THE CAPAC RAYMI AND THE REPRESENTATION OF POWER

Among the institutionalized festivals of the Inca administration, it is the Capac Raymi that
provides us with more information to understand the importance that they had
artistic manifestations, mainly musical, in the emblematic paraphernalia pre
Hispanic. The particular attention with which the chroniclers, especially Molina (the parish priest of
Hospital of Naturalists of Our Lady of Remedies of Cusco 1575]), described the
different moments of this celebration allow for an objective approach to the problem in
all its complexity. When analyzing each of the moments of representation of this celebration, we
establishes the strict structuring that ordered, arranged and articulated them sequentially in
a significant whole. In the Capac Raymi there is a discourse in which the meanings of the
different transfers, poetic and musical compositions, clothing and colors defined a
social sphere, that of the Inca elite and within it only that of the blood Incas. As with any discourse
ceremonial, that of this celebration, and particularly that of the rite of passage for the youth
Orejones had its foundation and authorization in a mythical time, a time that was renewed.
ritually and that allows to justify an ideology of social control.

The December solstice marked the peak of the Capac Raymi. From Poquencancha,
a house of the sun, which was above Cayocache
1956:185), the festival was concluded with sacrifices for the prosperity of all nations
(Molina [CA. 1575]; 1947:117-118). Regarding times, it is necessary to take into account
the information from the perspective of the chroniclers we consulted; for example, Christopher
de Molina, the parish priest of the Hospital of Naturals of Our Lady of Remedies,
it considered the Julian calendar and, moreover, it dealt with the ceremonial activity in
Cusco according to the lunar calendar. If we pay attention to Molina's information, it is deduced
that, towards the twenty-third day of the month of Capac Raymi (that is, around the 13th of
December in our calendar) those who participated in the celebration were heading towards "the houses
of the Sun, called Pokoy" (Molina [CA. 1575]; 1947:117). Those Houses of the Sun would be the temple
solar of Poquencancha, on the slope of the Puquín hill (a 'trestros of arquebus' distance,
approximately). This solar temple was an important spatial reference for the
observations of the sunrise on the December solstice, as we will discuss later.
In the text, Molina suggests that they remained there for several days 'and understood during these days of
drink and indulge, after which they returned the statue of the sun" (Molina [CA. 1575]; 1947:118.
The remarking is ours). It is possible that the state committee waited ceremonially since
on December 13, approximately, until sunrise on the solstice, as a point
culminating of the Capac Raymi.

Thus, during the annual period when there is the greatest solar presence in the southern region and when
from the Coricancha, a 'seat' of the sun could be observed for several days towards the west,
on the western slope of Cerro Quilque (Aveni, 1981:308-309), the Capac Raymi, as
institutional feast, authorized the supremacy of the ruling class. The Moon, as a reference
female religious sector had a special participation in this feast, joining in the
four huacas of the Inca administration (Maker, Sun, Thunder, Inca) to receive the MOCHA
the worship of the young Incas, men and women, who would fulfill the demands of the ritual
along the way. Among the brightest stars observed at this time of year is
Antares (the main star of the constellation Scorpius - maximum visibility in the region
from December 10 to January 10, approximately). It is possible that the
Pleiades, the stars that the Andeans directly associated with productive cycles and for
So the most observed ones have been particularly taken into account on this date.
the sun and, therefore, solar observations were fundamental in the Capac Raymi
It confirms both the first huaca to which the youths in the rite of passage made sacrifices: the usnu.
located in Urinhaucaypata, used for solar observations, like the last one, the temple
solar observatory of Poquencancha, on the Puquín hill, from where it would be observed
dawn of the December solstice, as we already said. Let's not forget, by the way, that one of the
main scenarios of the Capac Raymi was the Haucaypata square, where there would have been
located usnus for astronomical observations that involved the topographic profile
as a reference.

In the Capac Raymi, especially for the activities surrounding the rite of passage, the chroniclers
they coincide in indicating two moments or 'times': one of preparation and the other of celebration
properly speaking. The first, no less burdened with responsibility and rituality than the
second, was dedicated to preparing the first clothing and some accessories of
the ceremonial paraphernalia intended for the young people who were to be presented before the
state power, so that it would authorize their participation in the activities of the rite of passage.
Preparatory tales were the responsibility of the respective lineages. This basic clothing,
brought by the relatives of the young people, was substituted in the successive moments of the
party for that which the State provided through its greatest class exponents: The Sun,
Huanacauri and the Inca.

As in every institutionalized festival, the Maker, the Thunder, and the Sun were the huacas that
they share symbolic representation with the Inca during the Capac Raymi. Although, as
we said, the Moon was added this time as a representative huaca of the female sector of
elite, who also fulfilled the rite of passage, was Huanacauri the huaca who authorized the
celebration activities.

In chapter XV of Book XIII of his HISTORY of the New World [1653], the Jesuit Bernabé
Cobo refers to this huaca in detail, providing valuable data for our study:
The seventh [shrine of the sixth ceque, direction Collasuyu] was called Huanacauri; which was of
the most important worship places of the whole kingdom; the oldest that the Incas had afterwards
from the window of Pacaritampu, and where more sacrifices were made. It is on a hill that is distant
From Cuzco about two and a half leagues along this road we are taking to Collasuyu: in which
They say that one of the brothers of the first Inca turned to stone for reasons that they give: and
they had kept the said stone, which was medium-sized, shapeless, and somewhat pointed, it was above
from the aforementioned hill until the arrival of the Spaniards, and they held many festivities for him. However, as soon as
The Spaniards arrived, although they took a large amount of gold and silver from this shrine, they did not
they repaired the idol for being, as I have said, a rough stone; with which they had a place for the
Indians to hide it, until Paul Inca returned from Chile and made a house next to his.
then the Raymi festival was held there until the Christians discovered it and took away
his power. He was found with her a multitude of offerings, small clothing for idols, and a great abundance of
they prayed for the young men who became knights. They took this idol to war very
ordinary, particularly when the King himself was there; and Guayna took him to
Quito, from where they brought him back with his body. Because the Incas understood that
has been a big part of their victories. Dressing richly for the Raymi festival, and
"adorned with many feathers on the aforementioned hill of Huanacuri" (Cobo [1653: Book XIII, Chapter.
XV]).

If in the Citua the 'shockwave' of the sound of the 'people of Cusco' managed to cover an area
with a sweep radius of approximately 50 km, adding its ritual action to that of those
who lived beyond the isolation sector of the main urban nucleus, in the Capac
Raymi, the ceremonial action, was concentrated within the strict radius of two leagues (10 km,
approximately), corresponding to the spatial scope of the elite. When analyzing in detail the
Different circuits can indicate that, while in the Citua the action was oriented
from the ceremonial center outward (centrifugal action, expulsion), in the Capac Raymi it
directed towards that center, updating the mythical circuit of the first Incas (action
centripetal).

The scope of the two leagues was even more marked during the celebration by the limit.
tax on the entry of tributes and the expulsion of outsiders. Cobo is very clear about
regarding: "You pointed them out [this month], both to those who were leaving and to those who were coming to the Court,
a certain place at the entrance of the path that was designated for this, and in each of those
places were the people of that suyu where the said road was going. There they were gathering and
collecting the tributes and treasury of the Religion, which at that time they brought from all the
provinces, waiting for those who brought them until the king's ministers and the guacas took them
"to receive" (Cobo [1653: Lib. XIII, Cap. XXV]; 1964:208).

However, it is interesting to note that, despite being included in the geographical scope
of the two leagues, the main moments of the pasote rite take place

"outside" the sacred urban core as such, concentrating around the hills
Huanacauri and Anahuarque. Even the ceremonial demands require the displacement of
Primus among PARes24, the Inca, who on the sixteenth day, at Yauira hill, was delivering to
the young people the gold earrings, different elements of the clothing of the men of
elite. After each day, the young people joined with a new

"social status" to the urban nucleus. Beyond the ritual updating of the mythical moment.
Before the arrival of the first Incas in the valley, would this spatial arrangement indicate the
state of 'marginality' in relation to the elite, in terms of social function, in which it is
Did they find the young people still not distinguished as big-eared ones?

Mount Huanacauri (seventh huaca of the sixth ceque, orientation Collasuyu) was among the Incas,
as Cobo reports ([1653: Lib. XIII, Cap. XV]; 1956:181), the oldest huaca after
Pacaritambo. That is to say, one of the fundamental topographical points of the organization.
spatial, contemplated and mythically authorized by the Inca administration. It is located
located approximately eleven kilometers from Haucaypata, southeast, at 3,900 m above sea level.
In his interesting work on hydraulic organization and power in Cusco of the
Incas, Sherbondy (1987:146) comments that 'Collasuyu included the Huatanay River and the waters
from the sacred hill Huanacauri.

(...) [in this region] Uscaymata clan and Apumayta clan form the dominant part and the
the third sector [of lower prestige] is shared between a panaca, Haguayni panaca of the Inca
Lloque Yupanqui, and the Aquiniaylla ayllu. This hill is directly and exclusively associated with the myth of
origin, it was the spatial axis around which the main circuit of the Capac Raymi was oriented to
to celebrate the rite of passage.

The account of the origin myth provided by Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572] is interesting. Through
From this myth, this place would be authorized not only as a spatial reference of religion.
institutional, but also as a place where the administrative base was agreed upon or determined
from the State: "And in this town [Quirirmanta or Quirasmanta], the seven Incas consulted [
your companions] how they would divide among themselves the duties of their journey, so that among them there would be
distinction. And they agreed that Manco Cápac (...) should conceive for the preservation of his lineage, and that
this was the leader of all, and that Ayar Uchu remained as a sacred site for his religion, and that Ayar
Auca (...) was going to take possession of the land where they would have to settle" (Sarmiento of
Gamboa [1572: Cap. XII]; 1988:56)

The rainbow, "which the locals call huanacauri" (Sarmiento de Gamboa [1572: Cap. XII]);
1988:56), was the element that determined the main articulation in the course of the
mythical events and sanctified the place as a reference for a new spatial reality,
like a religious milestone in a new territorial administration. Upon seeing the rainbow at the summit
from Huanacauri, Manco Capac said: 'Regard that [the rainbow] as a good sign that it will not be the
a world more destroyed by water! Let's get there, and from there we will choose where we must
found our village! (...) Before they reached the top (...), they saw a huaca (...) next to the arch
(...). When Ayar Uchu arrived at the statue or huaca, he sat upon it with great determination.
asking him what he was doing there (...) [and] he was turned to stone" (Sarmiento de Gamboa
1572: Chapter XII; 1988:56.
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ACOSTA, J. de (1954): NATURAL and MORAL HISTORY of THE INDIES. Library of Authors
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NEW CHRONICLE and good government

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