Process of foreign policy making in india .
1. Introduction
For the proper evaluation of India’s foreign policy, the study of its
formulation process is essential. Policy formulation process is an
important subject, and in modern context, it is a complex process.
Hence, there are many hurdles in its proper evaluation---- (1) where so
many researches and literature is available on estimation and analysis of
foreign policy, the literature is scant on formulation process. (2)
Numerous factors play role directly or indirectly in this process. (3) It is
not possible to estimate exactly that which institution played how much
role in this task? Hence, to properly understand this extremely complex
system, there is a need of in-depth study.
Besides the above general problems, it has become more complex to
understand the formulation process of foreign policy of a developing
country, like India. India had to adjust its foreign policy in context of
multidimensional issues after independence. These main issues were----
issues arising out of India’s partition, relations with small and big
neighbours, communism, cold war, UN and freedom of numerous
countries, relations with Superpowers, relations with England in changed
situation, etc. Nature of bureaucracy in India, political institutions,
multicultural social system and impact of personality cult has a role in
foreign policy making. Hence, the study of formulation of foreign policy
becomes essential.
2. Objectives
The making of foreign policy is a tough job. The extreme complex nature
of collection, analysis, estimation and utilisation of data makes this task
more complex due to the unexpected increase in the means of
communication and dissemination. This module will acquaint the readers
with various organs and agencies involved in making of India’s foreign
policy. The present module will also analyse the comparative importance
of these organisations in formulation process of India’s foreign policy.
Why some of the institutions involved in this process have lost their
importance with the passage of time while others are acquiring
importance, is also a subject of discussion in this module. Finally, some
important questions and suggested readings have also been listed in this
module.
Agencies/Organisations Involved in Making of India’s Foreign Policy The
following agencies/organisations play the key role in formulation process
of India’s foreign policy: - (1) Parliament (2) Prime Minister and Cabinet
(3) National Security Council (4) Ministry of External Affairs (5)
Intelligence Agencies.
Parliament
According to article 246, ‘All matters which bring the union into relations
with any foreign country’ falls under the jurisdiction of Parliament.
Hence, broadly the parliament has the right to take decisions on all the
matters of foreign policy. Members of parliament can not only debate
any matter of foreign policy in parliament but can also influence this
process through various activities. Two important committees of
parliament have comprehensive and direct influence on this subject.
These committees are: - (1) Parliamentary Advisory Committee of
External Affairs Ministry. (2) Standing Committee of External Affairs
Ministry. The government takes the suggestions seriously given by these
committees. Two other committees of parliament also influence the
formulation of foreign policy individually and indirectly. These are---
Estimate Committee and Public Accounts Committee. Hence, the
parliament influences the functional aspects of making of foreign policy
in an important way through its various activities. But the power of
parliament depends upon the following many factors: - (1) on the
charismatic and expertise personality of executive. (2) On the level of
interest and expertise of parliamentarians in foreign policy. (3)
Emergency situation of country. (4) On the nature of representation of
various forces in parliament. After evaluation of influence of parliament
on foreign policy during more than last six decades, it comes to know
that interest of parliament in this context has widened continuously. In
comparison to the regimes of Nehru and Indira, this factor appears more
clearly from the activities of present parliament. There were four main
reasons of decline of parliament’s influence during the regimes of Nehru
and Indira--- (1) there was no need of approval by the parliament on the
treaties concluded in that era because Indian constitution was lacking
this kind of provision; (2) role of parliament was negligible due to the
charismatic leadership of both the leaders and strong knowledge of both
on matters of foreign relations; (3) there was no change in this situation
due to the domination of congress party in parliament; and (4) the role
of advisory committees couldn’t go further from one sided dialogue.
Parliament started to pass more discussions, debates, question-answers,
opposition, dissent, memorandums, resolution on the matters of foreign
policy since the decade of 1980. Even after all these, the position of
parliament could not become more important. This situation definitely
improved up to some extent, in post cold war period. Three factors were
responsible for increase in powers of parliament in this era---- (1) end of
one party government and the beginning of the era of coalitional
governments; (2) expression of public opinion by general masses
regarding foreign policy due to the open economy in India; and (3)
getting achievements by a person in the field of foreign policy to be
helpful in having an highest post (like the image of Gujral as an expert of
foreign policy). Hence, parliament helps the executive indirectly in
formulation of foreign policy. But this role of parliament depends on its
nature, party position, nature of government, leadership, etc.
Prime Minister and Cabinet
Cabinet works as a real executive in parliamentary democracy. Hence,
only Prime Minister and his/her cabinet perform the function of foreign
policy formulation. But in reality, the responsibility and authorization of
taking initiatives on matters of foreign policy lies with the external affairs
minister in the cabinet. After that, external affairs ministry execute them
after the approval of cabinet. Prime Minister and other members of
cabinet interfere in it only in special circumstances. These circumstances
are--- (1) if suddenly new circumstances emerge or (2) if there is a need
to make basic changes in the current structure of foreign policy.
Important factor in this context depends upon influence of Prime
Minister on foreign policy making process, his/her knowledge in this
field, personality cult and political prestige. Theoretical position of Prime
Minister and cabinet seems to be very important, but it is not true in
practice. Many matters of foreign policy slip from their control. Four
reasons are responsible for this position of cabinet---- (1) lack of interest
regarding matters of foreign policy among maximum leaders of cabinet;
(2) lack of influential role of big institutions in the form of institutional
role (though this is not applicable completely on cabinet, yet many
matters are limited to the political affairs committee); (3) lack of political
influence in the members of cabinet; and (4) culture of coalitional
governments and balance of political power. Hence, external affairs
minister or political affairs committee takes the important decisions
instead of taking direct decisions on foreign policy by Prime Minister and
cabinet. Consequently, powers of cabinet seem to be declined in this
context.
National Security Council
National Security Council (NSC) was formed on 19 November 1998. NSC
is divided into three stages-- apex group, national security advisor and
three tier organisation. Prime Minister is the main person in its top
decision makers, for the help and advice of whom there are five other
members---home minister, defence minister, foreign minister, finance
minister and vice chairman of Planning Commission. This high powered
group has the right to take final decision on the matters of foreign policy
and defence of India. This group can also invite other ministers for
meeting, if necessary. Basically, this group has to be dependent up to
some extent, on national security advisor because he will act as a link
between three tier organisation of the council and top level group.
Three-tier group will submit its report to national security advisor, and
he/she further will convey this to the top level group. Five people have
taken this responsibility of advisor from the beginning till date. These
are--- Brijesh Mishra (from 27 May 1998 to 27 May 2004); J.N. Dixit (from
27 May 2004 to 25 January 2005); M.K. Narayan (from 25 January 2005
to 24 January 2010); Shiv Shankar Menon (from 24 January 2010 to 28
May 2014); Ajit Kumar Doval (from 30 May 2014 onwards).
There are 17 members in the ‘Strategic Policy Group’ of three-tier
organisation. Besides the secretary of cabinet, chiefs of all three armed
forces, secretaries of Home, Defence, Finance, foreign secretary,
secretary (Defence production), secretary (Revenue), secretary (RAW),
secretary (Nuclear Energy Department), scientific advisor of defence
minister, governor of reserve bank, secretary (Space), chairman (joint
intelligence committee), director (Intelligence Bureau), etc are included
in this Strategic Policy Group. Beside this, any other official can be
invited, if necessary. The main function of this group is to review the
strategic defence. Along this, it will present the outline of near future
and long term challenges of India’s security, and will provide suggestions
for alternative policies to tackle them. The most important thing is that
in present context the same group is asked to develop a detailed system
for nuclear direction and control under the review of India’s defence.
Hence, this coordinated group of inter-ministries will work as an
important organ of National Security Council. The second important
organ of this organisation is ‘National Security Advisory Board’, which has
a multidimensional nature. There is one chairman and some other
members in this board. Former foreign secretaries, strategic experts,
economists, international relations experts, educationists, scientists,
domestic security experts and retired chiefs of armed forces are included
in this board as members. The special importance about these members
is that all experts are nongovernmental. This board presents the
methods and different alternatives to fight the challenges. Beside this, it
provides assistance and advice time to time to the National Security
Council on the issues directed by NSC. Other important organisation is
secretariat, which has been assigned with the work of ‘Joint Intelligence
Committee’ (JIC). An experienced and senior officer of Indian Foreign
Service, Satish Chandra was appointed as its first chairman. It collects the
secret information in coordination of all the three organs, and then
sends it to the advisor of Security Council after the evaluative study of
information. Through this organisation, the efforts have been made to
re-establish the ‘Joint Intelligence Committee’ in its amended form.
Ministry of External Affairs (MEA)
Ministry of external affairs has the most important place in making of
India’s foreign policy. Its role is not limited up to the secretariat only but
all the embassies and consulates in foreign countries are also the part of
it. It is directly related with foreign policy formulation, and its diplomatic
officials are selected accordingly. The activities of this department can be
evaluated under the following three headings: - (1) Historical
Background; (2) Structure; and (3) Process Analysis. India’s Foreign
Department has been a part of East India Company and the Intelligence
Department of British up to 1914. After 1914, this department came
under the control of two separate Secretaries with the names ‘Political
Department’ and ‘Foreign Department. During the Interim Government
of 1946, there were two departments ‘Foreign Relations’ and
Commonwealth Relations’. That’s why it started working in 1947 after
the independence as two departments--Foreign relations and
Commonwealth Relations. High Commission situated at London was also
accessed in the same. It was designated as ‘Foreign Department’ in 1949
by removing the words ‘Commonwealth Relations’ from its name. And
after that it is known by the same name. Foreign minister is the Chief
Executive of ministry of external affairs. There is a provision of Foreign
State Minister and Foreign Deputy Minister to assist the Foreign Minister.
There is no important role of Foreign State Minister and Foreign Deputy
Minister in decision making, but is just the provision to give a respect to
the medium level politicians. Hence, the Foreign Secretary is the most
important person after the Foreign Minister. The post of Secretary
General was abolished during the regime of Nehru because there was no
Foreign Minister at that time. But today there is the provision of two
other Secretaries parallel to the Foreign Secretary. These are Secretary
(East) and Secretary (Economic Relations). After Secretaries, there is the
provision of additional Secretaries also. In the same way, there is a place
for assistant secretaries, directors, deputy secretaries, under secretaries,
cooperatives, research officers, assistants and clerks according to
seniority respectively. The basic structure of foreign ministry is divided
into various branches. These branches are mainly of two types--- (1)
special and associate branches and (2) regional branches. The
classification of these is not permanent and limited; but changeable
according to time. There are 18 special and associated branches and 23
regional branches in the foreign ministry these days. The ministry of
foreign affairs has established embassies in various countries to analyse
the events occurred in foreign countries and to collect the information at
international level. Finally, these embassies are responsible to execute
the India’s foreign policy effectively. Delhi based ministry controls,
supervises and administers these missions and keeps bilateral
communications with them. The number of these missions increased
with the increase of India’s diplomatic activities. Whereas the number of
these missions was 104 in 1970-71, it became 129 in 1976-77, 140 in
1990-91 and 157 in 1997-98. The same trend of increase is visible in
number of employees at headquarters and missions. Whereas this
number was 3089 in 1976-77, it became 3582 in 1997-98.
First kinds of functions are mostly the routine works related to internal
functioning of the ministry in which Executive has a rare interference.
Most of them are related to internal administration which are hardly
communicated to External Affairs Minister. Second kinds of functions are
associated with the regional environment of India and are related to the
events happened in neighbouring countries which have direct or indirect
bearing on the foreign policy of India. These matters are not limited to
the jurisdiction of foreign ministry only. These issues have important
place in foreign policy. Here, the Political Executive prepares a structure
on foreign policy, and issues basic directions. Though, officers of foreign
ministry play an important role in this process because they provide
necessary facts and data in this regard. Beside this, these officers make
the foreign policy more clear, and execute it. But important policy related
decisions are taken only at the level of Political Executive. Ministry only
helps them. Third kinds of functions are of technical nature rather than
political. In these, the functions related to outer world like disarmament,
non-alignment, matters related to UN, etc are included. Though these
issues have no special importance for general masses but these are very
important for foreign policy. Hence, like the matters of second kind,
Political Executive plays an important role in these matters also. Ministry
is related only to provide the helpful material and to follow the
directions. But this work is also sensitive and important in itself.
Even after the above important role, Harish Kapur thinks that the role
of foreign ministry in making of foreign policy has declined in the
recent years. Three main reasons are responsible for this decline. These
are as follows:-
I. The emergence and participation of other important institutions
in the making of foreign policy is a reason of decline in the powers
of foreign ministry. Indirect international information,
globalisation of Indian economy and participation of India in many
world conflicts has definitely increased. Besides, the
establishment of Prime Ministerial Secretariat has also declined
the importance of foreign ministry.
II. Ii The personality of Prime Minister is the second important
factor responsible for decline in the powers of foreign ministry.
When Prime Minister is very powerful and takes interest in
foreign affairs also, the position of ministry becomes weak.
III. The last reason of decline in the powers of foreign ministry is its
lack of general interest in the matters of foreign policy. Today the
interest in other fields is increasing rather than the political nature
of foreign relations. As a result of this, the importance of other
ministries like---health, labour etc is directly increasing in foreign
relations. The decline in above powers never means that foreign
ministry has lost its importance in foreign policy process. Contrary
to this, the position of this ministry is still very respectful and
graceful. Its most important reason is that anybody or any
institution howsoever becomes powerful but cannot reduce its
importance beyond a certain level.
Intelligence Agencies
In modern period, the intelligence department also plays an
important role in foreign policy determination and process. The
main function of a spy deputed for this purpose is to collect
relevant political, military, social and economic data from various
countries. These data may be helpful in making the foreign policy.
This function of collecting the data is done by special agencies on
the basis of direct and indirect information. India doesn’t have the
intelligence agencies like CIA of America and KGB of former Soviet
Union. But some intelligence agencies are working in this field.
The role of RAW (Research and Analysis Wing) is very important in
Indian intelligence system. Whereas the role of Intelligence
Bureau (IB) is related to the internal matters, the sole
responsibility of external affairs is on RAW. After independence,
the Indian leaders were not interested to make the intelligence
system important. Even the opinion of Nehru in some early years
about intelligence system was not so good. But the experience of
some years has changed his opinion and he started taking interest
in intelligence activities. The Chinese attack on India in 1962
opened the eyes of policy makers and underlined the importance
of foreign intelligence system. This incident proved that neither
bureaucracy nor military can provide the approach which an
intelligence system can provide. In this way, the pressure on
political leadership increased and it started to think in that way.
Finally, the RAW was established on 1st October 1968 to conduct
the intelligence activities in foreign countries. In the beginning,
the office of RAW was opened in the south block of central
secretariat. Early recruitments were made from the officers of
Home ministry. Later on, many officers were selected from other
ministries, military, intelligence bureau, etc. But gradually, the
dependence on other ministries was left and its own executive,
policies and rules were framed. In this way, giving the foreign
intelligence department a designation is a proof that political
leadership now accepted the importance of intelligence system in
foreign policy formulation.
Though RAW became an important institution but expenditure on
it is very limited and less as compared to the expenditure in the
developed countries. This institution collects the direct
information on the basis of research and its links but it collects
indirect information through its outside network. After that, this
institution evaluates the information and sends to the special
persons who are decision makers. In this context, the centre of its
activities is the whole world but it is more active in the areas
where the special interests of India are concerned. For example, it
plays an important role to influence the decisions related to South
Asia. Beside this, RAW also plays an important role in executing
the decisions. In this context, it has wide programmes and keeps
the special people involved in this function which proves to be
helpful in executing the particular aspects of India’s foreign policy.
For example, it played an important role in Indo-Pak war of 1971
and birth of Bangladesh.
Joint Intelligence committee also plays its role in making of
foreign policy. But role of this organisation never acquired a
practical shape. Though this organisation is in existence since
1948 and was restructured in 1965 but it was never equipped
with means of intelligence execution and capable for long-term
evaluations and estimations. After the formation of National
Security Council, it is associated with NSC as an organ. In this new
context, it will coordinate between ‘Strategic Policy Group’ and
‘National Security Advisory Board’ for execution of intelligence
activities along with secretariat. But as mentioned above, the
meaningful role of this committee is still questionable. Hence,
after the existence of various agencies and sub-agencies, RAW is
the only organisation for intelligence which plays an important
role in formulation of India’s foreign policy . Decision Making and
Execution Process: - Beside the above organs of foreign policy
making, there are many other elements in present information
age which play important role. From this point of view, the role of
media persons, thinkers, analysts and journalists cannot be
denied due to the pressures of international environment and
domestic circumstances. But from many angles, the role of
independent judiciary cannot also be denied. For example, human
rights, environment, etc are the subjects where judiciary has
played its role. Hence, the process of foreign policy making has
become very complex. Along with the formulation process,
foreign policy has to pass through various stages and means for
execution. The decisions/alternatives are presented by Prime
Minister on his/her own or as per the directions of cabinet
committee. Then these directions reach to the foreign ministry
through defence, foreign or home minister to cabinet secretary or
foreign secretary or through the meeting of both. Finally, the
foreign ministry make them executed through various embassies,
high commissions and other missions.
Criticisms
The following weaknesses of foreign policy making process appear
from its study:-
• This process lacks the institutional development. In contemporary
times, there are about 200 countries in the world and
innumerable international organisations and authorities are
working worldwide. In this situation, India has to interact with
different nations and organisations on different issues at different
levels. Any country makes its foreign policy through planned and
institutional ways instead of emotional basis. The proper
appointment, promotion and training of the people working in this
process are also important because they perform the execution of
the policies. The enough attention could not be paid towards this
during Nehru regime because he was both Prime Minister as well
as foreign minister and used to be extremely busy. Second, due to
the inter service conflict, jealously, class discrimination etc of
officers recruited in foreign services from various fields (ICS
officers, teachers, elite class, journalists, etc) everything has
become hotchpotch. These officers were far away from necessary
capabilities and responsibilities to perform diplomatic functions.
There was the domination of ICS officers in foreign services during
Nehru era, which continued even in later years also. Though, the
selection procedure through competition was established in 1949
and recruited persons were included in foreign services for the
first time in 1951 but there remained the domination of ICS
officers on top positions for a long time. Maharaja Rsasgotra of
1949 batch, recruited on the basis of competitive exams, could
become foreign secretary only in 1982. In this way, the
institutional development of foreign services has not been on
proper basis.
• Another important weakness of the foreign policy making process
has been the ad-hoc policy of government in this regard. Its clear
example is seen during Indira and Rajiv regimes. During their
regimes, efforts were made to alter all those institutions which
hindered their discretionary powers. Second, Indira Gandhi, due to
her suspicious nature, tried to appoint the loyal persons on all top
positions. That’s why the PPRC related to foreign department,
established during Shastri regime, was amended in the style that
first D.P. Dhar (1971) and then G. Parthsarthi (1985 and 1989)
were appointed as the chairmen of this committee along with the
status of Minister of State, so that they can be in direct reach of
Prime Minister. The same process continued during Rajiv era
which generated the nepotism and favouritism. As a result of this,
PPRC died and Planning Division got separated. No improvements
were seen in this even in later years. Its clear example is seen
when Rajiv Gandhi asked to change foreign secretary during his
press conference (Venkatraman resigned on this stance from his
post). Even in Chandershekhar regime, foreign secretary S.K. Singh
has to go from his post before the completion of his term because
the newly appointed Prime Minister wanted any other person on
this post. This policy of ad-hocism encouraged the ‘individual links,
conflict among ministries, and lack of team spirit and violation of
planned development in foreign policy making’.
• There have been two other hurdles in smooth policy making
process----- emergence of Prime Minister Office (PMO) and
ambitions of officers of foreign services. Due to the continuous
development in the powers of Prime Minister Office now they
have started interfering, beside their legal rights, unnecessarily in
the matters of foreign ministry. Officers of foreign ministry feel
demoralised on many occasions and face the failures of
predetermined foreign policy. These tendencies increased from
Indira regime, as a result of which, foreign ministry has to face
various problems. Second, presently the tendency of getting
foreign postings among officers of administration and police is
increasing. The officers of finance and trade are getting important
positions in this regard. All these things have created deformities
in the nature of this process.
• Policy of secrecy has also created a serious problem in foreign
policy making process. The documents of foreign policy are not
published for the masses in the name of secrecy. As a result,
mistakes regarding foreign policy are not analysed properly, and
this blocks the way of suggestions to improve the policies in
future. Some experts believe that through this, India cannot
properly evaluate the performance of its representatives on
international fore. Because, sometimes, it has been observed that
our representatives have acted on these fore contrary to the
policies finalised and established by Indian government. Most of
countries have an established procedure in this regard but India
completely lacks this system. For example, in America the
limitation period of having these kinds of documents secret is 20
years while in England it is 30 years. India has not fixed this kind of
time limitation. This provision blocks the process of foreign policy
making and causes the lack of a proper process.
• There has been a huge debate on the formation of ‘National
Security Council’. Formation of this Council is a welcome step
because its absence caused many weaknesses in evaluation of
security scenario and policies. But after its formation, it has been
criticised on the basis of faults occurred in the appointment of
National Advisor, Strategic Policy Group, Joint Intelligence
Committee, Advisory Board, etc which have been discussed earlier
in detail. But now it is not a matter of worry because if there is any
fault in its working it can be amended. It is possible on the basis of
experience. Only the time will decide. At this time, it is essential
that its constitution should not be based on orders of Executive
but should be passed by the parliament to strengthen it legally so
that no government can abolish it in future at its discretion.
Conclusion
Finally, it can be said that foreign policy making is a
multidimensional process in which various institutions and sources
contribute. The influence and role of all these institutions is
difficult to measure quantitatively. But one thing is true that
foreign ministry plays an important role in this context. Basically,
this ministry performs all the functions like formation of foreign
policy, its execution, advice to political leadership, suggestions to
change, etc. Beside this, ministry plays important role in collection
of data and its study and analysis also. It has to take into mind the
political direction, information provided by intelligence agencies,
the debate in parliament, etc while performing its functions. In
modern period, we can see the clear impact of expression of
public opinion as national interests, role of means of
communication, domestic and international environment,
comments of thinkers and scholars, evaluation and estimations of
defence organisations etc on the foreign policy making process. It
is very difficult to have a proper estimation of the impact on
making of foreign policy because of its multidimensional, multi
institutional and complex process and in the absence of concrete
available standards.