Cognitive Development

Cognitive Development in Childhood

Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

Jean Piaget, a Swiss psychologist, developed a theory of cognitive development that

emphasizes the interaction between a child's naturally maturing abilities and their
experiences in the environment. He proposed that children progress through four stages of
cognitive development: sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational, and formal
operational stages.

aboutworldthrough
Learn HIM
Sensorimotor Stage (Birth to 2 Years)
actionhasconsequences
During the sensorimotor stage, infants learn about the world through their senses and
actions. They discover relationships between their actions and the consequences of those
actions. A key milestone in this stage is the development of object permanence, the
understanding that objects continue to exist even when they are not visible. For example, an
infant under eight months old might lose interest in a toy once it is hidden, indicating a lack
of object permanence. By around ten months, infants actively search for hidden objects,
showing they understand the object still exists. Objectpermanence objects existeven

Preoperational Stage (2 to 7 Years) methfish

Cognitive Development 1
 Piaget's three mountain task is a psychological experiment designed by Jean Piaget to study cognitive development in children.
NOTE In this task, children are shown a model with three mountains of different sizes and shapes. Each mountain has distinct features
such as trees, snow, and a cross on the top. The child is asked to choose a picture that shows the view from a doll's perspective
placed at different positions around the mountains. This task aims to assess the child's ability to understand different
perspectives and their cognitive development regarding spatial awareness and representation.

In the preoperational stage, children begin to use symbols, such as words and images, to
represent objects and experiences. They engage in pretend play and can think in symbolic
terms but lack logical reasoning. This stage is characterized by egocentrism, where children
are unable to see perspectives other than their own. Piaget’s three-mountain task illustrates
this: children under six or seven years old often select pictures showing their own view
rather than the doll's perspective.
Another significant characteristic is a lack of conservation, the understanding that quantities
remain the same despite changes in shape or appearance. For instance, a child in this stage
may believe that a taller, narrower glass contains more water than a shorter, wider one, even
if they hold the same amount. This is because preoperational thinking is dominated by visual
impressions rather than logical operations.

Concrete Operational Stage (7 to 11 Years)

In the concrete operational stage, children develop logical thinking but only about concrete
objects or events. They gain an understanding of conservation and can perform mental
operations such as organizing objects by dimensions like height or weight. They also
develop the ability to understand and create maps, showing they can mentally represent a
series of actions or routes.
Children in this stage can reason logically about concrete events but struggle with abstract or
hypothetical concepts. Their logical operations are tied to direct sensory experiences rather
than abstract thinking.

Formal Operational Stage (12 Years and Up)

The formal operational stage marks the development of abstract and scientific thinking.
Adolescents can reason logically about hypothetical situations and use systematic ways to
solve problems. For example, in a task to determine what affects the period of a pendulum’s
swing, children in this stage will systematically test variables, holding others constant to
isolate effects.
This stage is characterized by the ability to think about abstract concepts, consider multiple
perspectives, and use deductive reasoning. Adolescents can formulate hypotheses and
engage in systematic experimentation to test these hypotheses.

Cognitive Development 2
Cognitive Development 3
 Critique and Contemporary Perspectives
While Piaget’s theory has been highly influential, it has also faced criticism. Some
researchers argue that cognitive development is more continuous than Piaget’s stage theory
suggests. Others believe that Piaget underestimated children's abilities at various stages.
Contemporary approaches often incorporate a more nuanced view of cognitive development,
considering cultural and social factors, as well as the contributions of researchers like Lev
Vygotsky, who emphasized the importance of social interactions and language in cognitive
development.

Critique of Piaget’s Theory

Jean Piaget's theory of cognitive development was a groundbreaking contribution to
understanding children's intellectual growth. However, new research using more
sophisticated methods has revealed some limitations and inaccuracies in Piaget's
conclusions.

Underestimation of Abilities
Piaget is criticized for underestimating the cognitive abilities of infants and young children.
Modern studies suggest that children can demonstrate certain cognitive skills earlier than
Piaget proposed. For example, tasks designed to test children's understanding often require
multiple skills such as attention, memory, and specific knowledge, which could hinder their
performance even if they possess the cognitive ability being tested.

Object Permanence
Piaget's concept of object permanence, which he believed developed around eight months,
has been challenged. Piaget's method required infants to actively search for a hidden object,
but this action involves additional skills such as memory and motor coordination. Studies by
Baillargeon and colleagues (1985, 1987, 1991) used a different approach to test object
permanence without requiring active searching. They showed infants a screen rotating
towards a box. Infants showed surprise (indicating they noticed the impossibility) when the
screen appeared to pass through the hidden box, suggesting object permanence as early as
three and a half months.

Cognitive Development 4
 Conservation Tasks
Piaget's conservation tasks have also been scrutinized. These tasks assess whether children
understand that quantity remains the same despite changes in shape or arrangement. Piaget
found that young children often failed these tasks, but subsequent research indicated that
task framing influences performance. For instance, Markman (1979) demonstrated that
when toys were described as "armies" instead of individual "soldiers," children were more
likely to judge quantities correctly, suggesting that children could understand conservation
when prompted to view the items as collections rather than individual objects.

Influence of Cultural and Educational Factors

Piaget suggested that concrete operational reasoning, which includes logical thinking about
concrete objects, emerges universally around middle childhood. However, research indicates
that this stage may be influenced by cultural and educational contexts. Artman and Cahan
(1993) found that schooling can promote mastery of Piagetian tasks, implying that concrete
operational thought is not strictly tied to age but can be shaped by environmental factors
such as education and cultural experiences.

Conclusion
Piaget's theory revolutionized the understanding of cognitive development by highlighting
children's active role in constructing knowledge through interactions with their environment.
Despite its profound impact, subsequent research has revealed that cognitive abilities may
develop earlier than Piaget proposed and that children's performance on cognitive tasks can
be influenced by task design, wording, and cultural context. These findings suggest that

Cognitive Development 5
 cognitive development is more complex and variable than Piaget's stage theory originally
indicated.

Alternatives to Piaget’s Theory

Jean Piaget's theory of cognitive development has been influential but also widely critiqued
and supplemented by alternative approaches. Developmental psychologists have proposed
various frameworks that offer different perspectives on how children develop cognitively.
These include information-processing approaches, knowledge-acquisition approaches, and
sociocultural approaches.

Information-Processing Approaches
Information-processing approaches view cognitive development as the acquisition of
separate skills for gathering and analyzing information. These theorists argue that Piaget’s
tasks often conflate multiple cognitive skills, obscuring the true developmental progress of
children. Within this perspective, there is debate about whether development is a continuous
process or involves distinct stages.

1. Continuous Development: Some researchers, like Klahr (1982), argue that cognitive
development is a smooth and continuous process, without discrete stages. They believe
that cognitive skills gradually improve over time.

2. Stage-Like Development: Others, known as neo-Piagetians, propose that while overall

development may be continuous, specific domains (e.g., language, mathematics)
develop in a stage-like fashion. Case and Okamoto (1996) suggest that gradual
improvements in information-processing skills can lead to stage-like changes in
thinking.

Knowledge-Acquisition Approaches
This approach posits that cognitive development after infancy is primarily about acquiring
knowledge rather than developing new cognitive processes. Differences between children
and adults are attributed to the latter's broader and deeper knowledge base.

1. Overlapping Waves Theory: Siegler’s (1996) theory suggests that children have access
to multiple problem-solving strategies at any given time. As they age, they rely more on
effective strategies and less on ineffective ones, indicating a shift in knowledge use
rather than fundamental cognitive change.

Cognitive Development 6
 2. Domain-Specific Knowledge: Studies like Chi's (1978) research on chess players show
that expertise in a specific domain can greatly enhance cognitive performance in that
area. This supports the idea that knowledge and its organization, rather than stage-based
cognitive abilities, drive cognitive performance.

3. Conservation Tasks and Knowledge: Keil's (1989) research demonstrated that

children’s understanding of conservation can vary depending on their knowledge of the
domain. For instance, children might not understand mass conservation in clay but can
understand biological conservation in animals, suggesting that domain-specific
knowledge influences their cognitive judgments.

Sociocultural Approaches
Sociocultural approaches emphasize the role of social and cultural contexts in cognitive
development, a perspective largely neglected by Piaget.

1. Cultural Influence: Cultures shape cognitive development by providing specific

activities, determining the frequency of these activities, relating different activities, and
controlling children’s roles within these activities (Keil, in press). For example, the
importance of traditional dancing in Balinese culture or skiing in Norwegian culture
influences the skills children develop.

2. Vygotsky’s Theory: Lev Vygotsky’s theory is central to the sociocultural approach.

Vygotsky emphasized the importance of social interaction and cultural tools in cognitive
development. He introduced the concept of the zone of proximal development (ZPD),
which is the range of tasks a child can perform with the help of a more knowledgeable
individual. Vygotsky also highlighted the role of language in cognitive development,
viewing private speech as a crucial tool for self-guidance and learning.

Conclusion
While Piaget's theory laid the foundation for understanding cognitive development, it has
been enriched and expanded by various alternative approaches. Information-processing
theories highlight the importance of specific cognitive skills and question the stage-based
model. Knowledge-acquisition approaches emphasize the role of domain-specific
knowledge and experience. Sociocultural theories, particularly Vygotsky's, underscore the
significance of social interaction and cultural context in cognitive development. These
perspectives collectively offer a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of how
children develop cognitively.

Cognitive Development 7
 Theory of Mind

Definition and Importance

As adults, our behavior and thinking often reflect our understanding that other people have
minds – they think, hold expectations and beliefs, and have their own assumptions. This
capability is fundamental for social interactions. For example, if we realize that we will be
late for a meeting with a friend, we notify them because we understand their expectation and
aim to adjust it by informing them. This awareness and reflection on our own thinking
process is known as metacognition.
Development of Theory of Mind in Children
The development of a theory of mind in children has been a significant area of research in
developmental psychology. This involves understanding that other individuals have their
own thoughts, beliefs, desires, and emotions, which may differ from one's own.
Typical Experiment and Developmental Sequence
A typical experiment illustrating the development of theory of mind involves a false-belief
task. For example, a child is shown a candy box and asked what they think is inside. After
revealing that it contains crayons, the child is asked what another child, who has not seen
inside the box, would think it contains. Five-year-olds typically answer "candy,"
understanding that others can hold false beliefs. However, three-year-olds often say
"crayons," indicating they do not yet fully grasp that others can have different beliefs from
their own.
Developmental Stages (Bartsch and Wellman, 1995)

1. Around age 2: Children understand simple desires, emotions, and perceptual

experiences. They know people can have wants and fears and can see and feel things
but do not understand that people mentally represent objects and their own desires and
beliefs.

2. Around age 3: Children begin to talk about beliefs and thoughts as well as desires.
They start to understand that beliefs can be false and can differ among people but still
explain actions primarily through desires.

3. Around age 4: Children begin to understand that people's thoughts and beliefs affect
their behaviors and that beliefs can be disconnected from reality.

Early Indicators and Intentionality

Cognitive Development 8
 Even before age 2, infants exhibit behaviors indicating an emerging theory of mind. For
instance, when infants point to direct an adult's attention, they demonstrate an understanding
that the adult has a separate mind and can be guided to notice something interesting.
Experiments have shown that when adults ignore infants' pointing, the infants become
annoyed and persist in their efforts, indicating intentionality.
Theory of Mind and Autism
Research on theory of mind has significant implications for understanding autism, a
condition characterized by challenges in social interaction and communication. Simon
Baron-Cohen suggests that children with autism may lack a fundamental theory of mind,
impairing their ability to understand others' feelings, desires, and beliefs. This deficit can
make people seem like objects to autistic children, contributing to their social withdrawal.
Autobiographical Insights
Temple Grandin, a person with autism, provides personal insights into how a lack of
intuitive understanding of social interactions affects individuals with autism. Grandin
describes feeling like an outsider, observing social interactions without understanding their
instinctive nature. Her experience emphasizes the challenge of learning social norms
through trial and error rather than innate understanding.
Conclusion
Understanding theory of mind development offers crucial insights into how children
comprehend the mental states of others, which is fundamental for effective social
interaction. It also highlights significant differences in social cognition among individuals
with developmental conditions such as autism, underscoring the importance of tailored
interventions and support.

Development of Moral Judgement

The Development of Moral Judgment

Piaget’s Stages of Moral Development
Piaget explored how children develop moral judgment and their understanding of moral
rules and social conventions, proposing that moral development is closely linked to
cognitive development. Through his observations of children playing games with rules,
Piaget identified four stages of moral development:

1. Parallel Play (Early Preoperational Period)

Cognitive Development 9
 Children play independently with their own sets of idiosyncratic rules, often
changing them and not engaging in cooperative or competitive play.

2. Moral Realism (Around Age 5)

Children view rules as absolute and handed down by authority figures such as
parents or God. Rules are seen as permanent and unchangeable.

Moral judgments are based on the consequences of actions rather than intentions.
For example, a child might consider someone who accidentally broke more items
as naughtier than someone who intentionally broke fewer items.

3. Moral Relativism (Later Childhood)

Children begin to understand that rules are social conventions that can be modified
by mutual agreement.

They start considering intentions behind actions when making moral judgments and
view punishment as a human decision rather than inevitable retribution.

4. Formal Operational Stage (Adolescence)

Youngsters develop an interest in creating rules for hypothetical situations and

engage in ideological moral reasoning, addressing broader social issues beyond
personal experiences.

Kohlberg’s Extension of Piaget’s Theory

Lawrence Kohlberg expanded Piaget’s work, focusing on moral reasoning from adolescence
to adulthood. He introduced six developmental stages of moral judgment, grouped into three
levels:

1. Preconventional Level (Stage 1 and 2)

Stage 1: Obedience and punishment orientation. Moral reasoning is based on

avoiding punishment.

Stage 2: Individualism and exchange. Moral reasoning involves personal benefits

and fair exchanges.

2. Conventional Level (Stage 3 and 4)

Stage 3: Good interpersonal relationships. Actions are evaluated based on social

approval and maintaining relationships.

Cognitive Development 10
 Stage 4: Maintaining social order. Moral reasoning emphasizes law and order,
respecting authority, and maintaining societal rules.

3. Postconventional Level (Stage 5 and 6)

Stage 5: Social contract and individual rights. People recognize the variability of
values and laws based on individual rights and social contracts.

Stage 6: Universal ethical principles. Actions are evaluated based on self-chosen

ethical principles. However, Kohlberg later dropped this stage from his theory.

Cultural Considerations and Criticisms

Kohlberg found evidence supporting his stages across different cultures, including the
United States, Mexico, Taiwan, and Turkey. However, the theory has faced criticisms:

Sequential Stages: Some researchers argue that people do not necessarily follow the
stages sequentially and may use different moral reasoning for different situations.

Gender Bias: Carol Gilligan criticized Kohlberg’s theory for being male-centered,
suggesting it places a higher value on abstract justice-based reasoning (considered
masculine) over reasoning based on caring and relationships (considered feminine).

Challenges to Piaget’s Assumptions

Cognitive Development 11
 Piaget’s view that young children cannot distinguish between social conventions and moral
prescriptions has been challenged. Research by Nucci (1981) demonstrated that 7-year-old
children could distinguish between moral transgressions (e.g., lying, stealing) and social
conventions (e.g., chewing gum in class), indicating that even young children understand
some actions as inherently wrong regardless of rules.

Conclusion
The development of moral judgment is a complex process that evolves through distinct
stages, influenced by cognitive development and social interactions. While Piaget and
Kohlberg’s theories provide foundational frameworks, ongoing research continues to refine
our understanding of how children and adults develop moral reasoning, considering cultural,
gender, and contextual factors.

Personality and Social Development

Temperament

Temperament refers to the early-appearing, stable differences in reactivity and self-

regulation, influenced by genetics and environment. Research on temperament challenges
the traditional view that all infant behaviors are shaped solely by their environment. This
area of study emphasizes the reciprocal relationship between an infant’s behavior and
parental responses, where an infant’s temperament can significantly affect the parent-child
bond.
Key Points on Temperament:

1. Early Emergence of Temperamental Differences:

Temperamental traits are observable in newborns, indicating a genetic basis.

Parental responses are shaped by the infant’s temperament, influencing the parent-
child relationship. For example, an easily soothed baby reinforces parental feelings
of competence, while a fussy baby may lead to feelings of inadequacy.

2. Classic Temperament Study:

A pioneering study in the 1950s by Thomas, Chess, and colleagues classified

infants into three broad temperament types based on nine traits:

Cognitive Development 12
 Easy (40%): Playful, regular in sleeping and eating, adaptable to new
situations.

Difficult (10%): Irritable, irregular sleeping and eating patterns, intense and
negative responses to new situations.

Slow to Warm Up (15%): Relatively inactive, mild withdrawal from new

situations, slow adaptation.

Unclassified (35%): Not fitting neatly into any of the categories.

3. Longitudinal Findings:

Follow-up studies into adulthood showed mixed evidence for the continuity of
temperament:

Difficult temperaments in childhood were linked to later school problems.

However, individual temperamental traits showed low continuity over time,

with correlations around 0.3.

Later research suggested that temperamental stability increases after the toddler
years.

4. Methodological Considerations:

Early studies relied heavily on parental reports, which could be biased.

More recent studies using direct observation and parental reports found low
stability of temperament in early infancy but moderate stability in toddlerhood.

5. Temperament and Behavior:

Studies by Schwartz, Snidman, and Kagan found that inhibited children at 21

months displayed less externalizing behavior at age 13.

Approach or avoidance of unfamiliar events remained moderately stable over time,

supporting the idea of temperamental continuity.

6. Genetic Influence:

Twin studies show higher similarity in temperament among identical twins

compared to fraternal twins, suggesting a genetic component.

The interaction between genetics and environment is crucial. For example, identical
twins raised apart showed less similarity in temperament than those raised together,

Cognitive Development 13
 indicating environmental influence.

7. Goodness of Fit:

The concept of "goodness of fit" emphasizes the importance of the environment

matching the child’s temperament for healthy development.

Supportive environments can mitigate the challenges of difficult temperaments, as

illustrated by the case of Carl, whose difficult temperament was moderated by his
father’s positive and understanding approach.

Conclusion
Temperament is a fundamental aspect of early personality development, significantly
influenced by both genetic and environmental factors. Understanding the nuances of
temperament can help caregivers provide supportive environments that foster healthy
psychological and emotional development in children.

Early social behaviour

Early Social Interaction:

Imitation and Bonding:

Newborns can imitate adult facial expressions, suggesting an innate readiness for
social interaction. This imitation is believed to strengthen the parent-child bond
from the very beginning Meltzoff & Decety, 2003 .

By two months, infants begin to smile at their parents, which likely evolved to
enhance bonding. These early smiles are interpreted by parents as recognition and
affection, encouraging more affectionate interactions.

Maturation and Universality:

The onset of smiling is consistent across cultures and appears around the same age
for most infants, indicating a strong role of maturation.

Even blind infants begin to smile at the same age as sighted infants, reinforcing the
idea that smiling is an innate response Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1970 .

Recognition and Preference:

Familiarity Preference:

Cognitive Development 14
 By three or four months, infants show a preference for familiar people by smiling
and cooing more at them.

Around seven to eight months, many infants develop stranger anxiety and show
distress when left in unfamiliar settings. This anxiety peaks at 14 to 18 months and
then gradually declines, usually by age three, when children become more secure
and comfortable interacting with others.

Developmental Patterns of Fear:

Stranger Anxiety:

The onset of stranger anxiety aligns with an infant's improved memory capacity,
allowing them to distinguish between familiar and unfamiliar people and to detect
unusual events.

Initially, four-month-olds may react with curiosity to unusual stimuli, but by eight
months, such stimuli often cause apprehension.

Separation Anxiety:

Separation anxiety arises as infants develop the capacity to remember their parents'
presence and become distressed by their absence.

As memory continues to develop, infants begin to anticipate their parents' return,

which gradually reduces anxiety.

Cultural Consistency:

Cross-Cultural Observations:

The pattern of stranger and separation anxiety is observed across different cultures,
though the intensity and expression of these fears may vary.

Factors Influencing Fear Development:

1. Memory Growth:

Enhanced memory allows infants to compare past and present events, contributing
to the fear of unusual stimuli and separation.

Better memory helps children anticipate the return of their parents, reducing
separation anxiety over time.

2. Autonomy Growth:

Cognitive Development 15
 As children grow older and more autonomous, their dependence on caregivers
decreases.

Language development and the ability to move independently reduce the child's
need for constant parental presence.

Conclusion
Early social behaviors in infants are strongly influenced by innate mechanisms, maturation,
and the development of memory and autonomy. These behaviors, such as smiling, stranger
anxiety, and separation anxiety, play crucial roles in establishing and maintaining the parent-
child bond and adapting to social environments. Despite variations in intensity across
cultures, the general patterns of these behaviors are remarkably consistent, highlighting the
universal nature of early social development.

Attachment

Definition and Early Theories:

Attachment Definition:

Attachment refers to an infant's tendency to seek closeness to particular people and

to feel secure in their presence.

Initial Theories:

Early theories posited that attachment developed because the mother was the
primary source of food. However, this did not explain attachment in species like
ducklings and chicks that feed themselves or findings from studies with monkeys
Harlow & Harlow, 1969 .

Key Research and Findings:

Harlow’s Monkey Experiments:

Harlow's research demonstrated that comfort and social interaction, rather than
food, are crucial for developing healthy attachment. Monkeys raised with artificial
mothers but without social interaction exhibited abnormal behaviors and poor
parenting skills later in life.

Bowlby’s Observations:

Cognitive Development 16
 John Bowlby noted that children in residential nurseries who lacked secure
attachment struggled with forming close relationships in adulthood Bowlby,
1973 .

Ainsworth’s Strange Situation:

Mary Ainsworth developed the "strange situation" procedure to assess attachment

in infants, identifying three main attachment styles: secure, insecure-avoidant, and
insecure-ambivalent, with a later addition of disorganized attachment Ainsworth
et al., 1978; Main & Solomon, 1986 .

Cognitive Development 17
 Attachment Styles:

1. Securely Attached:

Seek interaction with the mother upon her return, displaying behaviors ranging
from acknowledging her return to seeking physical contact.

2. Insecurely Attached: Avoidant:

Avoid interaction with the mother during reunion episodes, sometimes appearing
indifferent or mixed in their attempts to interact.

Cognitive Development 18
 3. Insecurely Attached: Ambivalent:

Show resistance during reunion, seeking and resisting physical contact

simultaneously.

4. Disorganized:

Exhibit contradictory behaviors, such as approaching while avoiding eye contact, or

appearing dazed and disoriented. More common in maltreated children or those
with parents with mental disorders.

Parenting Styles and Attachment:

Sensitive Responsiveness:

Secure attachment is associated with caregivers who respond promptly and

affectionately to the baby's needs. Mothers of securely attached babies often
respond to infant cues and tailor their care to the baby’s preferences Clarke-
Stewart, 1973 .

Inconsistent Responsiveness:

Insecure attachment is linked to caregivers who respond based on their own needs
or moods rather than the baby’s cues Stayton, 1973 .

Debates and Evidence:

Role of Temperament:

Some researchers argue that an infant's temperament plays a significant role in

attachment behaviors, suggesting that 'easy' temperaments may naturally lead to
more secure attachments.

Interaction between Temperament and Caregiving:

Evidence suggests that both the child's temperament and the caregiver's
responsiveness influence attachment styles. For instance, a mother’s responsiveness
can predict changes in the infant’s crying patterns better than the reverse Bell &
Ainsworth, 1972; Belsky & Rovine, 1987 .

Impact on Later Development:

Stability of Attachment:

Cognitive Development 19
 Attachment classifications tend to remain stable unless the family undergoes major
changes. Securely attached children are generally better equipped to handle new
experiences and challenges, showing more resilience and seeking help when
needed Main & Cassidy, 1988; Matas, Arend, & Sroufe, 1978 .

Influence on Problem-Solving:

Securely attached children demonstrate greater persistence and less frustration

when faced with difficult tasks, while insecurely attached children show more
anger and give up easily.

Cultural Differences:

Variability Across Cultures:

The distribution of attachment styles varies widely across cultures, influenced by

cultural practices and expectations around independence and caregiver separation
Thompson, 1998 .

Interpretation of Strange Situation:

In cultures where infants are rarely separated from their mothers, the strange
situation may induce atypical anxiety, leading to misclassification of
attachment style. For example, Japanese infants might appear more anxious
due to their lack of experience with separation, while German infants might
appear more avoidant due to cultural encouragement of independence.

Conclusion
Attachment is a complex interplay of innate behaviors, caregiver responsiveness, and
cultural influences. While secure attachment is linked to sensitive and responsive caregiving,
the child’s temperament also plays a crucial role. Understanding attachment requires
considering both the biological and environmental factors that shape early development.

Self-Concept

Self-Concept
The mirror test, introduced by Gallup in 1998, reveals that children as young as 18 months
demonstrate self-recognition. When a red smudge is placed on their forehead without their
knowledge and they see themselves in a mirror, they will touch the mark on their own
forehead, indicating an awareness that the reflection is of themselves. Younger children,

Cognitive Development 20
 however, tend to react by trying to touch the mark on the "other child" in the mirror,
showing they have not yet developed this level of self-awareness.
As children grow, their self-concept evolves, incorporating various dimensions such as their
physical presence in space, a sense of continuity over time, social interactions, cultural roles,
and the realization that their thoughts are private. This complex self-concept expands
steadily through their development (Harter, 1998; Neisser, 1988).
Self-Esteem
Self-esteem, a crucial aspect of the self, is defined as a value-laden sense of self-worth. It
varies notably from preschool through adolescence. Preschool children often possess
unrealistically positive self-views, which helps them maintain confidence despite frequent
failures. As they enter early school years, their self-assessments become more realistic but
remain generally positive, as they tend to compare themselves to their past selves rather than
to others.
In middle childhood (ages 8-12), social comparisons become more prevalent and begin to
influence self-esteem more significantly. Children start to recognize their abilities in specific
domains, often concluding they excel in some areas while lacking in others. By adolescence,
social comparison is paramount, and self-esteem becomes deeply affected by others'
perceptions and evaluations, though individual susceptibility to these evaluations varies
widely.
Gender Identity and Sex Typing
Gender identity, a robust sense of being male or female, is shaped by cultural norms which
define appropriate behaviors, roles, and characteristics for each sex. This process, known as
sex typing, involves acquiring gender-specific behaviors and characteristics.
Theories Explaining Gender Identity and Sex Typing

1. Social Learning Theory

This theory posits that children learn sex-typed behaviors through rewards,
punishments, and observing adults. For instance, parents often reward boys and
girls for different behaviors and provide gender-specific toys. Fathers, in particular,
tend to enforce sex-typed behaviors more rigorously.

Critically, this theory suggests that sex typing is neither inevitable nor
unmodifiable; it depends on cultural norms and practices.

2. Cognitive-Developmental Theory

Cognitive Development 21
 Developed by Kohlberg (1966) and based on Piaget's cognitive development
theory, this approach suggests that gender identity emerges as children begin to
understand and internalize their gender around age 2. Children actively seek to
align their behaviors with their gender identity.

Gender constancy, the realization that one's sex remains the same despite changes
in appearance, develops around ages 2-7 and is analogous to Piaget’s concept of
conservation.

3. Gender Schema Theory

This theory, proposed by Bem (1985), emphasizes that children learn to view the
world through a gender lens due to cultural emphasis on gender distinctions. The
gender schema becomes a primary organizing principle for their self-concepts and
behaviors.

Like social learning theory, it posits that sex typing is not inevitable; it changes
with cultural shifts in gender norms.

These theories collectively illustrate how gender identity and sex typing develop through a
complex interplay of cognitive processes, social influences, and cultural practices.

Adolescent Development
Development concepts

Adolescence is the transitional period from childhood to adulthood, roughly spanning ages
12 to the late teens, characterized by near completion of physical growth, sexual maturation,
and identity formation separate from the family.
Sexual Development
Puberty, the stage of sexual maturation, lasts about three to four years and involves rapid
physical growth and gradual development of reproductive organs and secondary sex
characteristics, such as breast development in girls and beard growth in boys. Menarche, the
first menstrual period, occurs approximately 18 months post-growth spurt in girls, while a
boy’s first ejaculation happens about two years post-growth spurt. The onset and progression
of puberty vary widely, with some girls experiencing menarche as early as age 11 or as late
as 17, and boys typically maturing two years later than girls.

Cognitive Development 22
 Psychological Effects of Puberty
Contrary to the belief that adolescence is a period of extreme turmoil, modern research
suggests that while many adolescents engage in experimental behavior, only a small subset
develop enduring problems. Adolescents with serious behavioral or emotional issues often
have a history of such problems in childhood. Hormonal changes and the timing of puberty
significantly impact adolescents’ body image and self-esteem. Early-maturing boys
generally report higher self-esteem but may lack emotional stability, whereas late-maturing
boys initially feel worse but end up healthier by age 18. Early-maturing girls, on the other
hand, tend to experience more depression and anxiety, lower self-esteem, and body
dissatisfaction compared to later maturers.
Family relationships often become strained during adolescence as adolescents seek
independence, resulting in increased conflicts. However, families typically establish a more
balanced relationship as adolescence progresses, with authoritative parenting (warm,
supportive, but firm) associated with fewer enduring problems.
Identity Development
Erik Erikson posited that the primary task of adolescence is identity formation, involving
active self-definition and exploration of various roles and ideologies. Adolescents aim to
integrate these into a consistent self-concept. In complex societies with numerous behavioral
and career possibilities, this process can be challenging. Successful identity formation leads
to a coherent sense of self and direction, while failure results in identity confusion.
Erikson introduced the term "identity crisis" to describe this active process of self-definition,
which he considered essential for healthy psychosocial development.
Role Experimentation
Erikson and other developmental psychologists advocate that adolescence should be a period
of exploration. During this time, young individuals experiment with various roles, behaviors,
interests, and ideologies. Through this experimentation, adolescents can integrate these
experiences into a cohesive self-concept. The process involves trying out, modifying, or
discarding beliefs, roles, and behaviors to shape a well-rounded identity.
Influence of Social Environment
The search for identity is facilitated when parents, teachers, and peers offer consistent
values. In simpler societies with limited adult models and social roles, forming an identity is
relatively straightforward. However, in complex societies with myriad behavioral and career
possibilities, the task becomes more challenging. Consequently, there are significant

Cognitive Development 23
 variations in how adolescents develop their identities. Furthermore, an adolescent's identity
may be at different stages of development in various life areas, such as sexual, occupational,
and ideological domains.
Resolution of Identity Crisis
Ideally, the identity crisis should be resolved by the early or mid-twenties, allowing
individuals to move on to other life tasks. Successful resolution results in the achievement of
a coherent identity, encompassing sexual identity, vocational direction, and ideological
worldview. Until this crisis is resolved, individuals lack a consistent sense of self and
internal standards for evaluating their self-worth in major life areas. Erikson termed this
unsuccessful outcome "identity confusion."
Erikson's insights underline the importance of adolescence as a formative period where
individuals actively engage in defining themselves and their place in the world.
James Marcia expanded on Erikson’s work, identifying four identity statuses based on
whether an individual has experienced an identity crisis and whether a resolution has been
reached:
1. Identity Achievement: Individuals have undergone a crisis and are committed to their
own ideological and occupational positions.
2.
Foreclosure: Individuals are committed to positions without having experienced a crisis,
often adopting their family’s values without question.
3.
Moratorium: Individuals are in the midst of a crisis, actively seeking but not yet resolved.
4.
Identity Diffusion: Individuals lack a coherent sense of self, with no crisis resolution.

Self-Concept and Self-Esteem

As adolescents mature cognitively, their self-concept becomes more abstract and less based
on social comparisons, with behavior often differing across contexts, such as with parents
versus peers. Self-esteem, initially unstable, stabilizes in later adolescence and is influenced
by factors like parental approval, peer support, and academic success. Minority youth often
navigate their ethnic identity development, with resolutions ranging from assimilation to
biculturalism.

Adolescents and the Internet

Cognitive Development 24
 Balancing Risks and Benefits
The Internet has become an integral part of adolescents' lives across many nations, with high
usage rates ranging from 85% to 98% in countries like the United Kingdom and the United
States. Daily activities include surfing the web, emailing, and creating content on personal
websites and social media platforms. A predominant use of the Internet among teens is for
communication with friends, akin to traditional phone conversations, enabling the sharing of
personal information and gossip.
Concerns and Risks
Parents and researchers alike harbor concerns about the negative impacts of Internet use on
adolescents' development and well-being. A primary fear is the vulnerability of teens to
online sexual predators. Studies indicate that a significant proportion of adolescents
experience unwanted sexual solicitation or harassment online, leading to increased levels of
depression, anxiety, and fear among those victimized. Furthermore, risky behaviors such as
sharing personal information or meeting online acquaintances in person heighten the risk of
victimization.
Troubled teens may also use the Internet to facilitate maladaptive behaviors. For instance,
message boards dedicated to self-injury provide a platform for adolescents, predominantly
girls, to discuss and seek support for behaviors like cutting or burning. While these forums
offer an outlet for communication and may encourage seeking professional help, they also
pose risks by normalizing and reinforcing harmful behaviors through shared advice and
strategies.
Similar concerns extend to message boards focused on eating disorders, where participants
exchange tips on bingeing, purging, and self-starvation, potentially perpetuating unhealthy
behaviors.
Benefits and Positive Impacts
Despite these risks, Internet use can also yield significant benefits for adolescents. Research
shows that providing home Internet access to African-American teens led to improved
academic performance, attributed to enhanced reading skills and increased motivation to
learn. Programs like Hipteens, designed for overweight teen girls, have used the Internet to
deliver effective health interventions. Participants engaged in activities to evaluate food
intake, plan dietary changes, and communicate with counselors, resulting in significant body
fat loss compared to non-participants.
Conclusion

Cognitive Development 25
 The Internet thus presents a dual reality for adolescents, offering both risks and rewards.
While it can facilitate learning, communication, and health interventions, it also exposes
teens to potential dangers such as online predators and the normalization of harmful
behaviors. Effective parental supervision of Internet use is crucial in maximizing the
benefits and mitigating the risks associated with adolescents' online activities. This oversight
helps ensure that adolescents harness the positive potential of the Internet while
safeguarding their well-being from its potential harms.

Cognitive Development 26