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Chapter Two

Chapter Two provides a literature review on crime, discussing its legal definitions, behavioral aspects, and the systematic processes influencing criminal behavior. It explores ecological and societal factors, individual motivations, and opportunities for crime, as well as the importance of record information systems in documenting criminal activities. The chapter also reviews various theories related to crime, including biological, sociological, and subcultural perspectives.
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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
13 views19 pages

Chapter Two

Chapter Two provides a literature review on crime, discussing its legal definitions, behavioral aspects, and the systematic processes influencing criminal behavior. It explores ecological and societal factors, individual motivations, and opportunities for crime, as well as the importance of record information systems in documenting criminal activities. The chapter also reviews various theories related to crime, including biological, sociological, and subcultural perspectives.
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
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CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 INTRODUCTION

In this chapter, I will discuss the relevant literature in line with the topic of this study.

The model used will also be described. This also includes the concept of crime,

perspectives to crime. Record information system will also be discussed as well as system

development methodologies.

2.2 THE CONCEPT OF CRIME

Legally, crimes usually are defined as acts or omissions forbidden by law that can be

punished by imprisonment and/or fine. Murder, robbery, burglary, rape, drunken driving,

child neglect, and failure to pay your taxes all are common examples. However, as

several eminent criminologists recently have noted (Sampson & Laub 1993, Gottfredson

& Hirschi 1990), the key to understanding crime is to focus on fundamental attributes of

all criminal behaviors rather than on specific criminal acts. Instead of trying to separately

understand crimes such as homicide, robbery, rape, burglary, embezzlement, and heroin

use, we need to identify what it is they all have in common. Much past research on crime

has been confounded by its focus on these politico-legal rather than behavioral

definitions.
Furthermore, the behavioral definition of crime focuses on, criminality, a certain

personality profile that causes the most alarming sorts of crimes. All criminal behaviors

involve the use of force, fraud, or stealth to obtain material or symbolic resources. As

Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) noted, criminality is a style of strategic behavior

characterized by self-centeredness, indifference to the suffering and needs of others, and

low self-control. More impulsive individuals are more likely to find criminality an

attractive style of behavior because it can provide immediate gratification through

relatively easy or simple strategies. These strategies frequently are risky and thrilling,

usually requiring little skill or planning. They often result in pain or discomfort for

victims and offer few or meager long-term benefits because they interfere with careers,

family, and friendships. Gottfredson and Hirschi assert that this means the “within person

causes of truancy are the same as the within-person causes of drug use, aggravated

assault, and auto accidents (1990, p. 256).”

Criminality in this sense bears a problematic relationship with legal crimes. Some drug

dealers, tax cheats, prostitutes and other legal criminals may simply be businesspeople

whose business activity happens to be illegal. Psychologically, they might not differ from

ordinary citizens.

Almost all ordinary citizens commit at least small legal crimes during their lives.

Nevertheless, Gottfredson’s and Hirschi’s hypothesis is that most of the legal crime is
committed by individuals a general strategy of criminal activity. This conception of crime

explains the wide variety of criminal activity and the fact that individuals tend not to

specialize in one type of crime. It also is consistent with the well-established tendency of

people to be consistent over long periods of time in the frequency and severity of crimes

they commit. Even executives who commit white collar crimes probably are more

impulsive, self-centered, and indifferent to the suffering of others than those who do not

take advantage of similar opportunities. Focusing on criminality rather than political-

legal definitions also allows us to finesse the perplexing problem of why some acts (e.g.,

marijuana consumption) are defined as crimes while similar arguably more damaging

acts (e.g., alcohol consumption) are not. These issues, central to conflict theories and

critical theories of crime, are important.

However, because they focus on systematically deeper power relations between

competing interest groups, they seldom provide feasible policy alternatives and tend to

reinforce perceptions of crime as an insolvable problem. What we want to do here is see

if the human ecological approach can lead us to some practical strategies for controlling

crime. Human resources can have material, symbolic, or hedonistic value. In crimes such

as thefts, individuals take material resources such as property from another person

without his or her knowing cooperation. Those who commit crimes such as narcotics

trafficking and gambling attempt to obtain money that can be exchanged for material

resources. In crimes such as assaults not associated with theft, sexual assaults, and illicit

drug use, people obtain hedonistic resources that increase pleasurable feelings or decrease
unpleasant feelings. Political crimes such as terrorism or election fraud attempt to obtain

symbolic resources such as power or prestige.

2.2.1 SYSTEMS PERSPECTIVE ON CRIME

Criminal behavior is the product of a systematic process that involves complex

interactions between individual, societal, and ecological factors over the course of our

lives. In other words, from conception onward the intellectual, emotional, and physical

attributes we develop are strongly influenced by our personal behaviors and physical

processes, interactions with the physical environment, and interactions with other people,

groups, and institutions. These systematic processes affect the transmission from

generation to generation of traits associated with increased involvement in crime.

2.2.1.1 ECOLOGICAL FACTORS

Ecological factors involve interactions between people and their activities in a physical

environment. This category includes things associated with the physical environment

such as geography and topography, crowding, pollution, and recreational opportunities.

These ecological factors can affect how people develop physically and emotionally over

their lives as well as the level of hostility, fear, or well-being they feel from moment to

moment as they experience, for example, a crowded subway, dark lonely parking lot, or

serene park.
2.2.1.2 SOCIETAL OR MACROLEVEL FACTORS

Societal or macro level factors deal with systematic interactions between social groups.

Societal factors describe the ways society is structured. They include such things as the

relative distribution of the population among groups and the flows of information,

resources, and people

Between groups. Societal factors encompass the variety and heterogeneity of

Racial/ ethnic/ cultural/ productive groups, their behaviors, and beliefs, and economic
relations.

2.2.1.3 MOTIVATION AND OPPORTUNITY

Individuals commit the crimes. Although ecological and societal factors must be included

in any full explanation of crime, individual factors always intervene between them and a

criminal act. For this reason, individual factors need to be the center of any description of

the causes of crime. Motivation alone cannot cause a crime to occur; opportunity also is

required. And—although few researchers today address this issue—opportunity itself

may influence motivation (Katz 1988).

Lay people call this “temptation” and probably would consider any discussion of

motivation that excluded temptation silly. Thus a person’s propensity to commit a


criminal act at a particular point in time is a function of both motivation and opportunity.

Some may be motivated to seek out and exploit criminal opportunities that offer

extremely small rewards; others will commit crimes only when presented with relatively

enormous opportunities; and a very few will not commit crimes regardless of rewards.

Criminologists hypothesize that several individual factors determine a person’s

motivation to commit an act. Motivation at a particular point in time is the result of

interactions over a person’s life course between biological, socio-cultural, and

developmental factors—as well as contemporaneous opportunity. Psychological factors

are the result of interactions between biological and socio-cultural factors. Criminologists

do not imagine that some simple constitutional factor (‘criminal nature”) is a very

satisfactory explanation for motivational factors.

2.3 RECORD INFORMATION SYSTEM

Information is “data, ideas, thoughts, or memories irrespective of medium.” Information

sources are considered “non-records”: they are useful but do not provide evidence.

Documents are any “recorded information or objects that can be treated as individual

units.” Examples include works in progress such as draft communications or “to do” lists,

and transitory records such as emails confirming a meeting or acknowledging receipt of a

document. Records are “information created, received, and maintained as evidence and
information by an organization or person, in pursuance of legal obligations or in the

transaction of business.” Examples include final reports, emails confirming an action or

decision, spreadsheets showing budget decisions, photographs or maps of field missions,

which need to be kept as evidence.

The key difference between information, documents, and records is their level of
accountability.

We generate or receive information all the time, in articles, newspapers, radio reports, or

books. If that information is useful but does not provide evidence of our actual official

work, or our actions or decisions, we treat that information as a “non-record”: it is

informative but cannot be used to prove that we did or did not take a certain action.

Within our daily work, we all create, receive, and use documents. We send and receive

emails, draft memos, or write reports. We need those documents for a few minutes,

hours, or months, to help us to work consistently and productively and to keep track of

progress in projects and activities. Documents become records when we use them to

inform our colleagues and ourselves of what has been done or decided or when they

provide examples of or background to previous work or evidence of our actions or

decisions. When a document provides evidence, we “declare” it to be a record. That is,

we store the record in an official records system so that we can find and use it again

easily. If the document is superseded or obsolete – an email confirming a lunch

appointment is no longer needed when lunch is over – we do not need to declare that
document as a record. We destroy that document so it does not take up valuable space in

our records systems.

2.4 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

2.4.1 WEB BASED APPLICATION

Several researchers studied the issue of Web based application. Rokouet (2004),

distinguished three basic levels in every web-based application: the Web character of the

program, the pedagogical background, and the personalized management of the learning

material. They defined a web-based program as an information system that contains a

Web server, a network, a communication protocol like HTTP, and a browser in which

data supplied by users act on the system’s status and cause changes. The pedagogical

background means the educational model that is used in combination with pedagogical

goals set by the instructor. The personalized management of the learning materials means

the set of rules and mechanisms that are used to select learning materials based on the

student’s characteristics, the educational objectives, the teaching model, and the available

media. Many works have combined and integrated these three factors in e-learning

systems, leading to several standardization projects. Some projects have focused on

determining the standard architecture and format for learning environments, such as
IEEE Learning Technology Systems Architecture (LTSC), Instructional Management

Systems (IMS), and Sharable Content Object Reference Model (SCORM). IMS and

SCORM define and deliver XML-based interoperable specifications for exchanging and

sequencing learning contents, i.e., learning objects, among many heterogeneous e-

learning systems. They mainly focus on the standardization of learning and teaching

methods as well as on the modeling of how the systems manage interoperating

educational data relevant to the educational process ].Juan Quesada and Bernd Simon

have also presented model for educational activities and educational materials. Their

model for educational activities denotes educational events that identify the instructor(s)

involved and take place in a virtual meeting according to a specific schedule. Rokou

(2004). Described the introduction of stereotypes to the pedagogical design of

educational systems and appropriate modifications of the existing package diagrams of

UML (Unified Modeling Language). The IMS and SCORM models describe well the

educational activities and system implementation, but not the educational contents

knowledge in educational activities.

Juan Quemada’s and F. P.Rokou’s models add more pedagogical background by

emphasizing educational contents and sequences using the taxonomy of learning

resources and stereotypes of teaching models. But the educational contents and their

sequencing in these models are dependent on the system and lack standardization and

reusability. Thus, we believe that if an educational contents frame of learning resources


can be introduced into an e-learning system, including ontology-based properties and

hierarchical semantic associations, then this e-learning system will have the capabilities

of providing adaptable and intelligent learning to learners. The hierarchical content’s

structure is able to show the entire educational contents, the available sequence of

learning, and the structure of the educational concepts, such as the related super- or sub

concepts in the learning contents. Furthermore, some of semantic relationships among the

educational contents, such as equivalent, inverse, similar, aggregate, and classified can

provide important and useful information for the intelligent e-learning system. For this

purpose, ontology is introduced in our model. It can play a crucial role in enabling the

representation, processing, sharing and reuse of knowledge among applications in

modern web-based-learning systems because it specifies the conceptualization of a

specific domain in terms of concepts, attributes, and relationships

2.4.2 CRIME AND CRIMINALITY

2.4.2.1 BIOLOGICAL THEORIES

Lombroso and Biological Positivism In the 19th Century, Italian prison psychiatrist Cesar

Lombroso drew on the ideas of Charles Darwin and suggested that criminals were

atavistic: essentially ‘evolutionary throwbacks. He suggested that their brains were mal-

developed or not fully developed. In his review of prisoners, he found that they shared

several common physical attributes, such as sloping foreheads and receding chins. In so
doing, Lombroso suggested that involvement in crime was a product of biology and

biological characteristics: criminals were born that way. Lombroso’s theory is essentially

a theory of biological positivism.

2.4.2.2 SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES

The Chicago School/Social Disorganization Theory Social disorganization theory grew

out of research conducted by sociologists at the University of Chicago in the 1920s and

1930s. It key proponents were Clifford R. Shaw and Henry D. McKay (1942), who used

spatial mapping to examine the residential locations of juveniles referred to court. Shaw

and McKay found that patterns of delinquency were higher in areas characterized by poor

housing, poor health, socioeconomic disadvantage, and transient populations. This led

them to suggest that crime was a function of neighborhood dynamics and not due to

individual actors and their actions. Shaw and McKay explained these patterns by

reference to the problems that accompanied immigration to Chicago at this time. They

claimed that areas settled by newly arrived immigrants experienced a breakdown of

social norms due to ethnic diversity and competing cultural traditions. Conventional

institutions of social control were therefore weakened and unable to regulate the behavior

of local youths.

Contemporary theories of crime, place and space include:


• defensible space theory, which examines how the design of physical space is related to

crime;

• broken windows theory, which looks the relationship between low level disorder and

crime; and

• Routine activities theory, which considers how opportunities to commit crime are shaped

by between people’s everyday movements through space and time.

2.4.2.3 ANOMIE/STRAIN THEORY

Anomie is a concept developed by one of the founding fathers of sociology, Emile

Durkheim, to explain the breakdown of social norms that often accompanies rapid social

change. American sociologist Robert Merton (1957) drew on this idea to explain

criminality and deviance in the USA. His theory argues that crime occurs when there is a

gap between the cultural goals of a society (e.g. material wealth, status) and the structural

means to achieve these (e.g. education, employment). This strain between means and

goals results in frustration and resentment, and encourages some people to use

illegitimate or illegal means to secure success. In short, strain theory posits that the

cultural values and social structures of society put pressure on individual citizens to

commit crime.

2.4.2.4 SUBCULTURAL THEORY


Linked to anomie and strain are concepts of status frustration and differential opportunity,

which North American subcultural theorists used to explain the delinquent activities of

disadvantaged groups in the 1950s and 60s. Status frustration is associated with the work

of Albert Cohen (1955), who conducted research into group offending by young, lower-

class men. Cohen argued that lower-class youths could not aspire to middle-class cultural

goals and so, frustrated, they rejected them to create their own subcultural system of

values. In school, for example, they gain status and respect by meeting the expectations

of peers not teachers, engaging in delinquent activities such as smoking, truanting, and

acting up in class. Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin (1960) built on these ideas, pointing

to the differential opportunity structures available to lower-class young people in

different neighborhoods: criminal (making a living from crime), conflict (Territorial

violence and gang fighting) and retreaters (drugs and alcohol).

2.4.2.5 SUBCULTURAL THEORY

Linked to anomie and strain are concepts of status frustration and differential opportunity,

which North American subcultural theorists used to explain the delinquent activities of

disadvantaged groups in the 1950s and 60s. Status frustration is associated with the work

of Albert Cohen (1955), who conducted research into group offending by young, lower-

class men. Cohen argued that lower-class youths could not aspire to middle-class cultural

goals and so, frustrated, they rejected them to create their own subcultural system of

values. In school, for example, they gain status and respect by meeting the expectations
of peers not teachers, engaging in delinquent activities such as smoking, truanting, and

acting up in class. Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin (1960) built on these ideas, pointing

to the differential opportunity structures available to lower-class young people in

different neighborhoods: criminal (making a living from crime), conflict (territorial

violence and gang fighting) and retreaters (drugs and alcohol).

2.5 TYPES OF MODELS IN SOFTWARE DEVELOPMENT

In Software development SDLC stands for Software Development Life Cycle. It is also
called as

Software development process. This is further shown in the image below:

Figure 2:1: Stages Involved in a Software Development Lifecycle.


The software development should be complete in the pre-defined time frame and cost. It

consists of a detailed plan describing how to develop, maintain, replace and alter or

enhance specific software. Every phase of the SDLC lifecycle has its own process and

deliverables that feed into the next phase. The Systems Development Life Cycle (SDLC)

gives structure to the challenges of transitioning from the beginning to the end of your

project without forgetting a step. A number of different SDLC methodologies are used

today to guide professionals through their project-based work. Here are the key pros and

cons of six of the most common SDLC methodologies.

2.5.1. WATERFALL MODEL

Waterfall is the oldest and most straightforward of the structured SDLC methodologies

finish one phase, then move on to the next. No going back. Each stage relies on

information from the previous stage and has its own project plan. Waterfall is easy to

understand and simple to manage. But early delays can throw off the entire project

timeline. And since there is little room for revisions once a stage is completed, problems

can’t be fixed until you get to the maintenance stage. This model doesn’t work well if

flexibility is needed or if the project is long term and ongoing.

2.5.2 V-SHAPED MODEL

Also known as the Verification and Validation model, the V-shaped model grew out of

Waterfall and is characterized by a corresponding testing phase for each development


stage. Like Waterfall, each stage begins only after the previous one has ended. This

model is useful when there are no unknown requirements, as it’s still difficult to go back

and make changes.

2.5.3. ITERATIVE MODEL

The Iterative model is repetition incarnate. Instead of starting with fully known

requirements, you implement a set of software requirements, then test, evaluate and

pinpoint further requirements. A new version of the software is produced with each

phase, or iteration. Rinse and repeat until the complete system is ready. One advantage

over other SDLC methodologies: This model gives you a working version early in the

process and makes it less expensive to implement changes. One disadvantage: Resources

can quickly be eaten up by repeating the process again and again.

2.5.4. SPIRAL MODEL

One of the most flexible SDLC methodologies, the Spiral model takes a cue from the

Iterative model and its repetition; the project passes through four phases over and over in

a “spiral” until completed, allowing for multiple rounds of refinement. This model allows

for the building of a highly customized product, and user feedback can be incorporated

from early on in the project.

But the risk you run is creating a never-ending spiral for a project that goes on and on.

2.5.5 BIG BANG MODEL


A bit of an anomaly among SDLC methodologies, the Big Bang model follows no

specific process, and very little time is spent on planning. The majority of resources are

thrown toward development, and even the client may not have a solid grasp of the

requirements. This is one of the SDLC methodologies typically used for small projects

with only one or two software engineers. Big Bang is not recommended for large or

complex projects, as it’s a high-risk model; if the requirements are misunderstood in the

beginning, you could get to the end and realize the project may have to be started all over

again.

2.5.6. AGILE MODEL

By breaking the product into cycles, the agile model quickly delivers a working product

and is considered a very realistic development approach. The model produces ongoing

releases, each with small, incremental changes from the previous release. At each

iteration, the product is tested. This model emphasizes interaction, as the customers,

developers and testers work together throughout the project. But since this model

depends heavily on customer interaction, the project can head the wrong way if the

customer is not clear on the direction he or she wants to go.

Each of these SDLC methodologies offers unique process for the variety of project

challenges that will be encountered during development. Finding the right one depends

heavily on not just the expected outcome, but the parameters by which the project is

executed.
2.6 HISTORY OF THE NPF-CID

The Nigeria Police Force Criminal Investigation Department (FCID) is the highest

investigating arm of the Nigeria Police. Its functions include investigation and

prosecution of serious and complex criminal cases within and outside the country. The

department also coordinates crime investigations/prosecution throughout the force. For

effective and efficient administration, the NPF CID is divided into sections with most of

them headed by Commissioner of Police.

The Department is currently headed by a DIG JOSEPH EGBUNIKE

The Sections under the Force Criminal Investigation Department (FCID) include the
following:

• Administration

• Ant-Fraud Section

• The Central Criminal Registry (CCR)

• Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS)

• Special Enquiry Bureau

• X-Squad

• General Investigation

• Special Fraud Unit (SFU)

• Legal Section
• Forensic Science

• Interpol

• Homicide
• Anti-Human Trafficking Unit

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