Pakistan’s political institutions, civil-military relations, and national
ideologies have been continually remolded by internal dynamics and
external pressures.

Course Learning Outcomes

By the end of this course, students will be able to:
1. Explain the foundational political developments of Pakistan
(1947–1958) – including the immediate post-independence challenges of
nation-building, constitutional design, and identity formation in a bifurcated
state – and analyze how competing visions (Muslim homeland versus Islamic
state, centralized versus pluralistic governance) shaped the early Pakistani
state[2]. (Addressed in Weeks 1–3)
2. Analyze the causes and consequences of military rule in the early
decades (1958–1971), detailing why Pakistan failed to consolidate
parliamentary democracy[3], how Ayub Khan’s authoritarian “modernization”
and policies (e.g. the 1962 constitution, “Basic Democracies”) impacted
society, and how regional disparities and the denial of East Pakistani political
rights fueled the 1971 breakup of Pakistan[4]. (Addressed in Weeks 4–6)
3. Evaluate the democratic experiment and populist politics of
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s era (1971–1977), assessing the opportunities and
challenges in the post-1971 “New Pakistan.” Students will appraise Bhutto’s
reforms (e.g. the 1973 Constitution, nationalization) and his populist appeal,
while critiquing his governance style – including power consolidation and the
civil-military tensions that culminated in the 1977 coup[5]. (Addressed in
Weeks 7–9)
4. Assess the impact of General Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization and
military rule (1977–1988) on Pakistan’s state and society. This includes
explaining the legal-Islamic policy changes (Hudood laws, Shariat courts),
evaluating how Zia’s regime sought legitimacy by “riding the Islamic
tiger”[6], and discussing the long-term effects of this era – such as the
entrenchment of the military in governance and the rise of sectarian and
jihadist militancy[7]. (Addressed in Weeks 10–12)
5. Analyze the dynamics of Pakistan’s intermittent democracy in
1988–1999 and the institutional conflicts of that period, including the
frequent changes of government. Students will learn why the governments
of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif were repeatedly dismissed (often under
constitutional pretexts of corruption or misrule[8]), how the 8th
Amendment and presidential powers shaped this era, and what these
struggles reveal about civil-military relations and constitutionalism in
Pakistan. (Addressed in Weeks 13–16)
6. Examine the nature of military-led governance in the 21st century
(1999–2008) under General Pervez Musharraf. Students will discuss the
objectives and reforms of the Musharraf regime (e.g. anti-corruption drives,
devolution plan, controlled elections in 2002), Pakistan’s role in the post-9/11
War on Terror, and the debate over the regime’s legacy – contrasting short-
term stability and economic growth with the undermining of democratic
institutions[9]. (Addressed in Weeks 17–19)
7. Understand the trajectory of contemporary Pakistani politics
(2008–Present) in the context of restored civilian rule. This involves
evaluating the achievements and challenges of recent democratically
elected governments – such as the passage of the 18th Amendment 2010
(enhancing federalism and parliamentary authority), the country’s first full
transfer of power from one elected government to another in 2013, and
ongoing civil-military tensions and judicial activism. Students will also
appraise how issues like terrorism (e.g. the Pakistani Taliban’s insurgency
and the assassination of Benazir Bhutto in 2007[10]), economic crises, and
social movements have influenced governance in the past decade.
(Addressed in Weeks 20–23)
8. Critically discuss Pakistan’s federal structure, foreign policy, and
future challenges – synthesizing historical and current perspectives.
Learners will assess how Pakistan’s unique federalism (including an erstwhile
East-West bifurcation that made it a “non-contiguous” state[11] and
persistent Punjab-centric dominance[12]) has affected national unity and
provincial autonomy. They will analyze Pakistan’s external relations, notably
the security-driven policies of seeking foreign alliances, prioritizing defense,
and using proxy forces[13] in conflicts, as well as the legacy of multiple wars
with India (1947, 1965, 1971) and the nuclearization of South Asia[14][15].
Finally, students will project future challenges – from governance and
corruption to demographic pressures, economic development, and
extremism – debating prospects for Pakistan’s stability and reform in the
coming years. (Addressed in Weeks 24–28)

Weekly Teaching Plan (28 Sessions)

Note: The course is structured in eight modules (chapters) following a
roughly chronological order. Each week’s session (held on Wednesday) will
combine lectures and discussions of the assigned readings. Key topics and
readings are listed below by week.

Chapter 1: Foundations of Pakistani Politics (1947–1958)

Overview: We examine Pakistan’s creation and early statehood, highlighting
the immense tasks of integrating diverse regions and peoples, coping with
Partition’s human and economic costs, and crafting a political system. The
era is marked by contestation over the country’s Islamic identity and its
constitutional framework[2]. Pakistan emerged as an “extraordinary instance
of non-contiguous federalism”, with two wings (East and West) separated by
India[11], which complicated governance and fueled political tensions. Early
leadership crises – including the death of founder M.A. Jinnah in 1948 and the
1951 assassination of PM Liaquat Ali Khan – left a power vacuum often filled
by civil servants and military brass. These foundational years set patterns of
civil-military imbalance and ideological debates that persisted in later
decades.
 Week 1: Independence and Partition Aftermath – Overview of
British India’s partition in 1947; formation of the Dominion of Pakistan.
Discussion of the immediate administrative challenges (refugee
rehabilitation, princely state integrations) and the early vision for a
“Muslim homeland.” Reading: Excerpts from Talbot, A History of
Modern South Asia, on the 1947 partition and state formation[16][17].
 Week 2: Early Statehood and Constitutional Debates – The
functioning of government under the 1935 Act (adapted as Pakistan’s
interim constitution); the Objectives Resolution of 1949 and debates
over Islam’s role in state affairs. Ethnic and linguistic tensions (e.g.
Urdu vs. Bengali language controversy) and the struggle between
centralization and provincial autonomy. Reading: Metcalf & Metcalf,
Concise History of Modern India, on the Pakistan idea’s evolution –
“Pakistan underwent a transformation from visionary ideal to territorial
state”, yet retained the legacy of being a ‘pure land’ for Muslims[18].
 Week 3: Political Turmoil and Prelude to Military Intervention –
Instability of parliamentary governments (frequent cabinet changes
1951–1957); the influence of the bureaucracy and the rise of Governor-
General Ghulam Muhammad. Creation of the “One Unit” scheme in
 West Pakistan (1955) to counterbalance East Pakistan’s population
majority[19]. The 1956 Constitution is enacted, proclaiming an “Islamic
Republic,” but its implementation is short-lived. By 1958, ongoing elite
power struggles, regional rifts, and a perception that politics had
become chaotic set the stage for Pakistan’s first coup[20]. Reading:
Talbot, Modern South Asia, on the collapse of civilian rule – “the
façade of a parliamentary system lingered on until 1958, but its heart
had been cut out”[21].
Chapter 2: Military Interventions and Authoritarian Rule
(1958–1971)
Overview: This module covers the era of Pakistan’s first military regimes.
General Ayub Khan’s coup in 1958 ushered in a decade of bureaucratic-
military rule aimed at “stability” and development from above. We explore
Ayub’s policies – including the 1962 constitution (which centralized power in
a presidential system) and the “Basic Democracies” scheme – and evaluate
their social and economic impact. While Ayub’s rule is often dubbed the
“Decade of Development” for its economic growth, we will scrutinize the
uneven nature of that growth and the widening regional disparities,
especially the grievances in East Pakistan[4]. The module also covers
General Yahya Khan’s brief rule, the country’s descent into political crisis
after the 1970 elections, and the civil war that led to East Pakistan’s
secession as Bangladesh in 1971.
 Week 4: The Ayub Khan Regime – Consolidation of Power – The
1958 coup and reasons behind it: Ayub Khan’s justifications and the
concept of a “guided democracy.” Discussion of Ayub’s 1962
Constitution, which abolished the office of Prime Minister and made
Ayub President, concentrating authority. The Basic Democracies
system (local councils) as a means to legitimize military rule by
controlled popular participation[22]. Reading: Bose & Jalal, Modern
South Asia, on Ayub’s “controlled politics” – Ayub extended selective
patronage to co-opt society while sidelining mass political
mobilization[23].
 Week 5: Development, Dissent, and Regional Inequities –
Examination of Ayub Khan’s economic and social policies: the Green
Revolution in agriculture, industrial expansion with support from
foreign aid (especially U.S. alliances under SEATO/CENTO), and the
emergence of a prosperous West Pakistani elite. Contrasting outcomes
in East Pakistan: perceptions of political marginalization and economic
neglect. We discuss the 1965 India–Pakistan War (over Kashmir) and
its impact on Ayub’s credibility. By the late 1960s, public discontent
grew over inflation, wealth concentration, and authoritarianism –
culminating in a broad protest movement in 1968–69 that forced
Ayub’s resignation. Reading: Bose & Jalal, on how Ayub’s rule
 “exacerbated an already estranged relationship between the regions”
– his centralizing policies and “economics of inequality” fueled the
East’s demand for autonomy[4].
 Week 6: Transition to Yahya Khan and the Road to Disunion –
General Yahya Khan’s takeover in 1969 and his attempts to manage
the political crisis. Key events: Yahya’s Legal Framework Order
(1970) promising elections and a new constitution, and the first
general elections of December 1970. We analyze the election results –
an overwhelming victory for Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League
in East Pakistan – and why the ruling establishment feared the Awami
League’s mandate. The refusal to transfer power to the majority East
Pakistani party, Bhutto’s objections, and the subsequent military
crackdown in East Pakistan (March 1971) are discussed. Finally, we
cover the Bangladesh War of 1971: civil war and Indian intervention,
Pakistan’s defeat and the surrender in December 1971. Reading:
Talbot, Modern South Asia, on the 1971 crisis – Yahya’s decision to
hold elections was a gamble since the 1958 coup had “been prompted
precisely by the desire to preempt a Bengali democratic
challenge”[24]. Also, Asia’s New Geopolitics on the Indo-Pakistani
conflicts – Pakistan fought wars in 1947, 1965, 1971, and the 1971 war
confirmed the vulnerabilities of a two-winged state[14].
Chapter 3: Democratic Experiment and Populist Politics
(1971–1977)
Overview: In the aftermath of Bangladesh’s secession, Pakistan under
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1971–77) attempted to rebuild and redefine itself. This
chapter explores the opportunities for democratic renewal and reform during
Bhutto’s tenure, as well as the challenges and contradictions that emerged.
Bhutto – who led the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) on a populist platform –
inherited a truncated nation facing economic strain, social upheaval, and
wounded national pride. We will study the making of the 1973 Constitution
(Pakistan’s first enduring constitutional framework), Bhutto’s ambitious
socio-economic reforms (nationalization of key industries, land reform, etc.),
and his foreign policy initiatives (including the drive for an Islamic summit
and the launch of Pakistan’s nuclear program after India’s 1974 test).
Simultaneously, we assess Bhutto’s governance style: his efforts to
centralize power, suppress opposition (notably in provinces like Balochistan),
and maintain control over the powerful military. The chapter culminates with
the political crisis of 1977, when accusations of election rigging and
nationwide protests led to yet another military intervention.
 Week 7: Reconstructing Pakistan under Civilian Rule – Bhutto’s
ascent to power (initially as President in 1971, then Prime Minister
after 1973) and his mandate to “pick up the pieces” of a broken
country. We examine the 1973 Constitution drafting process: how
 consensus was reached to make Pakistan a federal parliamentary
republic with Islam as the state religion, while accommodating
provincial rights (e.g. recognizing language and autonomy demands to
some extent). Bhutto’s populism: promises of “roti, kapra, makaan”
(bread, clothing, housing), national unity, and socialist-inspired
policies. Early reforms: nationalization of banks, industries and schools;
introduction of labour and land reforms. Reading: Talbot, Pakistan
Since 1971 (in Talbot’s History of Modern South Asia), on Bhutto’s
opportunity for democratization – he gained power when “the military
debacle… provided an opportunity to establish civilian supremacy”, yet
paradoxically Bhutto felt he needed a strong army and dramatically
increased defense spending during his rule[25][26].
 Week 8: Bhutto’s Authoritarian Turn and Opposition – Analysis
of the internal political developments in Bhutto’s tenure. While popular
at first, Bhutto’s tactics to sideline rivals (e.g. banning certain
opposition parties, press curbs) and the crackdown in Balochistan
(after dismissing a duly elected provincial government in 1973, leading
to a costly insurgency) raised concerns about authoritarianism. We
discuss the formation of opposition alliances like the Pakistan National
Alliance (PNA), economic difficulties by mid-decade (rising inflation,
stock market crash), and allegations of nepotism and corruption. By
1976–77, Bhutto’s political capital had waned. The controversial
general election of 1977 – which the opposition claimed Bhutto’s party
rigged – triggered mass protests. Reading: Bose & Jalal, on Bhutto’s
leadership style – as “someone who had served his political
apprenticeship in Ayub’s government,” Bhutto was not inclined to let
PPP’s populism restrain his personal power, instead reforming
institutions to enhance his own authority[5].
 Week 9: The 1977 Coup – End of the Bhutto Era – A detailed look
at how Bhutto’s regime fell. We cover the escalation of the PNA protest
movement, Bhutto’s response (both conciliatory and repressive at
different times), and the eventual intervention by the Army. On July 5,
1977, General Zia-ul-Haq deposed Bhutto through a bloodless coup
(“Operation Fair Play”), imposing martial law and arresting Bhutto and
opposition leaders. In this session, we consider the immediate
rationales offered by the military and their civilian allies for the
takeover (restoring law and order, etc.), as well as the deeper pattern
of military guardianship in Pakistan’s politics. We conclude with a
reflection on Bhutto’s mixed legacy – his charismatic mass politics and
nation-building efforts vs. his failings in institutionalizing democracy.
Reading: Talbot, on civil-military relations – even in this populist era,
“officers increasingly felt that the army was the only properly
functioning institution” and justified stepping in when they perceived
civilian politics had slid into chaos[27][28].
Chapter 4: Islamization and Military Rule (1977–1988)
Overview: This chapter covers General Zia-ul-Haq’s eleven-year rule, a
period that profoundly transformed Pakistan’s state as well as society. Zia’s
regime is characterized by its Islamization program – an attempt to refashion
laws and public life according to Islamic injunctions – and by the
entrenchment of military dominance behind a facade of controlled
democracy. We will study the legal and social changes under Zia (from the
Hudood Ordinances and creation of Shariat courts to education and cultural
policies promoting conservatism), and consider their lasting impacts,
especially on women and minorities. The chapter also delves into Zia’s
foreign policy and its domestic repercussions: Pakistan’s pivotal role in the
anti-Soviet Afghan Jihad of the 1980s brought in billions of dollars of foreign
aid and boosted the army’s influence, but also led to an influx of weapons,
drugs, and radical ideologies. We further look at Zia’s political engineering –
holding non-party elections, co-opting technocrats and Islamist groups into a
new power structure – and the nature of the pseudo-civilian government in
his later years. Zia’s sudden death in a 1988 plane crash set the stage for a
democratic revival, but the Islamization and militarization of the state during
his era left a complex legacy that subsequent leaders had to confront.
 Week 10: The Islamization Agenda – Outline of Zia-ul-Haq’s
Islamization policies and motivations. Key legal changes: the Hudood
Ordinances (1979) enforcing Islamic punishments for crimes like
theft and adultery, the introduction of Zakat (Islamic alms) and Ushr
taxes, establishing the Federal Shariat Court with powers to nullify laws
repugnant to Islam. Societal impact: increasing emphasis on religious
observance (e.g. Islamiyat in curricula, prayer breaks in offices), and
state patronage of conservative clergy. We debate whether
Islamization was driven by genuine ideological conviction or used
instrumentally to legitimize military rule. Reading: Talbot, Pakistan
Since 1971, on Zia’s tactics – “Zia rode the Islamic tiger to both
legitimize his regime and further his regional security agenda.
However, a radicalized and politicized religious establishment proved
an uneasy ally…”[6].
 Week 11: Pakistan and the Afghan War – Jihad and Geopolitics
– Pakistan’s central role in the Soviet-Afghan War (1979–1989) under
Zia. We discuss how the Pakistani state, particularly the Inter-Services
Intelligence (ISI), became the conduit for U.S. and Saudi-backed
support to the Afghan mujahideen. The session examines the profound
domestic effects: the refugee influx from Afghanistan, the proliferation
of arms and militant Islamist groups in Pakistan, and the boost to
Pakistan’s international standing (and military aid flow) as a “frontline
state.” We also look at how the war dovetailed with Zia’s Islamization,
fostering a jihadist culture that the regime encouraged against the
Soviet atheists. Reading: Asia’s New Geopolitics, on the Afghan
 jihad’s legacy – the tactics of arming militant proxies with Islamic
justification, first honed in Afghanistan in the 1980s, would later be
used by Pakistan in other regional conflicts[29][30].
 Week 12: Controlled Democracy and the End of Zia’s Era – Zia’s
political strategy in the 1980s: from outright martial law to a managed,
partial civilianization. We analyze the 1984 referendum (which
extended Zia’s presidency), the revival of limited parliamentary life
with the 1985 party-less general elections, and the introduction of the
8th Amendment to the Constitution (giving the President sweeping
powers, including to dissolve the Assembly). The emergence of Prime
Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo’s government and its relationship
with Zia are assessed – illustrating the imbalance between a powerful
President-army and a subordinated civilian cabinet. Finally, we discuss
the events of 1988: Zia’s dismissal of Junejo’s government and shortly
thereafter, Zia’s own death in a mysterious plane crash (along with top
army brass and the U.S. Ambassador). These events abruptly opened
the door to a democratic transition. Reading: Bose & Jalal, comparing
military regimes – “Unlike Ayub, who relied more on the civil
bureaucracy, Zia’s recourse… was grafting favored military officers
into key positions within the civilian administration”[31], thereby
militarizing the state’s apparatus to maintain long-term control. Also,
Talbot on societal effects – Zia’s era saw a trend of “Sunnification”
that “increased sectarian tension and violence”, with militant sectarian
groups emerging[32][7].
Chapter 5: Democratic Transitions and Institutional
Conflicts (1988–1999)
Overview: This module analyzes the tumultuous decade of the 1990s, during
which Pakistan attempted to sustain parliamentary democracy amid
persistent institutional struggles. After Zia’s death, elections in 1988 brought
Benazir Bhutto to power, raising hopes for a new democratic era[33][34].
However, the ensuing decade was marked by short-lived governments –
Benazir and her rival Nawaz Sharif each served two non-consecutive terms
as Prime Minister, none completing the full tenure. We explore the reasons
behind this instability: the constitutional power of presidents (using the 8th
Amendment to dismiss governments), the behind-the-scenes influence of
the military establishment, and the intense political rivalry and charges of
corruption that plagued both Bhutto’s PPP and Sharif’s Muslim League. Major
events include the restoration and repeal of presidential powers, economic
liberalization attempts, ethnic violence in Karachi, and the enduring conflict
in Kashmir (which saw a brief war in Kargil, 1999). The chapter also
examines Pakistan’s nuclear weapons tests in 1998 – a high point of
nationalistic pride that nevertheless had international repercussions. By
1999, governance had deteriorated amid economic sanctions and
confrontations between Nawaz Sharif’s government and both the military
and judiciary, setting the stage for General Musharraf’s coup.
 Week 13: Return of Democracy – The Benazir Bhutto
Government (1988–90) – Elections of 1988, campaign issues, and
the formation of a coalition led by Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan’s first
female Prime Minister. We discuss the initial public euphoria and
reforms (e.g. press freedoms, initiatives in health and education) and
the constraints Benazir faced (“with one hand tied behind her back” by
establishment forces[35]). The role of President Ghulam Ishaq Khan
and the military in curbing her policy-making (for instance, in
Afghanistan policy). The emergence of Nawaz Sharif as Chief Minister
of Punjab, leading a strong opposition base. In 1990, President Ishaq
Khan dismissed Benazir’s government on charges of corruption and
mismanagement – an action enabled by the 8th Amendment. Reading:
Talbot, noting that none of the early 1990s democratic hopes were
fully realized – the period saw entrenched corruption charges and
power struggles, with military and president retaining leverage behind
the scenes[36][8].
 Week 14: Nawaz Sharif’s First Term and Civil-Military Tensions
(1990–93) – The 1990 elections bring Nawaz Sharif (Islamic
Democratic Alliance) to power. We examine Nawaz’s policy orientation:
economic liberalization and privatization (moves away from Bhutto’s
nationalization), and infrastructural projects. Meanwhile, the Afghan
war’s aftermath and Gulf War (1991) context influence Pakistan’s
security outlook. Civil-military dynamics: COAS Gen. Aslam Beg and
later Gen. Wahid Kakar’s relations with Nawaz, and the ISI’s domestic
political role (e.g. Mehrangate scandal of alleged military meddling in
politics). Nawaz’s conflict with President Ishaq Khan eventually led to
Ishaq dismissing Nawaz in 1993; shortly after, both were compelled to
resign by the army chief, leading to an interim government and new
elections. Reading: Comparative Constitutionalism (South Asia) –
on the use of constitutional provisions to remove elected governments,
illustrating how authoritarian legal tools persisted in the democratic
era (e.g., the Doctrine of Necessity was revived in court judgments
to uphold these dismissals). (Instructor will provide summary since the
text is dense.)
 Week 15: Bhutto Redux and the Cycle of Dismissals (1993–
1996) – Benazir Bhutto’s second term as PM following the 1993
elections. We cover her initiatives (e.g. an ambitious but troubled anti-
corruption drive, attempts to improve Pakistan’s international image)
and the challenges she faced: a serious economic deficit, rising
sectarian terrorism and urban violence (especially in Karachi, where
operations against the MQM party took place). Benazir’s working
relationship with the new President, Farooq Leghari (initially an ally
from her party), and with the military (led by Gen. Abdul Waheed then
 Gen. Jehangir Karamat) is analyzed. The worsening of governance by
1996 – including a major scandal (the murder of Benazir’s brother,
Murtaza Bhutto) – prompted President Leghari to exercise the 8th
Amendment and dismiss Benazir’s government in late 1996. Reading:
Talbot, on the official justifications for removing governments: “the
dismissals of both Benazir (1990, 1996) and Nawaz Sharif (1993) were
ostensibly justified not only by corruption but by failure to maintain law
and order in the troubled province of Sindh”[8]. We discuss how these
repeated interventions weakened democratic consolidation.
 Week 16: Nawaz Sharif’s Second Term and the 1999 Coup –
Nawaz Sharif’s landslide victory in the 1997 elections (with a two-
thirds majority) and his bold steps to assert civilian supremacy. Topics
include: the passage of the 13th Amendment (1997) curtailing the
President’s dismissal powers (repealing the 8th Amendment’s key
clause); Nawaz’s confrontation with the judiciary (the 1997 Supreme
Court crisis resulting in Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah’s ouster);
economic challenges and Pakistan’s nuclear decision. We give special
focus to the May 1998 nuclear tests conducted in response to
India’s tests – a defining moment that made Pakistan a declared
nuclear weapons state[37]. International sanctions and economic
strain followed. Finally, we cover the civil-military rift that led to
General Pervez Musharraf’s coup in October 1999: the Kargil conflict
with India (summer 1999) planned by the army without full civilian
consensus, ensuing blame-trading, and Nawaz’s attempt to dismiss
Musharraf as Army Chief – which prompted the military takeover.
Reading: Asia’s New Geopolitics, noting that by the late 1990s the
Indo-Pak rivalry entered a nuclear era – “Pakistan’s acquisition of
nuclear weapons had… reversed the military equilibrium established
after the 1971 war”, giving it new deterrence but also introducing a
perilous paradox in South Asia[15].
Chapter 6: Military Rule in the 21st Century (1999–2008)
Overview: This chapter examines General Pervez Musharraf’s regime, which
spanned 1999 to 2008, bridging the 20th and 21st centuries. We evaluate
how this military government differed from or resembled prior martial law
periods. Musharraf initially justified his coup as a “corrective” measure to
rescue Pakistan from corrupt politics and economic brinkmanship. Students
will learn about the key reforms and events of this era: the promulgation of
the 2000 National Accountability Bureau ordinance to address corruption,
the devolution plan establishing local governments, and Musharraf’s
maneuvers to legitimize his rule (the 2002 presidential referendum and the
Legal Framework Order amending the constitution). A pivotal turn was
Pakistan’s decision to ally with the United States in the War on Terror after
the September 11, 2001 attacks – a move that brought Pakistan substantial
aid and international support, but also embroiled it in the Afghan conflict and
made it a target of extremist backlash internally. We also cover the
economic uptick in the mid-2000s (often attributed to policy changes and
foreign inflows) versus the regime’s suppression of dissent (curbs on media
and the 2007 emergency during the judiciary crisis). The chapter concludes
with Musharraf’s downfall amid public protest and political pressures, and
the restoration of electoral democracy in 2008.
 Week 17: The Musharraf Coup – Rationale and Early Years
(1999–2002) – Circumstances of the October 1999 coup and
Musharraf’s initial agenda (outlined in his “seven-point roadmap”
speech). We discuss how Musharraf presented himself as a moderate
reformer, taking the title of “Chief Executive.” Early measures:
accountability drives against politicians, attempts to recover loan
defaults, and the 2001 Local Government Ordinances introducing a
new tier of elected district governments (aimed at decentralization but
also bypassing traditional politicians). The session also covers the
global context shift after 9/11 (2001) – Musharraf’s strategic decision
to side with the U.S. against the Taliban regime in Afghanistan,
abandoning Pakistan’s earlier policy and the impact this had
domestically (gains in international legitimacy and aid, but anger from
Islamist groups). Reading: International Crisis Group (report
excerpt) – evaluating the military government’s reform agenda and its
civil-military power calculus. (Instructor provides summary handout;
this complements academic sources.)
 Week 18: Pakistan in the War on Terror and Political
Restructuring – Focus on the period 2002–2006. Topics: The 2002
general elections under Musharraf’s tailored rules (e.g. graduation
requirement for candidates), which led to a pro-Musharraf coalition
(PML-Q) forming a government and Musharraf assuming the presidency
while remaining Army Chief. We examine the uneasy coexistence of an
elected parliament with a dominant military president. Key
developments include: counter-terrorism efforts and the rise of
Pakistani Taliban militancy in the tribal areas as a response to the
army’s operations against Al-Qaeda (South Waziristan offensives, etc.);
the Indo-Pak peace initiative (the 2004–2006 composite dialogue and a
ceasefire in Kashmir). On the domestic front, we look at economic
indicators – high growth rates and infrastructure projects (some
dubbing it an era of stability) – and discuss to what extent this stability
was superficial. Reading: Routledge Handbook (Burki) – on
Pakistan’s politics and economy under military rule, including data on
growth and U.S. aid[38]. Also, Talbot, remarking that some Pakistanis
later viewed the Musharraf period as comparatively effective
governance[9], though it came at the cost of democratic freedoms.
 Week 19: The 2007 Crisis and the End of Musharraf’s Rule –
Detailing the events that led to the collapse of Musharraf’s regime. The
2007 judicial crisis: Musharraf’s attempt to remove Chief Justice
 Iftikhar Chaudhry and the resulting lawyers’ movement demanding
rule of law. The government’s tough response (police action on
protesters) backfired, galvanizing civil society. We also cover the surge
in terrorism around 2007 (the Red Mosque siege in Islamabad,
intensifying TTP attacks). Musharraf’s imposition of Emergency rule
in Nov 2007 – effectively martial law – and the suspension of the
constitution and media restrictions, which further eroded his
popularity. Meanwhile, under international pressure, Musharraf
negotiates an exit from power: he sheds his army uniform and
arranges for general elections. The tragic assassination of Benazir
Bhutto (December 2007), during her campaign return, shook the
nation and led to an outpouring of sympathy for democratic forces.
Elections in February 2008 brought a coalition of anti-Musharraf parties
to power; Musharraf resigned in August 2008 under threat of
impeachment, ending the chapter of overt military rule. Reading:
Talbot, on the aftermath – “Benazir Bhutto’s assassination…
preempted any election rigging; the 2008 polls were the fairest since
1971”, leading to the ascent of her widower Asif Ali Zardari as
President[39]. We reflect on Musharraf’s legacy: the paradox of
economic progress and improved security in some areas versus the
deepening of military involvement in politics and the rise of extremism
that the subsequent governments would have to tackle.
Chapter 7: Contemporary Democratic Politics (2008–
Present)
Overview: Chapter 7 covers the period from 2008 to the mid-2020s, a time in
which Pakistan has experienced the longest continuous stretch of civilian-led
governance in its history, albeit not without challenges. We explore the
restoration of full parliamentary democracy after Musharraf and the efforts to
strengthen constitutional rule – notably through the 18th Amendment
(2010), which removed the last legacies of Zia and Musharraf’s
constitutional changes (repealing the presidential dismissal power and
devolving significant authority to provinces). The political landscape featured
alternating governments of the major parties (PPP, PML-N, and a new player,
Imran Khan’s PTI), and, for the first time, a sitting government (PPP in 2013)
completed its term and peacefully transferred power via elections. Key
themes include the civil-military balance in these years (tensions continued,
e.g. memogate scandal 2011, ouster of Nawaz Sharif in 2017 amidst
allegations some say were backed by the establishment), the judiciary’s
expanded role (judicial activism and its impact on governance), and major
policy issues faced by each government (economic management, terrorism
and security operations, foreign relations such as the U.S.-Pakistan alliance
post-9/11 and China’s CPEC investments). This chapter also examines social
and demographic shifts, the media and digital revolution, and how Pakistan’s
democracy has been responding to demands for accountability,
transparency, and reform from an increasingly vibrant civil society.
 Week 20: The PPP Government and the 18th Amendment
(2008–2013) – Led by President Asif Ali Zardari and Prime Minister
Yousuf Raza Gilani, the PPP government sought to consolidate
democracy. We study the passage of the 18th Amendment (April
2010), which achieved a “constitutional moment” by restoring the
1973 Constitution closer to its original parliamentary form (e.g.
removing the President’s unilateral powers and institutionalizing
provincial autonomy). Discussion of governance issues: managing an
insurgency in the northwest (the military’s 2009 Swat Valley operation
against Taliban militants), dealing with economic turmoil and a major
power crisis, and the unprecedented activism of the Supreme Court
(which in 2012 ousted PM Gilani over a contempt case). We also cover
major foreign policy events: deteriorating U.S. relations in 2011
(Raymond Davis incident, Osama bin Laden raid in Abbottabad[40],
NATO Salala attack). Despite many crises, the PPP regime survived its
full term. Reading: Waseem, “Ethnic and Islamic Militancy in
Pakistan,” to contextualize the state’s conflict with Taliban militancy
during this era[10] (e.g. TTP’s campaign of violence, including against
political figures like Benazir Bhutto).
 Week 21: The PML-N Government – Development and Discord
(2013–2018) – The 2013 elections brought Nawaz Sharif back as
Prime Minister for a third term, marking the first civilian handover of
power. We examine Nawaz’s policy focus on infrastructure and
economic projects (e.g. initiating the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
(CPEC) with large Chinese investments in energy and transport).
Improvements in security: by 2017, terror attacks had dropped
significantly, partly due to the military’s Operation Zarb-e-Azb
against militants. However, we also scrutinize the renewed civil-
military strains: clashes over foreign policy and internal security
decisions (the “Dawn Leaks” controversy), and how Nawaz’s push for
civilian supremacy met resistance. Midway, a crisis emerged with the
Panama Papers revelations (2016) implicating Nawaz’s family in
offshore assets; this led to a Supreme Court investigation and Nawaz’s
disqualification and resignation in 2017. Reading: Routledge
Handbook (Newberg) – on civil-military jurisprudence, discussing
how the judiciary and military at times converged to constrain elected
leaders (for instance, the legal cases that unseated premiers). (Excerpt
provided by instructor.)
 Week 22: Rise of the PTI and Imran Khan’s Government (2018–
2022) – The political shift in the 2018 elections: Imran Khan’s Pakistan
Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) emerged as a third force, campaigning on anti-
corruption and reform, and managed to form the federal government.
We discuss the promises of “Naya Pakistan” – institution-building,
 welfare initiatives (e.g. health cards, poverty alleviation), and an
independent foreign policy – and to what extent these were realized.
Challenges faced by the PTI government: a mounting external debt
and need for IMF bailout, managing the COVID-19 pandemic, and civil-
military relations (initially perceived as harmonious, but later fraying
by 2021 over issues like the ISI chief’s appointment). We also examine
Imran Khan’s foreign policy realignments, such as cooler ties with the
West and closer alignment with China and a focus on Muslim-world
partnerships. By early 2022, political turmoil intensified, leading to
Imran Khan’s ouster via a parliamentary no-confidence vote (amid
opposition accusations of economic mismanagement and lost
establishment support). Reading: Talbot, Epilogue from A History of
Modern South Asia (if available) – reflecting on Pakistan’s democratic
evolution and persisting power of the military and other unelected
institutions in shaping outcomes (instructor to summarize key points
since the text predates 2018).
 Week 23: Recent Developments and the State of Democracy –
In this concluding week for Chapter 7, we catch up with the most
current phase (2022–2025). Topics include the formation of a post-
Imran Khan coalition government (PDM alliance under PM Shehbaz
Sharif in 2022) and the political polarization in the country as Imran
Khan mobilizes popular protests calling for early elections. We’ll debate
pressing questions: How resilient are Pakistan’s democratic institutions
now? What is the role of the military in politics after publicly claiming
an intent to retreat from direct interference? How has the judiciary
influenced the political calendar (with high-profile rulings on elections
and accountability)? We also consider the socio-economic strain
(inflation, floods in 2022, etc.) and how governance is responding. This
session is forward-looking, preparing us to identify themes for the next
chapter (reforms and future challenges). Reading: Current Affairs
articles (shared via LMS) analyzing Pakistan’s democracy in the 2020s
– including discussions on electoral reforms, the youth bulge in politics,
and civil-military recalibration. (No single textbook covers this period
fully; instructor-curated recent analyses will be provided.)
Chapter 8: Federalism, Foreign Policy, and Future
Challenges
Overview: The final module steps back from the chronological narrative to
address thematic issues that cut across Pakistan’s political history and
consider the road ahead. We begin with Pakistan’s federal structure and
inter-governmental relations: from the tensions between East and West
Pakistan (1947–1971) to the current four-province federation, including
special regions (e.g. the merged tribal districts, Gilgit-Baltistan). We assess
how well Pakistan has managed its ethnic and regional diversity, noting both
past failures and recent attempts at devolution (such as the 18th
Amendment’s enhancements to provincial autonomy). Next, we focus on
foreign policy and security: Pakistan’s strategic outlook has been shaped by
its rivalry with India (four wars including 1971, plus ongoing conflict over
Kashmir), its alliances (shifting between United States, China, and Muslim-
majority countries), and its nuclear capabilities since the late 1990s[15]. We
analyze how military dominance in policy has meant security concerns often
trumped other considerations, leading to patterns like seeking external allies
to counterbalance India and sponsoring proxy militias in regional
conflicts[13]. The course then addresses major contemporary challenges that
will influence Pakistan’s state evolution in the future – governance and rule
of law, economic development and debt, population growth, education and
job creation, climate change impacts, and the civil-military equation.
Students are encouraged to synthesize knowledge from the entire course to
discuss possible scenarios and reforms for Pakistan moving forward.
 Week 24: Evolving Federalism – Center and Provinces – Tracing
the development of Pakistan’s federal idea. We look at early attempts
to balance the two wings (the 1956 parity formula, 1960s frustrations
of East Pakistan) and how the failure to grant autonomy led to
secession in 1971. Post-1971, Punjab’s dominance became pronounced
– Punjab now comprises the majority of population and power,
prompting resentment from smaller provinces[12]. We discuss the
1973 Constitution’s federal provisions, and subsequent centralization
under Zia. The landmark 18th Amendment (2010) is analyzed in
detail as a corrective, devolving many subjects to provinces and
redesigning the National Finance Commission award for revenue
sharing. How successful has devolution been in practice? We also
cover ongoing provincial issues: the insurgency in Balochistan (rooted
in claims of exploitation and missing persons), the urban-rural divide in
Sindh, and the creation of new administrative units (e.g. debate on
carving out new provinces). Reading: Routledge Handbook (T.
Rahman) – “Language Problems and Politics in Pakistan”, shedding
light on how linguistic identities intersect with provincial politics (e.g.
Sindhi, Pashto, Balochi, Seraiki demands). Also, Comparative
Constitutionalism, chapter on federalism in Pakistan, discussing the
unique case of the country’s “non-contiguous” start and the
asymmetrical federal arrangements over time[11][41].
 Week 25: Foreign Policy and National Security Paradigms – This
session provides a holistic view of Pakistan’s foreign relations. Major
themes: the enduring security competition with India (from the early
post-partition clashes to the nuclear standoff and the sporadic peace
dialogues). We consider how the trauma of 1971 influenced Pakistan’s
strategic doctrine – e.g., reliance on external alliances (with the US
during the Cold War, and with China, especially after 1962, as a
counterweight)[42][3]. Pakistan’s role in the Muslim world (leading the
1974 Islamic Summit, close ties with Gulf states) and its complicated
 relationship with Afghanistan (from seeking “strategic depth” to coping
with the Taliban’s resurgence) are examined. Students will evaluate
the costs and benefits of policies like support for Kashmiri insurgents
or the Afghan Taliban, and how these have affected Pakistan’s
international standing. Contemporary developments: participation in
China’s Belt and Road Initiative via CPEC and Pakistan’s recalibration
between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Reading: Asia’s New Geopolitics,
Chapter “Geopolitical Evolution in South Asia” – on how “India and
Pakistan fought three wars in the 25 years after partition…and since
the late 1980s there have been frequent military crises”[14]. Also, the
text highlights the introduction of nuclear weapons as a stabilizer
against full-scale war but a spur for proxy conflicts[15]. We relate this
to Pakistan’s pattern of using proxies regionally[13] and discuss recent
moves (for instance, the 2003 ceasefire renewal on the Line of Control,
or efforts to curb cross-border militancy under international pressure).
 Week 26: Security and Domestic Challenges – Terrorism,
Extremism, and Sectarianism – A focused discussion on the internal
security challenges that have shaped the state. We review the rise of
militant extremism within Pakistan: sectarian conflict (Sunni-Shia strife
exacerbated since the Zia era[32]), ethnic militancy (e.g. the Mohajir
unrest in 1980s Karachi, Baloch insurgencies in various phases), and
the post-2001 terrorism wave by groups like Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan
(TTP). We ask how Pakistan’s security establishment and political
leadership have responded – from military operations (like Zarb-e-Azb
2014–2016, Radd-ul-Fasaad 2017) to national action plans against
extremism. The session also considers human rights implications (e.g.
anti-terror laws, military courts) and the balance between liberty and
security. Another dimension is the proliferation of jihadist ideology and
the challenges of de-radicalization in society. Reading: Waseem, on
militant dynamics in Pakistan – covering how various Islamist and
ethnic militant movements emerged from political exclusions and state
policies[43][44]. Additionally, excerpts from Berman’s All That is
Solid… may be invoked to philosophically discuss how rapid
modernization and dislocation can breed fundamentalist backlashes –
“modernity… pours us all into a maelstrom of perpetual disintegration
and renewal”, which resonates with Pakistan’s cycle of social change
and reaction[45].
 Week 27: Governance, Economy, and Society – The Next Phase
– This penultimate class addresses socio-economic and governance
challenges. We explore Pakistan’s economic trajectory: from planning
and socialism to liberalization, chronic issues like fiscal deficits, debt,
and dependence on IMF bailouts, and opportunities like a young labor
force and geostrategic trade routes. Topics include: the state of public
institutions and accountability (e.g. corruption indices[46], the
effectiveness of mechanisms like NAB), educational deficits and efforts
to reform curricula (with attention to the debate on religious schools or
 madrasa reforms), and the role of an assertive media and expanding
middle class in pushing for change. We also consider demographic and
environmental pressures: Pakistan’s population nearing 240 million,
urbanization strains, and climate change evidenced by extreme floods
and water scarcity – all of which have political implications for the
state’s stability and need for policy responses. Reading: Brass (ed.),
selected essay on Pakistan’s political economy (Shahid Javed Burki’s
analysis of how governance quality correlates with economic
performance[38]). Plus, snippets from the UNDP Pakistan National
Human Development Report (if available) on youth and the future.
The aim is to paint a picture of the horizon that Pakistan’s polity faces.
 Week 28: Synthesis and Prospects for Pakistan’s State
Evolution – In our final session, we synthesize the lessons from all
previous chapters and engage in a forward-looking discussion.
Students will revisit the fundamental question: How has Pakistani
politics evolved over time, and what enduring factors continue to
shape it? We’ll identify patterns (such as the military’s praetorian role,
the struggle to define national identity, and the push-pull between
centralization and regionalism) and assess whether Pakistan is likely to
break these patterns or repeat them. This week is also dedicated to
student presentations or a capstone discussion where each student
briefly shares a key insight or prediction about Pakistan’s political
future, backed by historical evidence from the course. We conclude by
reflecting on possible reforms and recommendations (e.g.
strengthening rule of law, civil service reform, civil-military dialogue,
regional peace initiatives) that could steer Pakistan towards a more
stable and democratic state. Reading: No new reading – instead, a
review of key excerpts from course readings (Metcalf, Talbot, Jalal,
Brass, etc.) to draw overarching conclusions. We also reflect on Quaid-
e-Azam Jinnah’s founding vision and how it compares to the Pakistan of
today. (This session helps in preparing for the final exam and
consolidating learning outcomes).

Evaluation and Grading Rubric

 Midterm Exam – 30%: A written exam in Week 14 covering Chapters
1–4 (1947 through 1988). The midterm will include short-answer
identifications (testing knowledge of key events/figures, e.g. One Unit,
Objective Resolution, 1965 War, Hudood Ordinance), and essay
questions requiring analytical discussion of themes (e.g. causes of
democratic failure in the 1950s[3], or the impact of Islamization on
society). Grading will assess accuracy, depth of understanding, and
use of evidence from readings.
 Final Exam – 40%: A comprehensive exam at end of the term,
emphasizing Chapters 5–8 (1988 to present) but also requiring
students to connect to earlier historical trends. The format will include
 essay questions (e.g. evaluating civil-military relations over the entire
course span, or comparing different eras of authoritarian rule) and
document/source analysis. Students must demonstrate a broad grasp
of Pakistani political evolution and critically engage with course
materials (for example, interpreting a quote such as “democratic
governance would always play second fiddle to the military and
bureaucracy”[3] in light of historical evidence).
 Assignments – 15%: One or two written assignments (total 15%).
Assignment 1 (10%) might be a research paper or case study
(approx. 2000 words) on a selected topic such as “The 1973
Constitution and its Amendments” or “Pakistan’s foreign policy in the
Cold War”. Students must use course readings and at least one outside
scholarly source, properly cited, to form an argument. Assignment 2
(5%) could be a reflection paper or policy brief – for instance, advising
on a current challenge (like federal reforms or counter-extremism)
using historical lessons from the course. These assignments are graded
on argument clarity, evidence integration, and originality of insight.
 Quizzes – 15%: Periodic quizzes (approximately 4–5 quizzes
throughout the semester, announced or unannounced) to ensure
students keep up with weekly readings. Quizzes will be short (5-10
questions, mix of multiple-choice and short answers) focusing on
factual recall and basic comprehension of key concepts (e.g. dates of
constitutions, definitions like “Basic Democracies,” identification of
figures like Ayyub Khan, Zia-ul-Haq). The lowest quiz score will be
dropped. Collectively, quizzes encourage consistent engagement and
will cumulatively account for 15% of the grade.
Grading Scale: Standard university scale (e.g. A, B, C, etc.) will be used,
with >= 90% for an A, etc., as per catalog. All assessments will be evaluated
for accuracy, clarity, and depth. Students are expected to adhere to
academic integrity in exams and assignments. Feedback will be provided on
written work to support improvement.
Course Policies: (Refer to syllabus appendix for detailed policies on
attendance, academic honesty, etc.) Regular attendance and participation
are crucial; more than three unexcused absences may affect the final grade.
Students should complete the required readings before each session to
contribute meaningfully to discussions. We will cultivate a respectful
classroom environment open to diverse viewpoints, especially important
given the often sensitive nature of political and religious topics in Pakistan’s
history.
Sources: The course content is informed by the following key texts (which
also serve as suggested readings for students): A Concise History of Modern
India by B. Metcalf & T. Metcalf; A History of Modern South Asia: Politics,
States, Diasporas by I. Talbot; Modern South Asia: History, Culture, Political
Economy by S. Bose & A. Jalal; Routledge Handbook of South Asian Politics
(ed. P. R. Brass); Comparative Constitutionalism in South Asia (eds. Sunil
Khilnani et al.); Asia’s New Geopolitics: Military Power and Regional Order
(IISS/Routledge); and Marshall Berman’s All That Is Solid Melts into Air for
theoretical context on modernity. These works, alongside additional articles
and primary documents, will equip students with a rich, multidimensional
understanding of Pakistani politics and state evolution.[18][13]

[1] [45] All That Is Solid Melts into Air The Experience of Modernity by
Marshall Berman (z-lib.org).pdf
file://file-TdQbEEA3ENnusg4xQgvZrT
[2] [3] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [13] [19] [20] [21] [24] [25] [26] [27] [28] [32] [33]
[34] [35] [36] [39] [42] A history of modern South Asia politics states
diasporas by Talbot Ian (.pdf
file://file-E1R7nRdTW4rtx3uzfftUw6
[4] [5] [22] [23] [31] Modern South Asia History, Culture and Political
Economy (2nd Edition) ( PDFDrive.com ).pdf
file://file-FM4EWvTCVE5HcRvDiQQxe6
[11] [41] Comparative Constitutionalism in South Asia ( PDFDrive ) (1).pdf
file://file-2tntX3u92Mct7JUi4W8GEK
[12] [38] [43] [44] [46] Routledge Handbook of South Asian Politics India
Pakistan Bangladesh Sri.pdf
file://file-4UpYDufMReHtLBchxke6Nx
[14] [15] [29] [30] [40] Asia’s New Geopolitics Military Power and Regional
Order by Desmond Ball, Lucie Béraud-Sudreau, Tim Huxley, C. Raja Mohan,
Brendan Taylor (z-lib.org).pdf
file://file-UqXjojkADGHR5eCdDLhfq8
[16] [17] [18] [37] [Barbara_D._Metcalf,_Thomas_R._Metcalf]_A_Concise
History of India.pdf
file://file-1tLb2YUu8xcHT78ASSqavV