1ST PERIOD

Topic:
a. Sources of History
b. Bounding of Liberia
c. Political Divisions of Liberia
d. Ethnic Groups of Liberia

Definition of History

History is the study of past human activities, events, and societies. It helps us
understand how societies have changed over time and provides knowledge about
people, places, and events that have shaped the present.

What are Sources of History?

Sources of history are materials or tools that historians use to gather information about
the past. These sources help to reconstruct historical events and explain how and why
they occurred.

Types of Sources of History

1. Primary Sources

Primary sources are original materials or first-hand accounts created at the time an
event took place or by people who witnessed it.

Examples:

 Letters and diaries

 Speeches and interviews
 Government documents (e.g., constitutions, treaties)
 Photographs and maps
 Artifacts (e.g., tools, weapons, pottery)
 Oral traditions and stories from elders

Importance of Primary Sources:

 They provide direct evidence of historical events.

 They help historians understand how people felt and thought at the time.
 They are valuable for accuracy in historical research.

2. Secondary Sources

Secondary sources are interpretations, explanations, or summaries of historical

events, created after the events have occurred. They are based on primary sources.

Examples:

 History textbooks
 Biographies

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  Documentaries
 Encyclopedias
 Research papers

Importance of Secondary Sources:

 They help explain and analyze historical events.

 They put primary sources into context.
 They make history more understandable and organized.

The two main sources of history—primary and secondary sources—are essential for
studying the past. Primary sources give us direct evidence, while secondary sources
help us interpret and explain historical events. Historians use both types to gain a full
understanding of history.

Oral Tradition in Liberia

Oral tradition is one of the most important sources of Liberian history. Before writing
was common, Liberians passed down stories, legends, customs, and history by word of
mouth. These stories are told by griots or elders.

Importance:

 Preserves the culture and heritage of the ethnic groups

 Gives insight into migrations, wars, and leadership of clans

Advantages and Disadvantages of Oral Tradition

Advantages of Oral Tradition

1. Preserves Culture and Heritage

o Oral tradition helps to keep the beliefs, customs, and practices of a people
alive from one generation to the next.
2. Accessible to All
o It does not require reading or writing, so everyone in the community—
including the uneducated—can learn and share history.
3. Rich in Local Knowledge
o It provides detailed information about local customs, clan origins,
community heroes, and historical events not found in written records.
4. Flexible and Easy to Share
o Oral stories can be passed down during ceremonies, family gatherings,
and traditional festivals.
5. Good for Areas with No Written Records
o Many African societies, including early Liberian communities, did not have
written history, so oral tradition is often the only source of their past.

Disadvantages of Oral Tradition

1. Easily Forgotten or Changed

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 o As stories are passed from one person to another, details may be
forgotten, added, or changed—leading to loss of accuracy.
2. Lack of Exact Dates and Facts
o Oral tradition often lacks specific years, names, or places, making it hard
for historians to verify events.
3. Biased or One-Sided
o The storyteller may present events in a way that favors their group or
leader, leaving out important facts.
4. No Permanent Record
o Once the storyteller dies without passing on the story, the history may be
lost forever.
5. Difficult to Use as Legal Evidence
o Since oral tradition changes over time, it is not always reliable for use in
courts or formal research.

Written Records

Liberia has both colonial and indigenous written records, including:

 Records from the American Colonization Society (ACS)

 Official government documents from the 1800s to present
 Newspaper articles (e.g., Liberia Herald, The Daily Observer)

Archaeological Sources

These include physical remains from past societies:

 Pottery
 Old weapons
 Tools
 Ancient settlements and ruins

Example: Archaeological findings in areas like Nimba and Lofa counties reveal ancient
human settlements.

Linguistic Sources

Language can tell us a lot about history. The study of names, place names, and
language similarities helps historians trace the origins and migration of ethnic groups in
Liberia.

Importance of Sources of History

 Help preserve and understand past events

 Provide evidence for writing and teaching history
 Help develop national identity and pride
 Promote respect for cultural heritage
 Aid in decision-making by learning from the past

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BOUNDING OF LIBERIA
Liberia, officially the Republic of Liberia, is a country on the West African coast. It is
bordered by Sierra Leone to its northwest, Guinea to its north, Ivory Coast to its east,
and the Atlantic Ocean to its south and southwest. It has a population of around
5.5 million and covers an area of 43,000 square miles (111,369 km2). The official
language is English. Over 20 indigenous languages are spoken, reflecting the country's
ethnic and cultural diversity. The capital and largest city is Monrovia.

Liberia began in the early 19th century as a project of the American Colonization
Society (ACS), which believed that black people would face better chances for freedom
and prosperity in Africa than in the United States. [11] Between 1822 and the outbreak of
the American Civil War in 1861, more than 15,000 freed and free-born African
Americans, along with 3,198 Afro-Caribbeans, relocated to Liberia.[12] Gradually
developing an Americo-Liberian identity,[13][14] the settlers carried their culture and
tradition with them while colonizing the indigenous population. Led by the Americo-
Liberians, Liberia declared independence on July 26, 1847, which the U.S. did
not recognize until February 5, 1862.

Liberia was the first African republic to proclaim its independence and is Africa's first
and oldest modern republic. Along with Ethiopia, it was one of the two African countries
to maintain its sovereignty and independence during the European colonial Scramble
for Africa. Early 20th century Liberia saw large investment in rubber production by
Firestone Tire and Rubber Company. These investments led to large-scale changes in
Liberia’s economy, work force, and climate.[15][16] During World War II, Liberia supported
the U.S. war effort against Nazi Germany and in turn received considerable American
investment in infrastructure, which aided the country's wealth and development.
[17]
President William Tubman encouraged economic and political changes that
heightened the country's prosperity and international profile; Liberia was a founding
member of the League of Nations, United Nations, and the Organisation of African
Unity.

In 1980, political tensions from the rule of William Tolbert resulted in a military coup,
marking the end of Americo-Liberian rule and the seizure of power by Liberia's first
indigenous leader, Samuel Doe. Establishing a dictatorial regime, Doe was
assassinated in 1990 in the context of the First Liberian Civil War which ran from 1989
until 1997 with the election of rebel leader Charles Taylor as president. In 1998,
the Second Liberian Civil War erupted against his own dictatorship, and Taylor resigned
by the end of the war in 2003. The two wars resulted in the deaths of 250,000 people
(about 8% of the population) and the displacement of many more, with Liberia's
economy shrinking by 90%.[18] A peace agreement in 2003 led to democratic elections
in 2005, in which Ellen Johnson Sirleaf was elected President. Recovery proceeds but
about 85% of the population live below the international poverty line. Liberia’s economic
and political stability was threatened in the 2010s by an Ebola Virus epidemic; it
originated in Guinea in December 2013, entered Liberia in March 2014, and was
declared officially ended on May 8, 2015.

POLITICAL SUB-DIVISION OF LIBERIA

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 Liberia's primary political subdivision is the county. There are 15 counties in Liberia,
which are further divided into districts, and then into clans.

Here's a breakdown:

 Counties:
Liberia is divided into 15 counties, which are the first-level administrative divisions.
 Districts:
Each county is further divided into districts, which are second-level administrative
divisions.
 Clans:
Districts are then subdivided into clans, which are the third-level administrative
divisions.
The counties, in order of establishment, are: Montserrado, Grand Bassa, Sinoe,
Maryland, Grand Cape Mount, Grand Gedeh, Lofa, Bong, Nimba, Grand Kru, Bomi,
River Cess, Margibi, River Gee, and Gbarpolu.

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 The Population and Size of the counties of Liberia (2022 Population and Housing
Census, Liberia)

Numbe
Population Date
Ma Area r of Parent
County Capital (2022 Creat
p# (mi2)[2] Distric County
Census)[1] ed
ts

749 sq mi Montserrado
1 Bomi Tubmanburg 133,668 4 1984
(1,940 km2) County

3,386 sq mi
2 Bong Gbarnga 467,502 12 1964 Bong County[a]
(8,770 km2)

3,740 sq mi
3 Gbarpolu Bopolu 95,995 6 2001 Lofa County
(9,700 km2)

Grand 3,064 sq mi Grand Bassa

4 Buchanan 293,557 8 1839
Bassa (7,940 km2) County[b]

Grand Cape
Grand Cape 1,993 sq mi
5 Robertsport 178,798 5 1844 Mount
Mount (5,160 km2)
County[b]

Grand 4,047 sq mi Grand Gedah

6 Zwedru 216,692 3 1964
Gedeh (10,480 km2) County[c]

1,503 sq mi Maryland
7 Grand Kru Barclayville 109,342 18 1984
(3,890 km2) County

3,854 sq mi
8 Lofa Voinjama 367,376 6 1964 Lofa County[d]
(9,980 km2)

1,010 sq mi Montserrado
9 Margibi Kakata 304,946 4 1985
(2,600 km2) County

10 Maryland Harper 172,202 886 sq mi 2 1857 Maryland

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 Numbe
Population Date
Ma Area r of Parent
County Capital (2022 Creat
p# (mi2)[2] Distric County
Census)[1] ed
ts

(2,290 km2) County[b]

737 sq mi Montserrado
11 Montserrado Bensonville 1,920,914 17 1839
(1,910 km2) County[b]

4,459 sq mi Nimba
12 Nimba Sanniquellie 621,841 6 1964
(11,550 km2) County[a]

2,159 sq mi Grand Bassa

13 Rivercess River Cess 90,777 7 1985
(5,590 km2) County

1,974 sq mi Grand Gedah

14 River Gee Fish Town 124,653 6 2000
(5,110 km2) County

3,913 sq mi Simoe
15 Sinoe Greenville 150,358 17 1843
(10,130 km2) County[b]

ETHNIC GROUPS OF LIBERIA

Main Languages: English, Liberian-English (pidgin), Kpelle, Bassa, Grebo, Bandi, Dan,
Gola, Kisi, Klao, Krahn, Loma, Mann, Manya, Mende, Sapo, Vai

Main religions: Christianity 2,975,675 (85.6 per cent), Islam 424,685 (12.2 per cent),
traditional 20,134 (0.6 per cent), other 5,426 (0.2 per cent), none 50,688 (1.5 per cent)
(2008 national census)

Main ethnic groups: Kpelle 705,554 (20.3 per cent), Bassa 466,477 (13.4 per cent),
Grebo 348,758 (10 per cent), Gio 276,293 (8 per cent), Mano 273,249 (7.9 per cent),
Kru 209,993 (6 per cent), Lorma 178,443 (5.1 per cent), Kissi 167,980 (4.8 per cent),
Gola 152,925 (4.4 per cent), Vai 140,251 (4 per cent), Krahn 139,085 (4 per cent),
Mandingo 110,596 (3.2 per cent), Gbande 105,250 (3 per cent), other African 47,453
(1.4 per cent), Mende 46,413 (1.3 per cent), Sapo 43,327 (1.2 per cent), Belle 26,516
(0.8 per cent), other Liberian 20,934 (0.6 per cent), Dey 11,783 (0.3 per cent), non-
African 4,508 (0.1 per cent) (2008 national census).

The West African forest belt that covers large areas of Sierra Leone, Liberia, Côte
d’Ivoire, Ghana and Nigeria has long been populated by multiple ethnic groups. In

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Liberia there are at least sixteen ethnic groups, each belonging to one of three major
language groupings.

The southeastern Kru linguistic group comprises Kru, Bassa, Grebo, Krahn and Dei. Kru
live along the southern coast bordering Côte d’Ivoire. According to oral tradition, Kru
migrated from the north-east to the coast of West Africa in the sixteenth century and
became fishermen and sailors. Kru political organization was traditionally decentralised,
each subgroup inhabiting a number of autonomous towns. Rural Kru engage in fishing
and rice and cassava production but their region, criss-crossed with rivers, has seen
little development and many young Kru have migrated to Monrovia.

Bassa have their own writing system, called ‘Bassa’ or ‘Vah,’ which was developed
around 1900. They practice Christianity and indigenous religions. Many Dei and Bassa
settled in Monrovia as the Liberian nation developed.

Grebo live along the coast in Eastern Liberia, on both sides of the Cavalla (Cavally)
River, which serves as a border between Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire. The Grebo migrated
to Liberia during the sixteenth century. They lacked strong central structures; village ties
were the primary focus rather than clan affiliation.

The ethnic kin of the Krahn in Liberia are known as the Wee in Côte d’Ivoire. Krahn live
in Nimba, Grand Gedeh and Sinoe Counties, along the border with Côte d’Ivoire. When
Samuel Doe took power in a 1980 coup, Krahn, in particular those from Doe’s own
village, became more dominant. Krahn (Wee) from Côte d’Ivoire made up the Executive
Mansion Guard. In 1990, during the civil war, Charles Taylor’s National Patriotic Front of
Liberia (NPFL) attacked Krahn civilians in Nimba County and elsewhere as they moved
through the country, especially in Grand Gedeh County, and many fled to Côte d’ Ivoire.
The small Dei group lives in Montserrado County near the coast and Monrovia, primarily
between the Lofa and St. Paul rivers. Dei were among the first to encounter the settler
immigrants, settling in Monrovia early on.

The second largest linguistic group, the Mande, is located in the north-west and central
regions and is subdivided into the Mande-Ta (Mandingo and Vai) and the Mande-Fu
(Kpelle, Gio, Mano, Loma, Gbandi and Mende).

The Mandingo population migrated from Guinea over the past 200-300 years and is
widely scattered throughout Liberia, albeit concentrated in upper Lofa County. Their
trade routes linked other Liberian populations with the savanna. Mandingos settled
amongst Mano and Vai and became involved in agriculture and craft industries,
including blacksmithing, leather and gold work. Mandingos were seen as distinct
because of their Islamic religion. Further they were viewed as outsiders by both the
Americo-Liberian government and other groups, as a group whose main ties lay in
Guinea.

Vai live on both sides of the border between Liberia and Sierra Leone. Traditionally Vai
are engaged in trade and are mostly Muslims converted by itinerant traders. The Vai are
known for their indigenous syllabic writing system, developed in the 1820s. Over the
course of the 19th century, literacy in the writing system became widespread. Its use
declined over the 20th century, but modern computer technology may enable a revival.
Vai were part of the large-scale migration in the sixteenth century.

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The Mande-Fu includes the Kpelle, Dan, Ma, Loma, Gbandi and Mende. The largest
single Liberian group, the Kpelle, also live in Guinea, where they are known as the
Guerze. They inhabit central and northern Liberia. Kpelle moved from Guinea into
Liberia during the sixteenth century. They united and held out for many years against
the imposition of Americo-Liberian rule. Kpelle are predominantly rice farmers, though
many have migrated into the capital and other cities.

Dan are more commonly known as Gio in Liberia, but the term Dan is preferred and
used by the people themselves. The Dan are a southern Mande-speaking group and
primarily living in Nimba County. The Dan also inhabit the mountainous west-central
Côte d’Ivoire.
The Ma are Mano, a name given to them by the Bassa and meaning literally ‘Ma-
people’ in Bassa. They reside in Nimba County in north central Liberia and also live in
Guinea.
The Lorma live in Northwest Liberia in upper Lofa County and are also found in Guinea
where they are known as Toma.

Gbandi and Mende also live in upper Lofa County. The Gbandi and the Mende formed
part of the migration into Liberia from Guinea in the mid-sixteenth century as political
refugees from Mandingo expansion in the northwest.

Multiple Liberian ethnic groups organize leadership and coming-of age rituals through
the poro and the sande, respectively male and female secret societies. These societies
enforce social norms through their courts, socialise young people through initiation
schools, and provide bonds that unite members from different kin, territorial, or even
tribal units. Other ethnic communities in Liberia have other forms of secret societies,
including the Americo-Liberians who brought Freemasonry with them to Liberia.

The Gola and Kissi, who also live in Sierra Leone, are known to be the oldest
inhabitants of Liberia. The Gola and Kissi belong to a third linguistic group known as the
Mel group (West/Southern Atlantic). These groups live in the north and in the coastal
region of the northwest. The Gola live in a 6,000 square kilometer area in the western
Liberian hinterland, along the St. Paul and Mano rivers in Lofa and Grand Cape
Counties, and also in eastern Sierra Leone. The Gola used to live in the forested
mountains of north-east Liberia and south-east Sierra Leone but migrated to the coast
as traders. Kissi live in a belt of hills covered by wooded savannas where Guinea,
Sierra Leone and Liberia meet, and are surrounded by Mandingo groups. Other
members of this group live in Sierra Leone and Guinea. Kissi and Gola are the only
groups in Liberia who are descendants of Liberia’s original peoples.

The Americo-Liberians and Congo arrived in the 1820s to settle in the territory that
became known as Liberia. This group, which includes descendants of freed slaves from
the US and the Caribbean, of free-born African Americans, and of slaves who were
captured during the Atlantic crossing, makes up less than five per cent of the
population. There are also a sizeable number of Lebanese, Indians and other West
African nationals who make up a part of Liberia’s business community. Under Liberia’s
Constitution, non-Africans are excluded from citizenship.

2ND PERIOD
TOPIC: HISTORY OF THE PARTY POLITICS IN LIBERIA
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True Whig Party (TWP) and other political parties of Liberia. It was in 1923, during the
administration of President C.D.B. King, that the ruling true Whig Party (TWP) became
mightier than ever before – why? It was that year that the TWP initiated its “caucus”
(group) system, which predetermined who was to be nominated for any elective post.
This was so because ever since the eminent Liberian pioneer Elijah Johnson’s son,
Hilary Richard Wright Johnson, became President in 1884, the TWP had become the
nation’s unchallenged ruling party- a position it was to enjoy until its military overthrow in
April 1980.

The background to this is that in 1883 Hilary Richard Wright Johnson became arguably
the most popular person ever to be elected President, because he was nominated by
both the TWP and J. J. Robert’s Republican Party (RP). The RP had ruled Liberian from
Independence in 1847 to 1870, when E. J. Roye, the TWP’s first standard bearer,
become President, having defeated the RP in the 1869 elections. But following Roye’s
overthrow in the nation’s first coup d’etat on October 26, 1871, President Roberts was
recalled to serve in an interruption administration until 1876, when he died.

The TWP returned to power in 1877, when Anthony William Gardiner was elected
President, followed in 1883 by Alfred Francis Russell. The TWO was now firmly in
power. Then emerged the giant in Liberian politics, H.R.W. Johnson, who in 1884
became the first politician to be nominated by the two existing political parties – TWP
and RP! Elected, therefore, unopposed, the ingenious H.R.W.J. brilliantly recruited into
his Cabinet leading Republican and TWP members. After that, no one ever again heard
of the RP. Thus began the TWP’s political supremacy in Liberia.

By 1923 the TWP under President King had grown so comfortable with power that King
decided to make elections to the Legislature a foregone conclusion once the party’s
“caucus” had nominated a candidate. The first attempt, however, backfired. The
Marylanders wanted a kindhearted and flamboyant young lawyer, William V. S. (Shad)
Tubman, as their Senator; but the TWP, having someone else in mind, rejected Shad. It
was at that point that the Marylanders began singing their demanding son, “No Tubman,
no Senator.” The TWP backed down, and that is how Tubman entered national politics.

It is startlingly ironic that immediately upon being handpicked by President Edwin J.

Barclay to be his successor, again through the Party “caucus,” Tubman consolidated
the caucus system – the same system that had rejected him in 1923. After his first
election in 1943, the TWP caucus became a permanent reality, choosing in every
campaign season all political candidates, from town chief to president.

That is what seems to be happening in Liberia today. Many parties, including the ruling
Unity Party, seem to have adopted the caucus system by choosing candidates favored
by the UP’s powers that be.

It was this that led Gbarpolu County Senator Theodore Momo, a UP stalwart, to resign
fromt eh ruling party. He sensed foul play when the party selected former Liberty Party
(LP) Partisan Gertrude Tenelamin as the UP senatorial candidate in the ensuing
October 2014 elections.

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The angry Senator Momo promptly accused UP of having “violated” the guidelines of
the Elections Commission (NEC).
There are reports of confusion within UP elsewhere. The UP primary in Bong County,
which Cuttington University President Henrique Tokpawon as UP’s senatorial
candidate, is reported to have ended in disarray. There are also reports of problem in
other parties, including the main opposition Congress for Democratic Change (CDC)
and Liberty Party (LP).

One of our chief concerns is that we hear little about unfortunate. NEC should ensure
that political parties hold regular congresses or conventions. But we hear little of this
until campaign season, when politicians begin scrambling for nominations.
When last, for example, has the ruling UP, the opposition CDC, Liberty Party, National
Democratic Party of Liberia (NDPL) and National Patriotic Party (NPP) held a congress?
Yet is this not what political parties should be doing, in an effort to continue the
development of a democratic culture in Liberia?

We hope that following the 2017 I elections, NEC will ensure that political parties begin
engaging and organizing their partisans on a regular basis and holding periodic
conventions, rather than wait until campaign time to start making noises.

EARLY LIFE OF PRESIDENT JOHN ROYE AND HIS FINANCIAL PROBLEMS

Edward James Roye (February 3, 1815 – February 11, 1872) was a Liberian merchant
and politician who served as the fifth president of Liberia from 1870 until his overthrow
in the 1871 Liberian coup d'état and subsequent death. He had previously served as the
fourth Chief Justice of Liberia from 1865 until 1868. He was the first member of
Liberia's True Whig Party to serve as president.

Early life
Roye was born on February 3, 1815, in Newark, Ohio. He was the son of John and
Nancy Roye, freed African-American slaves who had moved to Ohio from Kentucky and
bought a property in Newark.[1] They were reportedly of Igbo origin.[2][3]

Roye's father managed a ferry across the Wabash River at Terre Haute, Indiana. He
owned property in Newark, Terre Haute and Vandalia, Illinois. Due to his family's
prosperity, Roye was able to attend Ohio University. He moved to Terre Haute after his
father's death in 1836,[4] where he established the African-American community's largest
barbershop.[1]

Emigration to Liberia
In 1846, attracted by the American Colonization Society's promotion of the relocation of
African Americans to the colony of Liberia in West Africa, Roye emigrated to the colony
with his family at the age of 31. There he set up business as a merchant, reportedly
bringing $1,000 of capital (equivalent to $30,000 in 2024) with him.[5] The next year, the
colony gained independence. Within three years of his arrival, Roye became active in
Liberian politics, serving as a representative and speaker (1849–1850)[6] of the Liberian
House of Representatives, and as chief justice of the Supreme Court of Liberia, He was
also the Secretary of the Treasury.[7] and unsuccessfully contested the presidential
elections in 1855.[8]

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In 1857, Roye purchased the brig Eusebia for the purposes of conducting a trading
business between Monrovia and New York City. His typical cargo
included camwood, palm oil and ivory.[9] By 1870 he reportedly had a fortune estimated
at $200,000 (equivalent to $5,000,000 in 2024).[5]

Presidency (1870–71)

Roye was inaugurated as President of Liberia on January 3, 1870. In the decades after
1868, escalating economic difficulties weakened the state's dominance over the coastal
indigenous tribal peoples. Conditions worsened, the cost of imports was far greater than
the income generated by exports of its commodity crops of coffee, rice, palm oil,
sugarcane, and timber. Liberia tried desperately to modernize its largely agricultural
economy.

Financial problems
In 1871, Roye tasked the speaker of the House of Representatives, William Spencer
Anderson, with negotiating a new loan from British financiers. Anderson secured
$500,000 under strict terms from the British consul-general, David Chinery, but was
heavily criticised and eventually arrested. Anderson was apparently tried the following
year for his part in securing the loan. He was found not guilty, but he was shot to death
while leaving the courthouse.[10]

End of presidency
Roye was removed from the presidency on October 26, 1871, in what some allies called
a coup d'état. The circumstances surrounding his removal from office, however, remain
murky and highly partisan. What is known is that he was jailed for several months
following his ousting and soon died under equally mysterious circumstances. His
unpopular loans with Britain as well as fears from the Republican Party that he was
planning to cancel the upcoming presidential election were among the reasons for his
forced removal.[11]

Death and legacy

No specific historical record is available about the date and circumstances of Roye's
death. Varying accounts indicate that he was killed on February 11 or February 12,
1872. Another account suggests that he drowned on February 12, 1872, while trying to
reach a British ship in Monrovia harbor.

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The portrait of President Roye in the gallery of the Presidential Mansion in Monrovia
notes his date of death as February 11, 1872.[12]

The town of Royesville, bordering the city of Brewerville, was named after Roye.
President William Tubman named the presidential yacht "The Edward J. Roye," after
President Roye.[13] The headquarters of the True Whig Party was named the Edward J.
Roye Building.[14] His portrait was featured on the front of the five-dollar banknote of
the Liberian dollar.[15]

LIBERIAN CONSTITUTION OF 1847

The Liberian Constitution of 1847 was the first constitution of the Republic of Liberia.
Largely modeled on the Constitution of the United States, it remained in effect from its
adoption on 26 July 1847 until its suspension by the People's Redemption Council,
following the coup d'état on 12 April 1980.

The Constitution created a unitary state governed by three branches of government:

the executive, legislative and judicial branches. The executive branch was led by
the President, elected by popular vote of all land-owning citizens to a two-year term.
Legislative power was held by the Legislature, a bicameral body made up of a House of
Representatives and a Senate. The judicial branch consisted of the Supreme Court,
made up of the Chief Justice and four associate justices, and circuit courts created by
the Legislature. Article One of the Constitution enshrined civil liberties similar to those
protected by the Bill of Rights in the United States Constitution.

Approved in a referendum on 27 September 1847, the Constitution was amended

several times from 1847 to 1980. Among these amendments, the term length of the
president was extended to four years in 1907 and to eight years in 1935.

THIRD PERIOD
TOPIC: THE COMMONWEALTH PERIOD

The Commonwealth of Liberia

Although there was rivalry among the several colonization societies, they found
it beneficial to cooperate in the United States, where fund? raising and ,the
recruitment of settlers had become more difficult. Out of this cooperation came,
in 1838, the merger of the ACS colony (including the Virginia settlement) and
Balsa Cove as the Commonwealth of Liberia. A new constitution responded to
demands voiced by settlers for greater participation in government.

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The commonwealth constitution was brought to Liberia by a new governor,
Thomas Buchanan, to be approved by the settlers. (Buchanan, who had been
active in the antislavery movement and had once served as the governor of
Balsa Cove, was the brother of the future president of the United States, James
Buchanan.) It provided for the governor, who was appointed by the ACS, to act
as chief executive officer and also to preside over the Supreme Court. A
lieutenant governor would be elected by the settlers, as would representatives
to a legislative body, the Council of Liberians. The ACS, through the governor,
retained the right, however, to veto any legislation that the Council enacted.
Suffrage was granted to all male citizens over the age of 21. Citizenship was
specifically limited to "persons of color," but, in practice, indigenous Africans
were excluded.

The commonwealth was divided for administrative purposes into two counties:
Montserrado, comprising the original ACS colony of Liberia, and Grand Balsa
(Balsa Cove). The new arrangement claimed sovereignty over all the
settlements between Cape Mount and the Cestos River. A survey conducted in
1838 counted 2,247 colonists, 20 churches, 10 schools, and four printing
presses; the ACS reported the following year that the right bank of the Saint
Paul River presented an almost continuous line of cultivated farms up to the fall
line. In 1842 the Mississippi colony was formally admitted as Sinoe County,
leaving only the Maryland colony outside the commonwealth.

In 1841 a settler, Joseph Jerkins Roberts, was appointed to succeed Buchanan

as governor of Liberia. A mulatto born in Virginia to parents who were
themselves free persons, Roberts was a man of intelligence and vision. Within
a few years his administration had consolidated the society's landholdings
through additional purchases and could claim to exercise sole jurisdiction as far
as the Grand Cess River, which was the western limit of the Maryland colony.
Liberia also claimed sovereignty in the other direction up to the Sewa River
bordering on Sierra Leone but exercised no authority beyond Cape Mount. An
important aspect of this consolidation was Roberts' effort to put an end to the
slave trade, but by asserting Liberian sovereignty over an even larger stretch of
the coast he expected to counter similar claims that might be made by Britain
and France (see fig. 2).

The British government warned further that the Royal Navy, which often in the
past had protected the colonists, would be used to safeguard legitimate British
commercial interests and to ensure the freedom of trade in those areas claimed
by Liberia. The numerous incidents that followed the British refusal to recognize
Liberian sovereignty convinced Roberts that the settlers' only course of action
was to break their ties with the ACS and change Liberia's status in international
law from that of a private venture to that of an independent state.

The ACS had envisioned that agriculture would he the principal economic
activity in Liberia. Promoters expected the settler communities not only to feed

14 | P a g e
themselves but also to produce cash crops to earn revenue. Many of the
colonists, however, were craftsmen and workers from northern cities in the
United States who showed little interest in agriculture, and even those who
came from the agrarian South shunned farming, which they associated with
slavery. Most sought to improve their circumstances in Africa by engaging in
trade or by practicing the skills that they had brought with them. Liberian
shipwrights and joiners, for instance, gained a reputation for the quality of the
schooners that they built to ply the coastal trade. Rice and maize were
cultivated, and livestock was raised around the settlements, but the settler
communities depended for their food supply largely on purchases from African
growers. Typically, cash crop farming was a sideline for those whose primary
occupation was in trade or administration. Sugarcane was the first such crop to
generate an interest among settlers who employed indigenous labor for
fieldwork. A number of small mills operated to process the cane, and a thriving
barrel? making industry developed in Liberia to produce containers for shipping
sugar and rum. Coffee growing gradually developed, and palm oil also became
an important export.

The principal source of revenue for the administration in Liberia consisted of

customs duties levied on all imports and exports. To maximize its income from
this source, the Liberian government took steps to regulate trade by limiting it to
those ports where customs were collected. Efforts to impose these restrictions
antagonized Africans whose trade with foreigners in legitimate commodities
was interrupted. More seriously, attempts by Liberian officials to collect duties
from foreign traders brought on a confrontation with Britain.

Trouble began when British merchants, who for many years had been trading
with the tribes along the Liberian coast, complained to their government about
the customs duties being demanded of them. They were advised, in effect, that
Liberia had no right to levy taxes on their trade. The British governor of Sierra
Leone sent a note to Liberian authorities explaining that Britain did not
recognize the right of private persons? That is, the ACS to constitute
themselves a government and exercise sovereignty.

The British government warned further that the Royal Navy, which often in the
past had protected the colonists, would be used to safeguard legitimate British
commercial interests and to ensure the freedom of trade in those areas claimed
by Liberia. The numerous incidents that followed the British refusal to recognize
Liberian sovereignty convinced Roberts that the settlers' only course of action
was to break their ties with the ACS and change Liberia's status in international
law from that of a private venture to that of an independent state.

THE LIBERIAN DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

A Declaration of Independence by the Representatives of the People of the

Commonwealth of Liberia in Convention Assembled. July 16, 1847. We, the
representatives of the people of the commonwealth of Liberia, in convention assembled,

15 | P a g e
invested with the authority of forming a new government, relying upon the aid and
protection of the Great Arbiter of human events, do hereby in the name and on behalf of
the people of this commonwealth, publish and declare the said commonwealth a free,
sovereign, and independent state, by the name and title of the Republic of Liberia.
While announcing to the nations of the world the new position which the people of this
Republic have felt themselves called upon to assume, courtesy to their opinion seems
to demand a brief accompanying statement of the causes which induced them, first to
expatriate themselves from the land of their nativity and to form settlements on this
barbarous coast, and now to organize their government by the assumption of a
sovereign and independent character. Therefore, we respectfully ask their attention to
the following facts:
We recognize in all men certain inalienable rights; among these are life, liberty, and the
right to acquire, possess, enjoy, and defend property. By the practice and consent of
men in all ages, some system or form of government is proved to be necessary to
exercise, enjoy, and secure their rights, and every people have a right to institute a
government, and to choose and adopt that system, or form of it, which in their opinion
will most effectively accomplish these objects, and secure their happiness, which does
not interfere with the just rights of others. The right, therefore, to institute government
and powers necessary to conduct it is an inalienable right and cannot be resisted
without the grossest injustice.

We, the people of the Republic of Liberia, were originally inhabitants of the United
States of North America.

In some parts of that country we were debarred by law from all rights and privileges of
man—in other parts, public sentiment, more powerful than law, frowned us down.

We were excluded from all participation in the government.

We were taxed without our consent.

We were compelled to contribute to the resources of a country which gave us no

protection.

We were made a separate and distinct class, and against us every avenue of
improvement was effectively closed. Strangers from other lands, of a color different from
ours, were preferred before us.

We uttered our complaints, but they were unattended to, or only met by alleging the
peculiar institutions of the country.

All hope of a favorable change in our country was thus wholly extinguished in our
bosoms, and we looked with anxiety for some asylum from the deep degradation.
The western coast of Africa was the place selected by American benevolence and
philanthropy for our future home. Removed beyond those influences which oppressed
us in our native land, it was hoped we would be enabled to enjoy those rights and
privileges and exercise and improve those faculties which the God of nature has given
us in common with the rest of mankind.

16 | P a g e
Under the auspices of the American Colonization Society, we established ourselves
here, on land, acquired by purchase from the lords of the soil.
In an original compact with this society, we, for important reasons, delegated to it
certain political powers; while this institution stipulated that whenever the people should
become capable of conducting the government, or whenever the people should desire
it, this institution would resign the delegated power, peacefully withdraw its supervision,
and leave the people to the government of themselves.

Under the auspices and guidance of this institution which has nobly and in perfect faith
redeemed its pledge to the people, we have grown and prospered.
From time to time our number has been increased by immigration from America, and by
accession from native tribes; and from time to time, as circumstances required it, we
have extended our borders by the acquisition of land by honorable purchase from the
natives of the country.
As our territory has extended and our population increased our commerce has also
increased. The flags of most civilized nations of the earth float in our harbors, and their
merchants are opening an honorable and profitable trade. Until recently, these visits
have been of a uniformly harmonious character; but as they have become more
frequent and to more numerous points of our extended coast, questions have arisen
which, it is supposed, can be adjusted only by agreement between sovereign powers.

For years past, the American Colonization Society has virtually withdrawn from all direct
and active part in the administration of the government, except in the appointment of the
governor, who is also a colonist, for the apparent purpose of testing the ability of the
people to conduct the affairs of government, and no complaint of crude legislation, nor
of mismanagement, nor of mal-administration has yet been heard.

In view of these facts, this institution, the American Colonization Society, with that good
faith which has uniformly marked all its dealings with us did by a set of resolutions in
January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-six, dissolve all
political connections with the people of this Republic, returned the power with which it
was delegated, and left the people to the government of themselves.

The people of the Republic of Liberia, they, are of right, and in fact, a free, sovereign,
and independent state, possessed of all the rights, powers, and functions of
government.
In assuming the momentous responsibilities of the position they have taken, the people
of this republic feel justified by the necessities of the case, and with this conviction they
throw themselves with confidence upon the candid consideration of the civilization of the
world.

Liberia is not the offspring of ambition, nor the tool of avaricious speculation.
No desire for territorial aggrandizement brought us to these shores; nor do we believe
so sordid a motive entered into the high consideration of those who aided us in
providing this asylum. Liberia is an asylum from the most grinding oppression.

In coming to the shores of Africa, we indulged the pleasing hope that we would be
permitted to exercise and improve those faculties which impart to man his dignity; to
nourish in our hearts the flame of honorable ambition; to cherish and indulge these
aspirations which a beneficent Creator had implanted in every human heart, and to

17 | P a g e
evince to all who despise, ridicule, and oppress our race that we possess with them a
common nature; are with them susceptible of equal refinement, and capable to equal
advancement in all that adorns and dignifies man. We were animated by the hope that
here we should be at liberty to train up our children in the way that they should go; to
inspire them with the love of an honorable fame; to kindle within them the flame of a
lofty philanthropy, and to form strongly within them the principles of humanity, virtue,
and religion.

Amongst the strongest motives to leave our native land—to abandon forever the scenes
of our childhood and to sever the most endeared connections—was the desire for a
retreat where, free from the agitation of fear and molestation, we could approach in
worship the God of our fathers.

Thus far our highest hopes have been realized. Liberia is already the happy home of
thousands who were once the doomed victims of oppressions; and, if left unmolested to
go on with her natural and spontaneous growth, if her movements be left free from the
paralyzing intrigues of jealous ambition and unscrupulous avarice, she will throw open
wider and yet a wider door for thousands who are now looking with an anxious eye for
some land of rest.

Our courts of justices are open equally to the stranger and the citizen for the redress of
grievances, for the remedy of injuries, and for the punishment of crime.
Our numerous and well-attended schools attest our efforts and our desire for the
improvement of our children. Our churches for the worship of our Creator, everywhere
to
be seen, bear testimony to our acknowledgment of His providence.

The native African bowing down with us before the altar of the living God, declares that
from us, feeble as we are, the light of Christianity has gone forth, while upon that curse
of curses, the slave trade, a deadly blight has fallen, as far as our influence extends.
Therefore, in the name of humanity, virtue, and religion, in the name of the great God,
our common Creator, we appeal to the nations of Christendom, and earnestly and
respectfully ask of them that they will regard us with the sympathy and friendly
considerations to which the peculiarities of our condition entitles us, and to that comity
which marks the friendly intercourse of civilized and independent communities.

EXPANSION
Until 1835, five more colonies were created by the colonization societies of five different states
in the U.S, which were the Republic of Maryland, Kentucky-in-Africa, Mississippi in Africa, one
by the Louisiana Colonization Society,and one set up by the Pennsylvania state colonization
society. Another one was planned by the New Jersey colonization society but never came to
fruition. The first colony on Cape Mesurado was extended along the coast as well as inland,
sometimes by use of force against the native tribes. In 1838 the former four settlements came
together to create the Commonwealth of Liberia. Monrovia was named the capital.[13] By 1842,
four out of the aforementioned five colonies were incorporated into Liberia, and the fifth
settlement by the Pennsylvania society, Port Cresson, was destroyed by indigenous people.
The colonists of African-American descent became known as Americo-Liberians. Many were of
mixed race, including European ancestry. They remained African Americans in their education,
religion, and culture, and they treated the natives as White Americans had treated them: as
savages from the jungle, unwanted as citizens and not deserving the vote.

18 | P a g e
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN AMERICO – LIBERIANS AND THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
Relations between colonists and natives were contentious from the founding of Liberia, and
eventually led to the overthrow of the Americo-Liberian regime in 1980.

RESISTANCE
The Original inhabitants of the ara resented the American settlements and their territorial
expansions. They engaged in resistance in all possible forms from the inception of colonization
until at last 1980.

AMERICO – LIBERIAN DOMINATION AND SUPPRESSION

Americo-Liberian people (also known as Congo people or Congau people),[2] are a
Liberian ethnic group of African American, Afro-Caribbean, and liberated African origin.
Americo-Liberians trace their ancestry to free-born and formerly enslaved African
Americans who emigrated in the 19th century to become the founders of
the state of Liberia. They identified themselves as Americo-Liberians.[3]

Although the terms "Americo-Liberian" and "Congo" had distinct definitions in the
nineteenth century, they are currently interchangeable and refer to an ethnic group
composed of the descendants of the various free and ex-slave African
American, Caribbean, recaptive, and Sierra Leone Creoles who settled in Liberia from
1822.

The designation "Congo" for the Americo-Liberian population came into common usage
when these African Americans integrated 5,000 liberated Africans called Congos
(former slaves from the Congo Basin, who were freed by British and Americans from
slave ships after the prohibition of the African slave trade) and
500 Barbadian immigrants into the Americo-Liberian identity.[4][2] Under Americo-Liberian
leadership, the country was relatively stable, though the Americo-Liberians and
indigenous West Africans maintained largely separate existences and seldom
intermarried.[5]

In addition to indigenous Liberian elites, chiefs, and royalty, upper-class Americo-

Liberians led the political, social, cultural and economic sectors of the country and ruled
the new state from the 1800s all the way to 1980 as a small but dominant minority.
However, President William Tubman challenged the status quo and championed the
cause of indigenous groups in the interior against the established oligarchy.[

THE COMING OF THE FIRESTONE COMPANY IN LIBERIA

After World War I, rubber prices on the international markets dropped sharply. As a
consequence, the Government of the United Kingdom, the country that at the time
dominated the world production of rubber, introduced measures which restricted the
supply of rubber on the world market. These measures became known as the
Stevenson Plan and went into force on January 1, 1922. US interests were adversely
affected by this protectionist scheme as a penny per pound increase in the price of
rubber meant a financial loss of $ 8 million for the US economy. The American economy
at this time absorbed approximately two thirds of the world’s rubber output. US
industries, notably the automobile industry, needed increasing quantities of this raw
material.

19 | P a g e
One American rubber manufacturer became so indignant with the British Government
that he introduced the slogan “America must grow its own rubber.” It was Harvey S.
Firestone from Akron, Ohio.

In West Africa Firestone found what he was looking for. In the only independent country
in that region – Liberia – he found a tropical and very humid climate – ideal for the
growing of rubber - , a seemingly abundant and cheap labour force, and a Government
which was eager to offer a concession in exchange for US protection against colonial
neighbours who were impatient to annex the tiny, weak republic.
THE NEGOTIATIONS

Negotiations between Firestone and the Liberian Government went smooth but after the
draft concession agreement had been approved by the National Legislature, Firestone
suddenly introduced a new clause. This so-called Clause K made realization of the
agreement dependent on the condition that the Liberian Government would also take a
$ 5 million loan from his company. Conditions of this loan were to be exactly the same
as the controversial $ 5 million loan which President Daniel Howard in 1918 had
obtained from the US Government but which had been rejected by the US Congress. In
Liberia the 1918 loan proposal had aroused many objections since critics feared that it
would turn the country in an American administrated territory with only nominal political
independence.

Firestone’s proposal aroused widespread protests, both inside and outside the country.
The internal opposition denied the need for another loan. But Firestone insisted that
Liberia should take a loan from him. Liberia owed more than one million dollars, an
enormous amount in those days, to British bankers. Firestone wanted to eliminate this
situation that could easily become a pretext for the British Government to interfere in
Liberian affairs. Also, he wanted some political control over the Liberian Government
because of the long-term nature of the investment. The US Government was interested
in and supported Firstone’s plans which included a promise to construct a major port.
Firestone did not need a port to export the rubber from Liberia but merely proposed it to
get the approval and support of the US State department which was particularly
interested in a port on the West African coast as a station for naval use.
THE 1926 AGREEMENTS

Under pressure of the US State Department, the Liberian Government, represented by

its Secretary of State Edwin Barclay, continued the negotiations which eventually lead
to the 1926 Firestone Concession Agreement and two additional agreements. Firestone
had won. He obtained a one million acre concession for a 99-year period, was granted
the exclusive rights (!) upon the lands selected, and became - with only few, small,
exceptions - exempted of all present and future taxes. Thus, Firestone acquired virtually
unlimited rights over an area equal to 4 per cent of the country’s territory and nearly 10
per cent of what was considered the arable land in the country. Moreover, Firestone lent
$ 5 million to the Liberian Government through a wholly-owned and especially for this
purpose created subsidiary, the Finance Corporation of Liberia.

20 | P a g e
The $ 5 million Loan put Liberia virtually under control of US administrators and
supervisors. An American Financial Advisor appointed by the US Government
controlled the Republic’s finance and had to approve the country’s budget every year.
But the most striking and important consequence of this Loan was that the Liberian
Government was now forbidden to contract new loans without the written consent of the
Finance Corporation of America, i.e. Firestone.
Firestone’s obligations were very limited. The Liberian Government, on the other hand,
accepted several conditions besides the ones just mentioned which turned Liberia de
facto into an American protectorate. The Liberian Government also promised that it
would encourage, support or assist the efforts of the Firestone company to maintain an
adequate labour supply. Firestone had foreseen complications in recruiting labourers
and cleverly introduced this commitment.

In those days, the monetary economy was absent outside the coastal areas where the
Americo-Liberian elite lived. The majority of the tribal peoples of the Hinterland, where
the rubber plantations were planned, did not participate in Liberia’s small modern
monetary economy. They still used traditional means of exchange, the so-called Kissi-
money. Eventually, this situation would lead to the forced recruitment of labour as was
described by the Christy-report (1930) which led to the resignment of President Charles
King and his Vice-president, Allen N. Yancy.
When the bill granting the Firestone Concession was introduced in the National
Legislature for approval it met with tremendous opposition. However, President Charles
King, former President Arthur Barclay, Secretary of State Edwin Barclay, and Senator
William Tubman staunchly advocated the bill. Interestingly, former President Arthur
Barclay and Senator Wlliam Tubman had been hired meanwhile by Harvey Firestone as
his company’s lawyers in Liberia. Eventually, the bill granting the Firestone Company
unprecedented privileges in Liberia was passed. “The greatest concession of its kind
ever made”, as Harvey Firestone qualified it, was realized.
AN OPEN DOOR POLICY?

One of Liberia’s oldest disputes, whether or not to make use of foreign capital in the
development of the country, was re-vived as a result of the Firestone Concession
Agreement. President King’s position was that the country now had an Open Door
Policy. His ideas were not uncontested. Notably the exclusive character of the
Concession Agreement with Firestone was mentioned by King’s opponents to be
incompatible with the classical idea of an Open Door Policy.

FOURTH PERIOD
TOPIC: LIBERIA BETWEEN 1926 – 1943
The cheated presidential elections of 1927 and the forced labour scandal (1930)

21 | P a g e
President Charles King won the 1927 presidential elections that became known as the
most fraudulent elections ever reported in world history. The following year, the
defeated Presidential candidate, Faulkner, accused the King Administration of
permitting slavery, slave trade and forced labour within the borders of the Republic.
Worse, he also stated that certain highly placed government officials were engaged in
the forced shipping of labourers to the Spanish island of Fernando Poo. He also
accused them of making use of the Liberian Army (called Frontier Force) to achieve
this. The accused government officials were Charles King, President of the Republic
and Standard-Bearer of the True Whig Party (TWP), the country’s ruling political party;
Samuel A. Ross, the Secretary-General of the TWP and Postmaster-General, and Vice-
President Allen N. Yancy.

After Faulkner’s accusations a wave of international reactions followed and a

Committee of the League of Nations was established to examine the allegations. The
Committee was composed of Dr Cuthbert Christy, an Englishman (representing the
League of Nations), Charles S.A. Johnson, an Afro-American (representing the USA),
and former Liberian president Arthur Barclay (representing Liberia).
The Christy-report

In 1930 the ‘Christy Report’ was published, named after the Committee’s chairman. The
Committee concluded that:
Slavery as defined by the Anti-Slavery Convention, in fact, does not exist in this
Republic.
Shipment to Fernando Poo and Gabon is associated with slavery because the method
of recruiting carries compulsion with it.
Persons holding official positions have illegally misused their office in recruiting with the
aid of the Liberian Frontier Force.
Labour for private purposes is forcibly impressed by the Government, and used in the
Firestone Plantations.
Following the publication of the report, the House of Representatives started the
procedure to impeach President King who hastily resigned. He thus escaped a public
trial as the Liberian Constitution reads: ‘No person shall be held to answer for a capital
or infamous crime, except in case of impeachment.’ Vice-President Yancy made the
same decision – defended and advised by his cousin, the lawyer William Tubman (who
became President in 1944). The third high-ranking Liberian involved, Samuel A., Ross,
had died in the beginning of the year. Secretary of State Edwin Barclay succeeded
King.
Firestone

Not only Americo-Liberian government officials had benefited from the fruits of foreced
labour. A large foreign enterprise, Firestone, was also involved, as the Christy-report
stated. For that reason, since the US Government had supported Harvey Firestone’s
plans and ambitions from the beginning of his operations, certain Liberians also

22 | P a g e
criticized the US Government, like Clarence L. Simpson, Vice-President under Tubman
(1944 – 51).

Prior to Firestone’s arrival in Liberia the employment in the monetary sector of the
economy was practically limited to the civil service and a small number of trading
companies. A few hundred people were employed by the Government, virtually all
recruited from the ranks of the Americo-Liberians. After 1926, the only employer of
significance was Firestone. This company employed more than 10,000 labourers on its
plantations in 1930. According to official government sources however, more than 8,500
had not come to work for Firestone voluntarily.

A Liberian (‘Old man Paul’) interviewed by the present author (FVDK) in the 1970s
confirmed the forcible character of the recruitment. ‘I was a small boy when Firestone
came to Liberia’, he stated, and continued: ‘(…) during the King Administration soldiers
of the Liberian Frontier Force would come to the villages and compel people to leave for
the Firestone Plantations to work there.’

The recruitment system that supplied Firestone with tens of thousands labourers
continued until the early 1960s. In August 1961 the Government of Portugal – in
retaliation of Liberia’s staunch anti-colonial position – filed a complaint with the
International Labour Organization (ILO) concerning the observance of the Liberian
Government of the Forced Labour Convention of 1950. Before the Commission which
had been appointed by the ILO to investigate the complaint published its findings in
1963, the Liberian Legislature hastily enacted a law regulating the recruitment of labour
in Liberia (1962). It was then only that the recruitment system that had supplied
Firestone since 1926 with labourers became outlawed.
FERMANDO PO CRISIS
In 1923–30 the League of Nations investigated the shipment of migrant labour between
Liberia and the Spanish island colony of Fernando Po. Although the League
concentrated its attention on Liberia, a closer examination reveals labour abuse as very
much the product of conditions on Fernando Po itself. In the last quarter of the
nineteenth century, black planters on the island shifted from palm oil trading to cocoa
cultivation. Dependence on migrant labour and increasing competition from Europeans
resulted in economic crisis in the first years of the twentieth century, with detention of
labour and the nonpayment of contracts as the outcome. The eventual investigation of
the trade was the product of a desire to conserve Liberian labour for use on the African
mainland, rather than an attempt to relieve its abuse.
Edwin Barclay, a member of the True Whig Party which ruled at that time, served as
foreign minister and secretary of state of Liberia in the government of Charles D.B. King
from 1920 until 1930. He became President of Liberia in 1930 when President King and
Vice-President Allen B. Yancey resigned because of a scandal. He was elected in his
own right for the first time in 1931.

Barclay was selected to complete King's term as president. One of his first official
decisions was to repeal the famous Port of Entry Law of 1864 that had restricted the

23 | P a g e
economic activities of foreigners in the country. Subsequently, in the early 1930s
concession agreements were signed between the Liberian Government and Dutch,
Danish, German and Polish investors.

The depression of the 1930s brought Liberia to the verge of bankruptcy. By 1931, it
became apparent to the Liberian administration that continued loan repayments were
not possible. The government asked for consideration from the lending bank and
Firestone but to no avail. Firestone attempted to use the United States Government, to
force the Liberian Government to comply with the loan agreement, through the use of
gunboat diplomacy. U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt rejected this interference in
Liberia internal affairs, in a memorable memorandum to the State Department,
Roosevelt wrote: "At all times we should remember that Firestone went to Liberia at his
own financial risk, and it is not the business of the State Department to pull his financial
chestnut out of the fire except as a friend of the Liberian people." Ultimately, the
Liberian Legislature passed the Moratorium Act suspending payment of this loan until
terms could be negotiated that were more suitable to Liberia's ability to pay.

Barclay is credited with helping the country survive some of Liberia's greatest threats to
its sovereignty in that country's history. These included threats by the League of Nations
led by Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States to recolonize the country
unless reforms were made, aggressive actions by France and a coup attempt by the
Firestone Tire and Rubber Company which owned much of Liberia's land.

When Barclay appealed to the League of Nations for financial aid, the Council of the
League of Nations expressed a willingness to assist Liberia with certain stipulations.
The League of Nations drew up a plan of assistance which could have, if it had been
implemented, eventually abrogated the independence of Liberia. One chief sticking
point was the League's requirement to have their delegates placed in key positions
within the Liberian government. Barclay and other Liberian officials considered this
request to be an infringement upon the sovereignty of Liberia.

When Liberia refused to accept the League's plan, the major powers, including the
United States, withdrew recognition of the Barclay's administration. In 1934, President
Franklin Roosevelt restored diplomatic relations with Liberia, after President Barclay
implemented some of the measures that had been proposed by the League of Nations.
After three years of negotiation, an 'agreement' was reached along lines suggested by
the League, which were beneficial to Firestone. Two key officials were placed in
positions to advise the government, but with limitations set forth by the Liberian
government. Loan payments were continued with the assistance of the League.

Barclay retired in 1944 and was replaced by William Tubman. On May 27, 1943, Edwin
Barclay became the first black man to appear as a guest of honor before the United
States Congress and be officially introduced from its rostrum. He was repaying
President Franklin D. Roosevelt for the trip he had made to Liberia after the Casablanca
Conference.

5TH PERIOD
24 | P a g e
 TOPIC: LIBERIA BETWEEN 1943 – 1980
The Liberia Population (Live) counter, maintained by Worldometer, displays a
constantly updating figure based on the latest United Nations data. As of August 3,
2025, it shows Liberia's population as 5,740,571. This figure is an estimate based on
population trends and data from the UN.
Liberia's population is expected to reach 5.06 million in 2020, according to the World
Bank, according to a World Bank document. This figure is also cited in other reports,
such as the High Frequency Phone Monitoring Survey. While the population was
projected to be 5.06 million in 2020, it has been estimated to be 5.31 million in 2022.
The population growth rate is currently around 2.4 percent.
What is Liberia’s population?
4.819 million (2018)
LIBERIA/POPULATION
Liberia overpopulated?
Liberia population 2020 (Live) Liberia has one of the highest population growth rates in
the world, although it has fallen in recent years. It reached a high of 4.6% annual growth
in 2006, but has since fallen to 2.7% population growth per year. From 1960 to 2012,
Liberia’s population grew 274%.
 The current population of Liberia is 5,740,892 as of Monday, August 4, 2025, based on
Worldometer's elaboration of the latest United Nations data1.
 Liberia 2025 population is estimated at 5,731,206 people at mid-year.
 Liberia population is equivalent to 0.070% of the total world population.
 Liberia ranks number 117 in the list of countries (and dependencies) by population.
 The population density in Liberia is 60 per Km² (154 people per mi²).
 The total land area is 96,320 Km² (37,189 sq. miles).
 54.97% of the population is urban (3,150,252 people in 2025)
 The median age in Liberia is 18.8 years.

WHICH TRIBE IS THE LARGEST IN LIBERIA?

The Kpelle people (also known as the Guerze, Kpwesi, Kpessi, Sprd, Mpessi, Berlu,
Gbelle, Bere, Gizima, or Buni)[3] are the largest ethnic group in Liberia. They are located
primarily in an area of central Liberia, extending into Guinea. They speak the Kpelle
language,[4] which belongs to the Mande language family. Liberia population is
equivalent to 0.06% of the total world population.
Liberia ranks number 123 in the list of countries (and dependencies) by population. The
population density in Liberia is 53 per km2 (136 people per mi2)
The 2025 population density in Liberia is 60 people per Km2 (154 people per mi2),
calculated on a total land area of 96,320 Km2 (37,189 sq. miles).
Main Cities by Population in Liberia

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# City Population
1 Monrovia 1,542,549
2 Gbarnga 86,031
3 Buchanan 75,854
4 Ganta 63,523
5 Kakata 52,247
6 Zwedru 38,269
7 Harbel 38,208
8 Harper 35,503
9 Pleebo City 35,423
10 Foya Kamara 31,052
11 New Yekepa 24,695
12 Voinjama 23,051
13 Tubmanburg 22,005
14 Saclepea 20,818
15 Greenville 20,184
16 Sanniquellie 17,895

WHAT IS POPULATION SETTLEMENT

Population settlement refers to the way people are distributed and live across a
geographic area, encompassing the types, patterns, and characteristics of human
habitations. It involves studying where people live, how they organize themselves in
settlements (like villages, towns, and cities), and the factors influencing these patterns.
WHAT IS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN POPULATION AND SETTLEMENT?
Population and settlement. The difference in distribution is measured by comparing
population density – the number of people per square kilometer (km 2). Population
density is determined more by environmental factors which make an area more or less
attractive to settlers than by economic development
The functions of a settlement are the activities that take place there. Settlements
typically have a number of functions but one is often more important than the others.
Settlement functions can be grouped into a number of categories, such as residential,
recreational, retail, government, entertainment and industrial.
Livelihoods: In cities people are depended upon a job to provide the resources
necessary to buy food, services, housing and other needs. Removing from them their
neighborhood usually removes them from their work/living.
Dense population: Living space is much more controlled, confined and limited; buildings
are much closer to together rand “affect” one another; habitable space goes up rather
than out; and people are more often renters that towners. All these factors make
sheltering and recovery difficult.
Land conflicts: Land use is more regulated; services to land (water, electricity,
pathways, etc.,) are essential and transcend land ownership boundaries, land related

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activities, particularly where construction is involved, often have to be coordinated and
phased with similar activities of the owners and users of surrounding land.
WILLIAM V. S. TUBMAN (1895-1971)

William Vacanarat Shadrach Tubman, an Americo-Liberian, served 27 years as

President of Liberia, longer than any president before or after him. Tubman, who is
regarded by some in his country as the “father of modern Liberia,” was born on
November 29, 1895 in Harper, Liberia. His father, Rev. Alexander Tubman, was
Speaker of the Liberian House of Representatives.

Tubman studied law under private tutors, passed the Liberian bar exam, and became a
lawyer in 1917. After serving as a county recorder, tax collector, and teacher he
entered politics and in 1923 at the age of 28 was elected to the Liberian Senate
representing Maryland County. In the Senate Tubman became noted for advocating the
extension of constitutional rights to indigenous Liberians. In 1937 he was appointed to
the Liberian Supreme Court. Tubman ran for President of Liberia and easily won the
contest on May 4, 1944.
Once in office Tubman promoted the National Unification Policy which called for the
reduction of distinctions between the politically and economically dominant Americo-
Liberian minority and the indigenous people who comprised the vast majority of the
nation’s inhabitants. He also extended voting rights to all Liberian women.

Claiming that Liberia never received the “benefits of colonization” Tubman encouraged
foreign aid and foreign investment in his nation. He also encouraged foreign
businesses to locate in Liberia. This policy had considerable success. Between 1944
and 1970 the value of foreign investments increased by over 200%. By the latter date
Liberia had received more than one billion dollars in U.S. investments. Liberia also
received significant investment from Sweden and the largest investment from Germany
at that time. Tubman expanded the port of Monrovia and initiated the “flag of
convenience” program where ships of various nations registered in Liberia because of
its lower fees. The revenue from this program allowed Liberia to end its national budget
deficits for the first time in its history.

As Liberia became more prosperous, Tubman began a modernization program, paving

the streets of Monrovia, the capital, building roads and railroads into the interior,
establishing hospitals, and creating the first national sanitation system. He also
expanded the University of Liberia, established teacher training institutes to train
instructors for the growing number of secondary and primary schools, and built
agricultural extension stations to assist farmers in raising crops and livestock.
Tubman’s policies, including his unification efforts, sparked opposition and in 1955 he
was the target of an assassination attempt by political rivals. In response Tubman
imposed harsh measures and began a period of near dictatorial rule.
William S.V. Tubman remained President of Liberia until his death in a London, UK
clinic on July 23, 1971.

UNIFICATION DAY
Tuesday, May 12, 22013 is National Unification Day in Liberia. Every year in Liberia,
May 14 is set aside by a Presidential Proclamation as National Unification Day- a public

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holiday across the country. The Proclamation is in Consonance with an Act enacted by
the Liberian Legislature in 1960 declaring the 14thDay of May of each year as National
Unification Day of the Republic of Liberia.

The Observance of National Unification Day every year in Liberia attempts to attract the
attention of Liberians to one of the most serious issues confronting them throughout
their history, i.e., the animosity between the Americo-Liberian elite and their majority
indigenous counterparts. The socio-economic and political gab between the two groups
diminished through the initiative of Liberia’s 18th President, the Late William V. S.
Tubman, who led the country from 1944 to 1971.

OPEN DOOR POLICY

What was the open door policy in Liberia?
The Open Door Policy: The negative side
The dependence of the government on the concession sector prevented the Liberian
Government from following an independent policy without risking the collapse of the
national economy.
WHAT WAS THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE OPEN DOOR POLICY IN LIBERIA?
The “Open Door” Policy was introduced as an economic management tool to achieve
political activities, which has created a dual economy, with foreign businesses benefiting
while Liberians have been kept out.
WHO INTRODUCED THE OPEN DOOR POLICY IN LIBERIA?
In the present study, it is shown for the first time that the Open Door Policy, first
introduced by U.S. President William McKinley and his Secretary of State, John Hay
with respect to China at the end of the 19 th Century, served as a model for the policy of
the same name which the Liberian Government also wanted.
LIBERIA AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

Introduction to the League of Nations

The League of Nations was an international organization established in 1919 after

World War I, with the main goal of maintaining world peace and preventing future
conflicts. It encouraged cooperation among countries, supported human rights, and
discouraged colonial abuse and slave labor.

Liberia's Membership

 Liberia was one of the founding members of the League of Nations in 1920.
 As an independent African nation, Liberia’s participation was significant
because most African territories at the time were under colonial rule.
 Liberia’s involvement showed that African nations could engage in
international diplomacy and governance.

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Major Issues Liberia Faced at the League

1. Forced Labor and Slavery Scandal (1920s–1930s)

 In the late 1920s, Liberia faced serious accusations from the international
community, especially from the United States and Great Britain, for allowing
forced labor and slave-like practices.
 It was alleged that:
o Liberian officials were selling young boys (especially from the Kru and
Bassa tribes) to plantations on Fernando Po (now Bioko Island,
Equatorial Guinea).
o There were practices similar to debt bondage, forced military service, and
exploitation of indigenous people.

League of Nations Investigation (1930)

 Due to the growing pressure, the League of Nations launched an official

investigation in 1930.
 The League sent a commission of inquiry led by Cuthbert Christy, a British
doctor and humanitarian.
 The Christy Report confirmed the existence of:
o Forced labor practices
o Corruption among government officials
o Human rights abuses

Results and Impact

1. Resignation of Leaders:
o As a result of the Christy Report:
 President Charles D. B. King and Vice President Allen Yancy
were forced to resign in 1930.
2. International Pressure:
o Liberia was at risk of losing its sovereignty or being placed under a
trusteeship if reforms were not made.
3. Reforms and Support:
o Liberia worked to reform its systems.
o The League of Nations provided advisers and assistance to improve
governance and economic practices.
o Liberia was allowed to retain its independence, but under close
international monitoring.

Significance of Liberia’s Relationship with the League

 Highlighted the challenges faced by independent African nations.

 Showed the power of international bodies in influencing national policies.

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  Marked the beginning of reforms in Liberia’s labor system and governance.
 Helped Liberia retain its independence despite strong international criticism.

Liberia’s experience with the League of Nations was a turning point in its history.
Though exposed to international embarrassment due to the forced labor scandal, the
country took steps to correct the issues. Liberia’s case remains an important example of
early African participation in global diplomacy and the struggle to maintain
sovereignty amid internal challenges.

MRU

The Mano River Union (MRU) is an international association initially established

between Liberia and Sierra Leone by the 3 October 1973 Mano River Declaration. [1] It is
named for the Mano River which begins in the Guinea highlands and forms a border
between Liberia and Sierra Leone. On 25 October 1980, Guinea joined the union.[2]

The goal of the Union was to "accelerate the economic growth, social progress and
cultural advancement of our two countries ... by active collaboration and mutual
assistance in matters of common interest in economic, social, technical, scientific and
administrative fields".[1] However, due to internal conflicts within the two original MRU
countries (the Sierra Leone Civil War [1991-2002] and the First [1989-1997]
and Second Liberian Civil Wars [1999-2003]), these objectives could not be achieved.
[3]
The staff numbered 600 in 1986, but was down to 300 in 1993, then to 120, and 48 in
2000.[4]

On 20 May 2004, the Union was reactivated at a summit of the three leaders of the
Mano River Union states: Presidents Lansana Conté of Guinea and Ahmad Tejan
Kabbah of Sierra Leone and Chairman Gyude Bryant of Liberia. On 15 May 2008, Côte
d'Ivoire agreed to join the union.[2]

ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE
The MRU is run by a secretariat, headed by a Secretary-General. Ambassador Simeon
M-B. Harrison is the current Secretary-General of the Mano River Union. He became
the 10th Secretary General. He replaced Madam Maria G. Harrison in May 2024. When
Secretary-General Habib Diallo was killed in a car crash in 2011, [5] his successor was
the first woman to hold that office: Dr Saran Daraba Kaba. [6] The Mano River Union
Secretariat is based in Freetown, Sierra Leone,[4] with offices in Conakry, Guinea
and Monrovia, Liberia.[3] In April 2016 the Union announced plans to form a Mano River
Union Parliament, where legislators from the four member states will work to coordinate
national legislation on matters of regional importance. [7] To date this idea has been
shelved as the cost and the structure of another parliamentary body whose relevance
remains to be appreciated.

ECOWAS

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS; also known

as CEDEAO in French and Portuguese) is a regional political and economic union of
twelve countries of West Africa. Collectively, the present and former members comprise
an area of 5,114,162 km2 (1,974,589 sq mi) and have an estimated population of over
424.34 million.[5]

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The union was established on 28 May 1975, with the signing of the Treaty of Lagos,
with its stated mission to promote economic integration across the region. A revised
version of the treaty was agreed and signed on 24 July 1993 in Cotonou. [20] Considered
one of the pillar regional blocs of the continent-wide African Economic
Community (AEC), the stated goal of ECOWAS is to achieve "collective self-sufficiency"
for its member states by creating a single large trade bloc by building a full economic
and trading union.[56]

ECOWAS also serves as a peacekeeping force in the region, with member states
occasionally sending joint military forces to intervene in the bloc's member countries at
times of political instability and unrest.[54] ECOWAS facilitates peacekeeping through
systematic collaboration with civil society, cooperation with development policies, and
other activities with the goal to meet sub-regional security challenges. [54] It has played
an important role in monitoring transitional election in West Africa, and these mediation
efforts have even been recognized within and outside the continent of Africa.[54] In recent
years these included interventions in Ivory Coast in 2003, Liberia in 2003, Guinea-
Bissau in 2012, Mali in 2013, The Gambia in 2017.

ECOWAS includes two sub-regional blocks:

 The West African Economic and Monetary Union (also known by its French-
language acronym UEMOA) is an organisation of eight, mainly French-speaking,
states within ECOWAS which share a customs union and currency union.
[75]
Established in 1994 and intended to counterbalance the dominance of English-
speaking economies in the bloc (such as Nigeria and Ghana), members of UEMOA
are mostly former territories of French West Africa. The currency they all use is
the CFA franc, which is pegged to the euro.[75]
 The West African Monetary Zone (WAMZ), established in 2000, comprises six
mainly English-speaking countries within ECOWAS which plan to work towards
adopting their own common currency, the eco.

In addition, ECOWAS includes the following institutions: ECOWAS Commission,

Community Court of Justice,[71] Community Parliament,[72] ECOWAS Bank for
Investment and Development (EBID),[72] West African Health Organisation (WAHO),
[73]
and the Inter-Governmental Action Group against Money Laundering and Terrorism
Financing in West Africa (GIABA).

ECOWAS operates in three co-official languages—French, English, and Portuguese,

consists of two operating institutions to implement policies: the ECOWAS Commission
and the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (EBID) – formerly known as
the Fund for Cooperation, until it was renamed in 2001. In 1976 Cape Verde joined
ECOWAS, and in December 2000 Mauritania withdrew, having announced its intention
to do so in December 1999.

In 201, ECOWAS adopted its development blueprint for the next decade, Vision 2020,
and to accompany it, a Policy on Science and Technology (ECOPOST).

OAU

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The Organisation of African Unity (OAU; French: Organisation de l'unité africaine,
OUA)[1] was an African intergovernmental organization established on 25 May 1963
in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, with 33 signatory governments.[2][a] Some of the key aims of
the OAU were to encourage political and economic integration among member states,
and to eradicate colonialism and neo-colonialism from the African continent.[3]

The absence of an armed force like the United Nations peacekeepers left the
organization with no means to enforce its decisions. It was also unwilling to become
involved in the internal affairs of member nations, prompting some critics to claim the
OAU as ineffective in taking decisive action. Recognizing this, in September 1999 the
OAU issued the Sirte Declaration, calling for a new body to take its place. On 9 July
2002, the OAU's Chairman, South African President Thabo Mbeki, formally dissolved
the OAU and replaced it with the African Union (AU), its immediate successor, which
upholds many of the founding principles of the OAU.[4]

The inception of the OAU's establishment was the Sanniquellie Pledge at the First
West African Summit Conference held in Sanniquellie, Liberia on 15–19 July 1959.
[5]
President Tubman of Liberia hosted President Touré of Guinea, and Prime
Minister Nkrumah of Ghana, and the three pledged to work together for the formation of
a "Community of Independent African States".[6]

The OAU was founded in May 1963 [7] in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, by 32 African states
with the main aim of bringing the African nations together and resolve the issues within
the continent.[7] Its first ever conference was held on 1 May 1963 [8] in Addis Ababa.[8][7] At
that conference, the late Gambian historian – and one of the leading Gambian
nationalists and Pan-Africanists at the time – Alieu Ebrima Cham Joof delivered a
speech in front of the member states, in which he said:

It is barely 75 years when the European Powers sat around the table in Germany each
holding a dagger to carve up Africa for its own benefit.… Your success will inspire and
speed up the freedom and total independence of the African continent and eradicate
imperialism and colonialism from the continent and eventually neo-colonialism from the
globe… Your failure, which no true African in Africa is praying for, will prolong our
struggle with bitterness and disappointment. I, therefore, adjure that you ignore any
suggestion outside Africa and holding that the present civilization, which some of the big
powered are boasting of, sprang up from Africa, and realising that the entire world has
something earthly to learn from Africa, you would endeavour your utmost to come to
agreement, save Africa from the clutches of neo-colonialism and resurrect African
dignity, manhood and national stability.

SIXTH PERIOD

TOPIC: GOVERNMENT

FORMS OF GOVERNMENT
This lesson will discuss and differentiate between the five main forms of power, or
government, utilized in past and present societies: Monarchy, Democracy, Oligarchy,
Authoritarianism, and Totalitarianism

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There are many forms of government in which people have no say in any matters,
private or public. All societies are established under some form of power or government.
The well – known sociologist Max Weber defined power as the ability to achieve goals
even if some people in the society hold differing opinions and goals. Power takes on
different forms in different societies. The five basic forms of government are:
Monarchy System
A monarchy is a form of government in which a single person, the monarch, holds the
highest political power. The monarch may be a king, queen, emperor, or empress.
Monarchies can be either absolute, in which the monarch has unlimited power, or
constitutional, in which the monarch’s power is limited by a constitution.

In a constitutional monarchy, the monarch is usually the head of state, but the real
power lies with the prime minister and the parliament. The monarch’s role is largely
ceremonial, although they may still have some influence over government policy.
Monarchy is the oldest form of government, and it has been practiced in many different
cultures throughout history. Today, there are still many monarchies around the world,
including the United Kingdom, Canada, Japan, and Saudi Arabia.

The advantages of a monarchy include stability, continuity, and tradition. Monarchies

can also provide a sense of national identity and unity. However, monarchies can also
be seen as undemocratic and outdated.

Monarchy System – Facts

A monarchy is a form of government in which a single person, the monarch, is head of
state. The monarch may be a king, queen, emperor, or empress. Monarchies can be
either hereditary, in which the monarch’s position is passed down from generation to
generation, or elective, in which the monarch is chosen by a group of electors.

Here are some facts about monarchies:

 Monarchies are the oldest form of government in the world.

 There are currently 43 monarchies in the world.
 The United Kingdom is the oldest monarchy in the world, dating back to the 9th
century.
 The largest monarchy in the world is Canada, with a population of over 37 million
people.
 The smallest monarchy in the world is Vatican City, with a population of just over
800 people.
 Monarchies can be found on every continent except Antarctica.
 The most common type of monarchy is the constitutional monarchy, in which the
monarch’s powers are limited by a constitution.
 In some monarchies, the monarch is also the head of government, while in
others the head of government is a prime minister or other elected official.
 Monarchies can be either absolute, in which the monarch has unlimited power, or
limited, in which the monarch’s power is limited by a constitution or other laws.
 Monarchies can be either hereditary or elective.
 In hereditary monarchies, the monarch’s position is passed down from
generation to generation.
 In elective monarchies, the monarch is chosen by a group of electors.

33 | P a g e
Here are some examples of monarchies:

 The United Kingdom is a constitutional monarchy, with Queen Elizabeth II as the

head of state.
 Canada is a constitutional monarchy, with Queen Elizabeth II as the head of
state.
 Japan is a constitutional monarchy, with Emperor Naruhito as the head of state.
 Saudi Arabia is an absolute monarchy, with King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud
as the head of state.
 Vatican City is an elective monarchy, with Pope Francis as the head of state.

Monarchy System – Advantages and Disadvantages

Advantages of Monarchy:

 Stability: Monarchies can provide stability and continuity of leadership, which can
be beneficial for countries that are experiencing political or economic turmoil.
 Tradition: Monarchies can provide a sense of tradition and history, which can be
important for countries that are proud of their past.
 Unity: Monarchies can help to unify a country by providing a symbol of national
identity.
 Tourism: Monarchies can attract tourists, who are interested in seeing the royal
family and learning about the country’s history.

Disadvantages of Monarchy:

 Cost: Monarchies can be expensive to maintain, as they require a large staff and
a lot of resources.
 Lack of Accountability: Monarchs are not accountable to the people, which can
lead to corruption and abuse of power.
 Inequality: Monarchies can create inequality, as the royal family is often seen as
being above the law.
 Lack of Democracy: Monarchies are not democratic, as the people do not have a
say in who rules them.

Monarchy is a complex and controversial form of government. There are both

advantages and disadvantages to having a monarchy, and it is up to each individual
country to decide whether or not this system of government is right for them.

Monarchy – Current Status

A monarchy is a form of government in which a single person, the monarch, is head of
state. The monarch may be a king, queen, emperor, or empress. Monarchies can be
either hereditary, in which the monarch’s position is passed down from generation to
generation, or elective, in which the monarch is chosen by a group of electors.

There are currently 43 monarchies in the world, of which 16 are Commonwealth realms.
The Commonwealth realms are countries that share a common history with the United
Kingdom and recognize the British monarch as their head of state. The other 27
monarchies are independent countries.

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Hereditary Monarchies

Hereditary monarchies are the most common type of monarchy. In a hereditary

monarchy, the monarch’s position is passed down from generation to generation
according to a predetermined order of succession. The order of succession is usually
based on primogeniture, which means that the eldest child of the monarch inherits the
throne.

Some examples of hereditary monarchies include:

 The United Kingdom

 Japan
 Saudi Arabia
 Spain
 Sweden

Elective Monarchies

Elective monarchies are less common than hereditary monarchies. In an elective

monarchy, the monarch is chosen by a group of electors. The electors may be members
of the royal family, the nobility, or the general public.

Some examples of elective monarchies include:

 Malaysia
 Cambodia
 Thailand
 Vatican City

The Role of the Monarch

The role of the monarch varies from country to country. In some countries, the monarch
has a purely ceremonial role, while in others the monarch has real political power.

In countries where the monarch has a ceremonial role, the monarch’s duties are largely
symbolic. The monarch may represent the country at official functions, sign laws into
effect, and appoint government officials. However, the monarch does not have any real
political power.

In countries where the monarch has real political power, the monarch may be involved
in the day-to-day running of the government. The monarch may appoint and dismiss
government officials, veto laws, and declare war.

The Future of Monarchy

The future of monarchy is uncertain. Some people believe that monarchies are outdated
and should be abolished. Others believe that monarchies provide stability and continuity
to a country.

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There are a number of factors that could affect the future of monarchy. These factors
include:

 The increasing popularity of democracy

 The growing power of the media
 The changing role of women in society
 The increasing globalization of the world

It is difficult to say what the future holds for monarchy. However, it is clear that
monarchies are facing a number of challenges.

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

Which country has a monarchy system?

Countries with a Monarchy System

A monarchy is a form of government in which a single person, the monarch, is head of

state. The monarch may be a king, queen, emperor, or empress. Monarchies can be
either hereditary, in which the monarch’s position is passed down from generation to
generation, or elective, in which the monarch is chosen by a group of electors.

There are currently 43 monarchies in the world. Of these, 16 are Commonwealth

realms, which means that they share the same monarch, Queen Elizabeth II. The other
monarchies are independent states.

Hereditary Monarchies

Hereditary monarchies are the most common type of monarchy. In these countries, the
monarch’s position is passed down from generation to generation. The line of
succession is usually determined by primogeniture, which means that the eldest child of
the monarch inherits the throne.

Some examples of hereditary monarchies include:

 The United Kingdom

 Japan
 Saudi Arabia
 Spain
 Sweden

Elective Monarchies

Elective monarchies are less common than hereditary monarchies. In these countries,
the monarch is chosen by a group of electors. The electors may be members of the
royal family, the nobility, or the general public.

Some examples of elective monarchies include:

 Malaysia

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  Cambodia
 Thailand
 Vatican City

Absolute Monarchies

Absolute monarchies are monarchies in which the monarch has absolute power. This
means that the monarch can make any decisions they want without consulting anyone
else. Absolute monarchies are rare today, but they still exist in some countries, such as
Saudi Arabia and Oman.

Constitutional Monarchies

Constitutional monarchies are monarchies in which the monarch’s power is limited by a

constitution. This means that the monarch must follow the rules set out in the
constitution. Constitutional monarchies are the most common type of monarchy today.

Some examples of constitutional monarchies include:

 The United Kingdom

 Japan
 Spain
 Sweden
 Canada

The Role of the Monarch

The role of the monarch varies from country to country. In some countries, the monarch
is a ceremonial figurehead with little real power. In other countries, the monarch has
more power, such as the ability to appoint the prime minister or dissolve parliament.

The Future of Monarchies

The future of monarchies is uncertain. Some people believe that monarchies are
outdated and should be abolished. Others believe that monarchies provide stability and
continuity to a country. Only time will tell whether monarchies will continue to exist in the
future.

What are the types of monarchy?

Types of Monarchy

A monarchy is a form of government in which a single person, the monarch, holds all
political power. Monarchies can be either hereditary, in which the monarch’s position is
passed down through a family line, or elective, in which the monarch is chosen by a
group of electors.

There are many different types of monarchies, each with its own unique characteristics.
Some of the most common types of monarchies include:

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  Absolute monarchy: In an absolute monarchy, the monarch has unlimited
power and is not subject to any legal constraints. This type of monarchy is most
common in countries with a long history of authoritarian rule.
 Constitutional monarchy: In a constitutional monarchy, the monarch’s power is
limited by a constitution, which sets out the monarch’s duties and responsibilities.
This type of monarchy is most common in countries with a democratic tradition.
 Parliamentary monarchy: In a parliamentary monarchy, the monarch is the
head of state, but the real power lies with the parliament. This type of monarchy
is most common in countries with a Westminster-style parliamentary system.
 Elective monarchy: In an elective monarchy, the monarch is chosen by a group
of electors, rather than inheriting the position. This type of monarchy is most
common in countries with a history of republicanism.

Examples of Monarchies

There are many different examples of monarchies around the world. Some of the most
well-known monarchies include:

 The United Kingdom: The United Kingdom is a constitutional monarchy, with

Queen Elizabeth II as the head of state. The Queen has limited power, and the
real power lies with the Parliament.
 Saudi Arabia: Saudi Arabia is an absolute monarchy, with King Salman bin
Abdulaziz Al Saud as the head of state. The King has unlimited power, and there
is no constitution to limit his authority.
 Japan: Japan is a constitutional monarchy, with Emperor Naruhito as the head of
state. The Emperor has limited power, and the real power lies with the Diet,
Japan’s parliament.
 Malaysia: Malaysia is an elective monarchy, with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong as
the head of state. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong is elected by a group of electors,
and serves a five-year term.

Monarchies are a diverse group of political systems, with a wide range of different
characteristics. Some monarchies are absolute, while others are constitutional or
parliamentary. Some monarchies are hereditary, while others are elective. The type of
monarchy that a country has depends on its history, culture, and political traditions.

Is China a monarchy?
China is not a monarchy. It is a socialist republic, which means that it is governed by a
single political party, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The CCP is led by a General
Secretary, who is also the President of China. The President is the head of state, but
the real power lies with the CCP Politburo Standing Committee, which is made up of the
top seven leaders of the party.

China has a long history of monarchy, dating back to the Xia Dynasty (c. 2100-1600
BCE). The last imperial dynasty, the Qing Dynasty, was overthrown in 1912, and the
Republic of China was established. However, the Republic of China was plagued by
civil war and foreign invasion, and in 1949, the CCP won the Chinese Civil War and
established the People’s Republic of China.

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Since 1949, China has been a socialist republic. The CCP has maintained a monopoly
on political power, and there is no freedom of speech, assembly, or religion. The
government has also implemented a number of economic reforms, which have led to
rapid economic growth. However, China remains a one-party state, and there is no real
democracy.

Here are some examples of how China is not a monarchy:

 The head of state is not a king or queen, but a president.

 The president is not hereditary, but is elected by the National People’s Congress.
 The National People’s Congress is not a parliament, but a rubber-stamp
legislature that does not have any real power.
 The CCP is not a royal family, but a political party.
 The CCP does not have a divine right to rule, but is based on the principles of
Marxism-Leninism.

In conclusion, China is not a monarchy. It is a socialist republic that is governed by a

single political party, the Chinese Communist Party.

Is North Korea a monarchy?

North Korea is not a monarchy. It is a communist state led by the Workers’ Party of
Korea (WPK). The WPK is the only legal political party in North Korea, and its leader,
Kim Jong-un, is the supreme leader of the country.

History of North Korea

North Korea was founded in 1948 after the division of Korea into two countries, North
Korea and South Korea. The division was the result of the Cold War, and North Korea
became a communist state while South Korea became a capitalist state.

The Kim Dynasty

North Korea has been ruled by the Kim family since its founding. Kim Il-sung, the
founder of North Korea, ruled the country from 1948 until his death in 1994. He was
succeeded by his son, Kim Jong-il, who ruled from 1994 until his death in 2011. Kim
Jong-un, the current leader of North Korea, succeeded his father in 2011.

The Cult of Personality

The Kim family is the subject of a cult of personality in North Korea. They are portrayed
as the saviors of the country, and their images are displayed everywhere. North
Koreans are required to show absolute loyalty to the Kim family, and any criticism of
them is severely punished.

North Korea is not a monarchy, but it is a communist state ruled by the Kim family. The
Kim family is the subject of a cult of personality, and North Koreans are required to
show absolute loyalty to them.

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Does Japan have a monarchy?
Yes, Japan has a monarchy. The Japanese monarchy is the oldest continuous
monarchy in the world, with a history dating back over 2,600 years. The current
emperor, Naruhito, is the 126th emperor of Japan.

The Japanese monarchy is a constitutional monarchy, which means that the emperor
has limited powers and is subject to the constitution. The emperor is the head of state
and the symbol of the Japanese nation, but he does not have any real political power.
The prime minister and the cabinet are the ones who actually run the government.

The Japanese monarchy is a popular institution, and the emperor is highly respected by
the Japanese people. The emperor is seen as a symbol of Japanese culture and
tradition, and he plays an important role in national ceremonies and events.

Here are some examples of the emperor’s role in Japanese society:

 The emperor opens and closes each session of the Diet, the Japanese
parliament.
 The emperor promulgates laws and cabinet orders.
 The emperor appoints the prime minister and the chief justice of the Supreme
Court.
 The emperor confers decorations and honors on individuals who have made
significant contributions to Japanese society.
 The emperor represents Japan at international events, such as state visits and
summits.

The Japanese monarchy is a unique institution that has played an important role in
Japanese history and culture. It is a symbol of Japanese tradition and continuity, and it
is highly respected by the Japanese people.

DEMOCRACY
Democracy is a system of government in which laws, policies, leadership, and major
undertakings of a state or other polity are directly or indirectly decided by the “people,” a
group historically constituted by only a minority of the population (e.g., all free adult
males in ancient Athens or all sufficiently propertied adult males in 19th-century Britain)
but generally understood since the mid-20th century to include all (or nearly all) adult
citizens.
Where was democracy first practiced?
Studies of contemporary nonliterate tribal societies and other evidence suggest that
democracy, broadly speaking, was practiced within tribes of hunter-gatherers in
prehistoric times. The transition to settled agricultural communities led to inequalities of
wealth and power between and within communities and hierarchical nondemocratic
forms of social organization. Thousands of years later, in the 6th century BCE, a
relatively democratic form of government was introduced in the city-
state of Athens by Cleisthenes.
How is democracy better than other forms of government?

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States with democratic governments prevent rule by autocrats, guarantee fundamental
individual rights, allow for a relatively high level of political equality, and rarely make war
on each other. As compared with nondemocratic states, they also better foster human
development as measured by indicators such as health and education, provide more
prosperity for their citizens, and ensure a broader range of personal freedoms.
OLIGARCHY
Oligarchy refers to a form of governance where political power is concentrated in the
hands of a small group of individuals or families, often characterized by their wealth and
influence. The term originates from Greek, meaning "rule by a few," and has historical
roots in ancient Greece, where wealthy landowners wielded significant power over the
populace. Throughout history, many societies have developed oligarchic systems,
particularly after periods of upheaval, where a select few individuals establish control,
sometimes leading to autocratic rule or monarchies.
While oligarchy is often conflated with aristocracy, which denotes rule by the nobility, it
does not require noble birth and can manifest through economic power and political
manipulation. Oligarchies may create opportunities for democratic developments, as
seen in the historical context of the Magna Carta, where barons compelled King John to
share power, paving the way for constitutional governance.
Contemporary examples include Russia, where a small elite gained significant power
post-Soviet Union, and critics of capitalism often highlight the influence of wealthy
corporations in modern democracies. Despite the potential for challenges through
electoral systems, the economic barriers often limit the ability of outsiders to disrupt
entrenched oligarchic structures.
AUTHORITARIANISM
Authoritarianism is a form of government characterized by the concentration of power in
a single leader or a small group, often bypassing democratic processes and citizen
input. This system can emerge in unstable countries where a power vacuum exists,
leading leaders to maintain control through oppressive measures and violence.
Authoritarian regimes often promise stability and order in the aftermath of turmoil but
may resort to fear tactics to ensure compliance and limit opposition. The distinction
between authoritarianism and totalitarianism is significant, as totalitarian regimes
typically seek to control not only the political sphere but also the social and ideological
aspects of life, often allowing for more public participation in governance compared to
authoritarian systems.
Historically, countries like Spain under Francisco Franco and Zimbabwe under Robert
Mugabe exemplify authoritarian rule, where dissent is suppressed and power is fortified
through coercive methods. In contrast, other nations, such as Singapore, illustrate a
hybrid form of authoritarianism where political control is maintained amidst economic
stability and limited opposition. Although authoritarian regimes can be seen as a
response to ineffective governance, they continue to pose challenges to democratic
ideals, leading to cycles of power shifts that may favor such systems in the absence of
effective alternatives. Understanding the complexities of authoritarianism is crucial for

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 grasping the broader dynamics of global governance and societal responses to political
power.
Autocracy, oligarchy, and democracy are three broad categories used to classify
different systems of government based on how power is distributed.

Here's a more detailed look at each:

 Autocracy:
In an autocratic system, power is concentrated in the hands of a single individual,
such as a dictator or absolute monarch.
 Oligarchy:
An oligarchy is a system where a small, elite group holds power, often based on
wealth, family ties, or military strength.
 Democracy:
In a democracy, the people hold the power, either directly or through elected
representatives.

What is the difference between a Totalitarian Government and a Democratic

Government?
A totalitarian government and a democratic government represent opposite extremes in
how power is exercised and distributed. A democratic government is characterized by
popular sovereignty, where political power resides with the citizens and is exercised
through participation, representation, and the rule of law. Conversely, a totalitarian
government concentrates power in a single entity (often a dictator or a ruling party) and
seeks to control all aspects of public and private life.
AN AUTOCRACY GOVERNMENT
n autocracy is a form of government in which one ruler has absolute control and
decision-making power. Autocracies have existed since ancient times, when kings and
emperors ruled over great countries and tribal lands, and they exist today in the form of
absolute monarchies and dictatorships. Unlike in a democracy, the people living in
countries with autocratic governments have no say in determining the nation’s laws, or
in how those laws are enforced. An autocratic ruler is accountable to no one; there is no
system of checks and balances, no constitutional limit on the ruler’s power, and the ruler
is not held accountable by a cabinet of advisors, a system of courts, the people, or the
press.

In autocratic governments, the power of the ruler is absolute; dissent is not tolerated.
For this reason, scholars have often linked autocracy with totalitarian regimes, such as
that of Adolf Hitler in Germany and Josef Stalin in the Soviet Union. Autocracy is a
general concept rather than a specific form of government. Though autocratic rulers
have complete power over the people of their countries, their methods of governing can
be vastly different.

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Absolute monarchies and dictatorships still exist in modern times. Today’s kings and
queens, as in ancient times, often rule by right of succession. Their royal lineage can be
traced back to ancient times when their royal ancestors ruled by divine right—as it was
widely believed that they descended from the gods. Dictators are absolute rulers who
acquire their power rather than inherit it. Most commonly, dictators gain power as a
result of revolution—typically, when a group of rebels rise up in protest and overthrow
the existing government. Then, the dictator assumes control with the goal of
establishing a new order. Dictators, especially military dictators, acquire their power by
force.

Throughout history, during times of political unrest, people have tended to accept the
command of strong leaders who could take control of their countries. In fact, Niccolo
Machiavelli, an Italian political philosopher from the 15th century,
recommended autocracy as a temporary measure and as a means of restoring political
order and ending dissent.
FEUDALISM

Feudalism was a European political system in which a lord owned all the land while
vassals and serfs farmed it. Feudalism ended in the 1400s.

People who lived during feudalism didn't use the term feudalism. In fact, it wasn't until
several centuries after this system ended that scholars coined the term feudalism. The
ending -ism means "philosophy or system." And feudal comes from the Medieval Latin
word feudalis, meaning "feudal estate," and is related to feodary, "one who holds lands
of an overlord in exchange for service."

COMMUNISM
Before the Russian Revolution of 1917, “socialism” and “communism” were synonyms.
Both referred to economic systems in which the government owns the means of
production. The two terms diverged in meaning largely as a result of the political theory
and practice of Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924).

Like most contemporary socialists, Lenin believed that socialism could not be attained
without violent revolution. But no one pursued the logic of revolution as rigorously as he.
After deciding that violent revolution would not happen spontaneously, Lenin concluded
that it must be engineered by a quasi-military party of professional revolutionaries,
which he began and led. After realizing that the revolution would have many opponents,
Lenin determined that the best way to quell resistance was with what he frankly called
“terror”–mass executions, slave labor, and starvation. After seeing that the majority of
his countrymen opposed communism even after his military triumph, Lenin concluded
that one-party dictatorship must continue until it enjoyed unshakeable popular support.
In the chaos of the last years of World War I, Lenin’s tactics proved an effective way to
seize and hold power in the former Russian Empire. Socialists who embraced Lenin’s

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methods became known as “communists” and eventually came to power in China,
Eastern Europe, North Korea, Indo-China, and elsewhere.

The most important fact to understand about the economics of communism is that
communist revolutions triumphed only in heavily agricultural societies. Government
ownership of the means of production could not, therefore, be achieved by expropriating
a few industrialists. Lenin recognized that the government would have to seize the land
of tens of millions of peasants, who surely would resist. He tried during the Russian Civil
War (1918-1920), but retreated in the face of chaos and five million famine deaths.
Lenin’s successor, Joseph Stalin, finished the job a decade later, sending millions of the
more affluent peasants (“kulaks”) to Siberian slave labor camps to forestall organized
resistance and starving the rest into submission.

Article 3

Liberia is a unitary sovereign state divided into counties for administrative purposes.
The form of government is Republican with three separate coordinate branches: the
legislative, the Executive and Judiciary. Consistent with the principles of separation of
powers and checks and balances, no person holding office in one of these branches
shall hold office in or exercise any of the powers assigned to either of the other two
branches except as otherwise provided in this Constitution; and no person holding office
in one of the said branches shall serve on any autonomous public agency.

The Legislature of Liberia is the bicameral legislature of the government of Liberia. It

consists of a Senate – the upper house, and a House of Representatives – the lower
house, modeled after the United States Congress. Sessions are held at the Capitol
Building in Monrovia. Legislature of Liberia is considered one of the three branches of
government based on the Article III of the Constitution of Liberia that stipulates all three
branches ought to be equal and coordinated based on the Principle of checks and
balances.
The House of Representatives contains 73 seats, with each county being apportioned a
number of seats based on its population. The Senate has 30 members, with two
senators, who won the first and second position, serving from each county elected
based on popular vote. Both House and Senate seats are filled through direct election,
with candidates who gain a plurality of the vote winning their contested seats. House
members serve a term of six years and senators serve a term of nine years, with sitting
members allowed to seek re-election.

The qualifications of the voters are the same for both the election of Senate and the
House of Representatives. The qualifications for becoming a voter are the person
should possess Liberian citizenship, should be aged at least 18 years old at the end of
the registration period, should be registered on a voting roll, should be residing in the
country during voter registration and on polling day. The qualification for being a
Representative of the House are Liberian citizen by origin and aged at least 25 years
old, while it is 30 years for becoming a member of the Senate. The requirements for
political parties to field its candidates are the member nominated should be a member
of the party and individuals who have gained at least 2 per cent of the total votes cast in
the constituency the candidate is fielded. The political party should field candidates in at
least 50 per cent of total constituencies and should field at least 30 per cent females. If

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on any circumstance the seat becomes vacant, by-elections are held within 90 days of
the vacancy for both the Senate and the House.

SOURCES OF LAW IN LIBERIA

THE PRIMARY SOURCES OF LAW IN LIBERIA ARE
a. The Constitution
b. Legislation
c. Statutes
d. The Customary Law
e. Court Precedents
This Constitution is the supreme and fundamental law of the Republic of Liberia.
According to Article 2 of the Liberian Constitution, the Constitution is the supreme and
fundamental law of Liberia, and all laws and decisions made by state institutions must
conform to it. According to Article 91 of the Constitution, the initiative to amend the
Constitution may come from either two-thirds of the membership of both the Senate and
House of Representatives or a petition submitted for approval to the Legislature by not
fewer than 10,000 (ten thousand) citizens.
The Republic of Liberia has had two Constitutions. The first was the 1847 Constitution
which was suspended on April 12, 1980, following the coup d’état which overthrew the
presidency of H. E. William R. Tolbert, Jr. On July 3, 1984, the 1984 constitution was
submitted to a national referendum and approved. To know about the various
constitutions, including the draft 1983 Constitution and the Liberian Declaration of
Independence, see the 1986 Constitution of the Republic of Liberia (Constitute)
(also available as html), also available through WTO: Constitution of the Republic of
Liberia.

The current 1984 Constitution can be accessed online at the following website: ministry
of information of the Republic of Liberia website. The Liberia Constitution can also be
found at The Perspective and at the Constitution finder at the University of Richmond.

LEGISLATION

The ultimate legislator in the Republic of Liberia is the bicameral national assembly.
Chapter V of the Constitution provides for the Legislature of the Republic of Liberia.
Article 35 of the Constitution outlines the process for the passage of bills in the
Legislature. Specifically, Article 29 states that both houses must pass all legislation.

Article 89 of the Constitution establishes three (3) independent bodies. These are the
Civil Service Commission, the Elections Commission, and the General Auditing
Commission. These are independent bodies with specific powers. These powers are
entrenched in their respective laws. The legislature is responsible for enacting laws for
the governing of these Commissions. The National Elections website provides links to
election laws and regulations.

The Executive Mansion has been the home of the Liberian Presidents since its
construction in 1964. It has not been used since a fire in 2006.

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The Executive branch consists of the President and the cabinet. The president appoints
the cabinet. The executive branch heavily influenced the legislature and judicial system.
The executive power of the state is vested in the President of Liberia, who is entrusted
to faithfully execute the laws of the country. Among the changes made to the presidency
from the previous constitution include the introduction of term limits, prohibiting the
President from serving more than two terms, and the reduction of presidential terms
from eight years to six.

Additionally, the Constitution also requires that candidates for the presidency must own
at least $25,000 in real property, an increase in the original $600 requirement in the
1847 Constitution. Furthermore, the President is immune from civil suits arising from
actions taken during their tenure in office and arrest on criminal charges while in office,
though the President may be prosecuted for criminal acts committed while in office upon
vacating the presidency.

The Constitution also includes new provisions allowing for the presidential appointment
of a new Vice President, with the consent of both houses of the Legislature, in the event
of the vacancy of the office. Furthermore, the Constitution provides that in the event of
the assumption of the presidency by the Vice President in the event of the President's
death, resignation, incapacity or removal, the Vice President will be not considered to
have served a term in office for the purpose of term limits.

THE JUDICIAL BRANCH

The form of government in Liberia, as set forth in Article 3 of the Liberian Constitution
(1986), is Republican with three separate coordinate branches: The Legislative, the
Executive and the Judiciary. This same article of the Liberian Constitution also dictates
that “consistent with the principles of Separation of powers and checks and balances,
no person holding office in one of these branches shall hold office in or exercise any of
the powers assigned to either of the other two branches except as otherwise provided in
this constitution……”.
Chapter VII (Articles 65 to 75) of the Liberian Constitution then clearly outlines the
powers and functions of the Judiciary Branch of the Liberian Government vesting the
judicial power of the Republic in the Supreme Court and such subordinate courts as the
Legislature may from time to time establish. Pursuant to this authority, the following
subordinate Courts are established in addition to the Supreme Court.
1. Criminal and Assizes Courts
2. The Circuit Courts,
3. Debt Courts
4. Monthly and Probate Courts,
5. Tax Courts
6. Revenue Courts
7. The Commercial Court
8. National Labor Court
9. Traffic Courts,
10. Juvenile Court
11. Magistrate Courts

THE SUPREME COURT OF LIBERIA

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The Supreme Court is the head of the Judiciary Branch of the Government of the
Republic of Liberia, its Administrative head and spokesperson is the Chief Justice who
shall preside over the business of the Court and other ordinary meetings of the
Judiciary.

Composition: The 5-members Supreme Court bench is composed of a Chief Justice

and four Associate Justices who are ranked in seniority order based on tenure on the
Supreme Court bench with the longest serving ranked most senior Associate Justice
after the Chief Justice. For deliberation purposes, three members of the Supreme Court
bench shall constitute a quorum. If a quorum cannot be obtained at any time to hear a
case, the President of the Republic of Liberia shall appoint an Ad Hoc Justice from the
Circuit Judges for the purpose of having a quorum. Consideration of said Circuit Judge
for appointment shall be in the order of seniority.

The President shall nominate and by and with the consent of the Senate, appoint a
Chief Justice and four Associate Justices of the Supreme Court, any three of whom
shall constitute a quorum at any regular term. They will hold office during good
behavior.
No person shall be appointed or hold office as a Justice of the Supreme Court who has
not been a citizen of Liberia for at least ten years immediately previous to his
appointment, who has not attained the age of thirty years, and who is not a counselor at
law licensed to practice in the Supreme Court and engaged in the active practice of law
for at least seven years next preceding his appointment. Active practice of law, as used
herein, shall include judicial service, governmental service and teaching of law.

In the Supreme Court Chambers, there shall be arranged in order of seniority, five (5)
special seats of honor The seat of honor placed in the center of the row is specifically
reserved for the Chief Justice. On the right and left sides of the Chief Justice there shall
be placed two seats of honor on the immediate right is specifically reserved for the
Senior Associate Justice. The seat of honor on the immediately left of the Chief Justice
is specifically reserved for the Associate Justice next in rank. The seat of honor on the
extreme left is specifically reserved for the Associate Justice last in rank.

To occupy any of the five (5) seats of honor so arranged on the row for the first time, the
Chief Justice and the four Associate Justices must be commissioned as and
ceremoniously seated during a ceremony planned for the purpose and no one shall
occupy any of the seats of honor unless he is commissioned and ceremoniously seated
to enable him to participate in the deliberations of the Court.

Any seat of honor which is made vacant by reason of death, resignation or

impeachment from office of a Justice of the Supreme Court shall remain vacant until the
vacancy is filled by appointment and such appointee is commissioned and
ceremoniously seated.

Jurisdiction: The Supreme Court exercises original jurisdiction in cases involving

ambassadors, ministers, and cases in which a country is a party. The Supreme Court
also is the final arbiter of constitutional issues and exercises final appellate jurisdiction
in all cases emanating from the courts of records (Circuit and specialized courts), from
rulings of Justices of the Supreme Court presiding in Chambers on applications for

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remedial and extraordinary writs, courts not of record, administrative agencies,
autonomous agencies or any other authority, both as to law and fact.

In the adjudication process, the Chief Justice and the Associate Justices shall have
equal votes to reach a decision. In case of tied votes, the Chief Justice who, as a matter
of course, is the last vote shall cast the decisive vote and the votes of the majority sitting
and voting shall be binding on the court.

No Justice of the Supreme Court shall sit on any case in which he/she is interested or
has made a ruling as a Justice presiding in Chambers in connection with an application
for a remedial or extraordinary writ or on which he/she sat while a judge of a lower
court.
Terms/Sessions of the Courts: The Supreme Court shall hold two terms annually,
commencing on the Second Monday of October and on the Second Monday of March
and continuing as long as the business before the Court may require. They shall be
known as the October and March Term respectively.

Justice Presiding in Chambers: At all times, in term and out of term, there shall be a
Justice presiding in the Chambers of the Supreme Court who shall be designated by the
Chief Justice in regular rotation from among the Associate Justices, and no such
Associate Justice designated shall delegate his powers to another. The Justice presides
in chambers of the Supreme Court to issue various writs; such as Mandamus,
Prohibition, Quo Warranto, and other remedial writs and processes. The power to issue
such writs and remedial processes are exclusively to the Justice in Chambers.
CLASSIFICATION OF JUDGES INTO CATEGORIES.
Judges of the Courts of Law in Liberia shall be classified into categories, as follows:
Category I: The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
Category I-A: All Associates Justices of the Supreme Court.
Category II: All Circuit Judges of the Republic of Liberia.
Category II-A: All Judges of Specialized Courts.
Category III-B: All Judges of the Provisional Monthly and Probate Courts within the
Statutory Districts.
Category III-B: All Juvenile and Traffic Courts Judges, and Stipendiary Magistrates
who are lawyers.
Category III-C: All Associates Magistrates.
Judges of the courts of Liberia shall rank according to their categories and the scale of
their salaries and benefits shall be arranged accordingly.

THE CIRCUIT COURTS

Jurisdiction: The Circuit Courts exercise original jurisdiction over all cases as to which
no other court has, including jurisdiction in Admiralty. However, in Montserrado County,
the Circuit Courts of the First Judicial Circuit have the jurisdiction to try criminal cases
while the circuit of the Sixth Judicial Circuit has jurisdiction to try cases other than
criminal cases.

The circuit courts in each county has jurisdiction to hear appeals from administrative
determinations of government agencies and officials in accordance with statutes that
provide appeals and from decisions of courts-not-of-record made within the country in
which it sits. In Montserrado County, the circuit courts of the First Judicial Circuit hear
appeals only in criminal cases arising in Magisterial Courts in Montserrado County while

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the Sixth Judicial circuit hears appeals only in cases other than criminal cases arising in
Magisterial Courts in the County.

Distribution of the circuit courts: Liberia is principally divided into 15 counties. For
judicial purposes, the country is divided into 16 Judicial Circuit Courts. There is
essentially one Circuit Court in each County, except Montserrado County, which has
two circuit courts because of its heavy caseload, – The First Judicial Circuit Court and
the Sixth Judicial Circuit Court.

The Circuit Courts are numerically named in order of creation, and are as follows:
First Judicial Circuit
1. Criminal Court Assizes “A”
2. Criminal Court Assizes “B”
3. Criminal Court Assizes “C” (Offenses against Property, Narcotics and
hallucinogenic)
4. Criminal Court Assizes “D” (Armed Robbery)
5. Criminal Court Assizes “E” (Sexual Offenses)

Second Judicial Circuit Court Grand Bassa County

Third Judicial Circuit Court Sinoe County
Fourth Judicial Circuit Court Maryland County
Fifth Judicial Circuit Court Grand Cape Mount County
Sixth Judicial Circuit Court Montserrado County
Seventh Judicial Circuit Court Grand Gedeh County
Eighth Judicial Circuit Court Nimba County
Ninth Judicial Circuit Court Bong County
Tenth Judicial Circuit Court Lofa County
Eleventh Judicial Circuit Court Bomi County
Twelfth Judicial Circuit Court Grand Kru County
Thirteen Judicial Circuit Court Margibi County
Fourteenth Judicial Circuit Court Rivercess County
Fifteenth Judicial Circuit Court River Gee County
Sixteen Judicial Circuit Court Gbarpolu County

Appointment and tenure of Circuit Judges: The President shall nominate and by and
with the consent of the Senate, appoint and commission (sixteen) Circuit Judges,
(fourteen) of whom shall be resident Judges, one for each circuit, and two of whom shall
be relieving judges. They shall hold office during good behavior.

Assignment of judges to Circuits Courts: Each Circuit Judge, except the judges
commissioned as relieving judges, shall preside as resident judge over the Circuit Court
of the circuit for which he was appointed. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court shall
assign, on a rotating system, a Circuit Judge to each quarterly session of the various
circuits and if all business before a circuit court is disposed of before the expiration of a
quarterly session, the Chief Justice shall have the power to reassign the Circuit Judge
assigned thereto to sit for the balance of the quarterly session in any other circuit in
addition to the Circuit Judge currently assigned there, if he deems such reassignment
will aid the prompt disposition of judicial business.

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Opening dates of the Circuit Courts: Each judicial circuit shall meet four times a year in
quarterly sessions. The First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Seventh, Eighth, Ninth,
Tenth, Eleventh, Twelfth, Thirteenth, and Fourteenth Judicial Circuits of the Circuit
Court shall open their quarterly sessions on the second Monday in February, May,
August, and November in each year. The quarterly sessions of these circuits shall be
entitled the February, May, August and November sessions. The Sixth Judicial Circuit of
the Circuit Court shall open its quarterly session on the third Monday in March, June,
September and December in each year. The quarterly sessions of that circuit shall be
entitled the March, June, September and December Sessions.

Duration of each Term: Ten days before the opening of each quarterly session, there
shall be a pre-trial chamber session to be held by the circuit judge assigned to sit during
the quarterly sessions which shall immediately be followed by a trial session beginning
with the opening of each quarterly session and continuing for forty-two consecutive days
not including Sundays and legal holidays unless sooner terminated because all
business before the court is disposed of before the expiration of that period.
Immediately following the close of the trial session there shall be a ten-day closing
chamber session to be held by the judge assigned to sit for the quarterly session and
any judge concurrently assigned to the circuit.

The Circuit Court of the several judicial circuits shall be considered always open for
adjudication of matters over which they have jurisdiction and for the purpose of filing
any pleading or other paper authorized by rule or statute, of issuing and returning
mesne and final process and of making and directing all interlocutory motions, orders
and rules. Wherever they are present within the circuit, the Circuit Judge assigned to a
Circuit Court, during his assignment and the pre-trial chamber session prior thereto,
concurrently with the resident judge thereof, shall have authority to act on all matters
coming before the court; and if neither is available, then except for the trial of an action
and any motions in connection therewith which may be made during and after such trial
or any motion for an order that would dispose of the action, in whole or in part, in any
manner other than the settlement of an action or claim involving an infant or judicially
declared incompetent, all other matters may be heard by the presiding judge of the
Circuit Court adjoining the circuit where the action is triable.

Except as provided in the Civil Procedure Law, jury cases shall have preference over all
other cases and matters, and criminal cases shall first be heard; provided that the
following capital offenses shall have preference over all cases, criminal and civil, in all
courts of competent jurisdiction of Liberia, particularly the following cases:

A. Treason D. Terrorism
B. Armed robbery E. Murder
C. Hi-jacking F. Other capital offenses

Notwithstanding the expiration of the session at which it was commenced a trial shall
continue until it is completed.

THE SPECIALIZED COURTS

The specialized courts in the Liberian judicial system consist of the following:

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1. The Commercial Court: The Commercial Court was established in September 2010
to promote a favorable investment climate and instill confidence in the business
community.

The Commercial Court is a three-Judge Panel Specialized Court with the Chief Judge
as administrative ahead. Cases are heard by one Judge except where the amount
involved is in excess of US$1M or its LD$ equivalent in which case it is heard by the
three-judge panel. In the instance where a Commercial Court judge cannot sit on a
particular case and same requires hearing of the full panel, the Chief Judge writes the
Chief Justice for an Ad Hoc Judge. The cases brought before the Commercial Court are
assigned for hearing by the Chief Judge in order of filing.
The jurisdiction of the Commercial Court is extensive. The court, which is a circuit-level
specialized court that sits monthly, can hear cases on the listed subject matters
regardless of residence or where the dispute arose. Simply put, the court can convene
any place and anywhere in Liberia to decide matters.
 Commercial claims of US$15,000.00 and above;
 Admiralty: creation, registration, foreclosure of maritime mortgages (Title 21 of
LCLR);
 Sales and lease except realty;
 Creation, negotiation, enforcement of negotiable instruments –rights and liabilities
included;
 Foreclosure of mortgage (Commercial Code Title 7);
 Agreements: Agency, partnership, corporation or similar business relationship –
creation, performance; assignment and/or modification;
 Appeal/decide application for enforcement of final decisions of arbitral panel
(Chapter 7 of Commercial Code);
 Subject to USD15,000.00 threshold Commercial Court has concurrent jurisdiction
with Debt Court over actions to obtain payments of debt (Forum Convenience).
 Actions cannot be moved from Debt Court to Commercial Court (Forum Shopping).

Commercial Claims include:

 Formation and governance of commercial organization;
 Winding up/bankruptcy of a commercial enterprise;
 Restructuring;
 Contracts;
 Export/Import;
 Carriage of goods by sea, land, air pipelines;
 Exploration/development of mines, oil and gas;
 Insurance and reinsurance;
 Banking and Financial services;
 Business agencies and franchises;
 Commercial arbitration and other settlement awards;
 Intellectual property, patents, copyrights and trademarks;
 Other claims of a commercial nature

Debt Court:
The Debt Court exercises exclusive original jurisdiction in all civil actions to obtain
payment of a debt in which the amount is $2001.00 or more. The Debt Court adopts the
procedure of the circuit court in the enforcement if its judgment.

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Appeal from judgments of the Debt Court or institution of remedial proceedings during
trial in the Debt Court do not operate or serve as a stay in the enforcement of its
judgment, except when the party was denied its day in court or the amount of the
indebtedness is in dispute. Appeals from the determination of the Debt Courts are heard
by the Supreme Court.

The Debt Court has concurrent jurisdiction with Circuit Court in the issuing of the writ of
Ne Exeat Republic in cases arising out of debt.

MONTHLY & PROBATE COURT:

The Monthly and Probate has jurisdiction to probate Wills of deceased persons affecting
personnel and real properties; grant letters Testamentary and Administration; direct and
control the conduct and settle the accounts of executors and administrators; enforce
payment of debts of testators and intestates and of their legacies and inheritance and
direct the distribution of estates.

The Court also may order the sale and distribution of the real property of deceased
persons; and to perform other functions concerning real and personal properties of
deceased persons.
The Judicial Circuits sit in Probate matters in the county where a Monthly and Probate
Court is not established.

TAX COURT AND TAX DIVISIONS

The Tax Court and Tax Division of the Circuit Courts have exclusive jurisdiction to
review final administrative determinations of assessments of taxes, license fees and
other imports, valuations made for tax purposes and denials of claims for refund by the
Republic of Liberia or and political sub-divisions or agencies in keeping with the revenue
and finance Law. It also has exclusive original jurisdiction over civil penalties and
admiralty jurisdiction as necessary to carry out the functions. Except it is expressly
provided by other statutes, the Tax Court procedures and enforcement of judgments is
the same as those of the circuit court in civil matters.
The Supreme Court has appellate jurisdiction over appeals from decisions and other
determinations of the Tax Court.

TRAFFIC COURT:
The Traffic Court has original jurisdiction to try without jury any and all violations of
vehicle and traffic laws constituting an infraction. The Court’s jurisdiction is governed by
the procedure in criminal proceeding in magisterial courts.
Appeal from the decisions of the Traffic Court is governed by the procedure for appeal
from the decisions of Magisterial Courts. Appeal therein lies squarely before the Circuit
Court in the county where it is constituted and exercises its jurisdiction. However, only
the Circuit Court of the First Judicial Circuit exercises appellate jurisdiction in
Montserrado County decision from the traffic court therein.

JUVENILE COURT
The Juvenile Court has original jurisdiction over juvenile matters and is mandated to
have exclusive original jurisdiction in special proceedings concerning any juvenile, living
or found within geographic area.

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Although there is statutory mandate for the creation of a Juvenile Court in each county
of the Republic and lesser geographic units, only the county of Montserrado currently
has a fully constituted Juvenile Court. The Magisterial Courts in the other counties are
mandated to assume juvenile court jurisdictions whenever it becomes necessary.
The Circuit court in the county in which a Juvenile Court or Magisterial Court assumes
juvenile jurisdiction has appellate jurisdiction over adjudications or dispositions of the
court. An appropriate Monthly and Probate Court may also exercise appellate
jurisdiction over adjudications or dispositions of the juvenile court.

NATIONAL LABOR COURTS:

The jurisdiction of the National Labor Court is confined to causes which involve
employees, workman, and/or causes to which employees other than civil servant and
specific categories of government employees such as military and police are parties.
Appeals from the Labor Court are heard before the Supreme Court.

MAGISTERIAL COURTS
The magisterial court has limited jurisdiction over applicable matters and try cases
without jury.
In civil cases, except another court has exclusive original jurisdiction, the magisterial
courts have original jurisdiction in matters for the recovery of money or chattels or to
obtain payment of debt where the amount is less than fifteen thousand dollars and one
cent ($15,000.00.01), exclusive of interest and cost.
In criminal proceedings the magisterial are authorized to exercise exclusive original
jurisdiction of petty larceny and no other misdemeanor, as well as of all offenses and
violations of the Traffic Law, except another court is given exclusive original jurisdiction.
The Magisterial Courts have the jurisdiction; hence they are considered Court of “First
Instance”.

Appeals from the decisions of Magisterial Courts lie before the Circuit Court in the
county in which they sit, if outside of the jurisdiction of the Provisional Probate Courts.
However, the First Judicial Circuit has the mandate to hear appeal only in criminal
cases arising in Montserrado County and the Sixth Judicial Circuit hears appeal other
than criminal cases.
Appeals from the decisions of the Magisterial Courts in actions to obtain payment of
debt lie before the Debt Court in the County.

The Liberian Judiciary also has various administrative, technical and specialized
departments and units set up to provide needed support to the efficient functioning of
the Judicial Branch of the Liberian Government. These departments and units are
supervised by the Office of the Court Administrator of the Honorable Supreme Court, an
office which serves as the Chief Administrator of the Chief Justice.

The Judiciary also has a number of professional associations created to strengthen and
support the dispensation of the Rule of Law in Liberia. These associations include;
1. The National Association of Trial Judges of Liberia (NATJL)
2. The Liberia National Bar Association (LNBA)
 The Public Defenders Association of Liberia

TOPIC: LIBERIA BETWEEN 1980 – PRESENT

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SAMUEL DOE AND THE PEOPLE'S REDEMPTION COUNCIL (1980–1989)
After a bloody overthrow of the Americo-Liberian régime by indigenous Liberians in
1980, a 'Redemption Council' took control of Liberia. Internal unrest, opposition to the
new military regime, and governmental repression steadily grew, until in 1989 Liberia
sank into outright tribal and civil war.

COUP D’ÉTAT; RELATIONS WITH U.S.

Samuel Kanyon Doe (1951–1990) was a member of the Krahn, a small ethnic group.
He was a master sergeant in the Liberian army, and had trained with the U.S. Army
Special Forces.[49] On April 12, 1980, Doe led a bloody coup d'état against
president Tolbert, in which Tolbert and twenty-six of his supporters were murdered. Ten
days later, thirteen of Tolbert's Cabinet members were executed publicly. This ended
the 133 years of Americo-Liberian political domination. Doe formed a military regime
known as the People's Redemption Council (PRC). Many welcomed Doe's takeover,
since the majority of the population had always been excluded from power. The PRC
also for the time being tolerated a relatively free press.

Doe quickly established good relations with the United States, especially after 1981,
when U.S. President Ronald Reagan took office. Reagan more than tripled Liberia's
financial aid, from $20 million in 1979 to $75 million per year. This soon rose to $95
million per annum. Liberia again became an important Cold War ally of the United
States. Liberia protected important U.S. facilities and investments in Africa, and
countered the threatened spread of Soviet influence in the continent. Doe closed
the Libyan mission in Monrovia and severed diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union.
He agreed to modify the mutual defense pact with the U.S., allowing the U.S. staging
rights at 24 hours notice to use Liberia's harbors and airports for the U.S. Rapid
Deployment Forces. Under Doe, Liberian ports were opened to American, Canadian,
and European merchant ships, which brought in considerable foreign investment from
shipping firms and earned Liberia a reputation as a tax haven.

FEAR OF COUNTER-COUP; REPRESSION

Doe put down seven coup attempts between 1981 and 1985. In August 1981, he
had Thomas Weh Syen and four other PRC members arrested and executed for
allegedly conspiring against him. Doe's government then declared amnesty for all
political prisoners and exiles, and released sixty political prisoners. However, there soon
were more internal rifts in the PRC. Doe became paranoid about the possibility of a
counter-coup, and his government grew increasingly corrupt and repressive, banning all
political opposition, shutting down newspapers, and jailing reporters. He began to
systematically eliminate PRC members who challenged his authority, and to place
people of his own ethnic Krahn background in key positions, which intensified popular
anger. Meanwhile, the economy deteriorated precipitously. Popular support for Doe's
government evaporated.

1985 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

A draft constitution providing for a multiparty republic had been issued in 1983 and was
approved by referendum in 1984. After the referendum, Doe staged a presidential
election on October 15, 1985. Nine political parties sought to challenge Doe's National
Democratic Party of Liberia (NDPL), but only three were allowed to take part. Prior to
the election, more than fifty of Doe's opponents were murdered. Doe was ‘elected’ with

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51% of the vote, but the election was heavily rigged. Foreign observers declared the
elections fraudulent, and most of the elected opposition candidates refused to take their
seats. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Chester Crocker testified before
Congress that the election was imperfect but that at least it was a step toward
democracy. He further justified his support for the election results with the claim that, in
any case, all African elections were known to be rigged at that time.

DESCENT INTO WAR

In November 1985, Doe's former second-in-command Thomas Quiwonkpa led an
estimated 500 to 600 people in a failed attempt to seize power; all were killed. Doe was
sworn in as president on January 6, 1986. Doe then initiated crackdowns against certain
tribes, such as the Gio (or Dan) and Mano, in the north, where most of the coup plotters
came from. This government's mistreatment of certain ethnic groups resulted in
divisions and violence among indigenous peoples, who until then had coexisted
relatively peacefully. In the late 1980s, as fiscal austerity took hold in the United States
and the perceived threat of Communism declined with the waning of the Cold War, the
U.S. became disenchanted with Doe's government and began cutting off critical foreign
aid to Liberia. This, together with the popular opposition, made Doe's position
precarious.

FIRST LIBERIAN CIVIL WAR (1989–1996)

In the late 1980s opposition from abroad to Doe's regime led to economic collapse. Doe
had already been repressing and crushing internal opposition for some time, when in
November 1985 another coup attempt against him failed. Doe retaliated against tribes
such as the Gio (or Dan) and Mano in the north, where most of the coup plotters had
come from. Doe's Krahn tribe began attacking other tribes, particularly in Nimba
County in the northeast of Liberia, bordering on Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast) and
on Guinea. Some Liberian northerners fled brutal treatment from the Liberian army into
the Ivory Coast.

CHARLES TAYLOR AND THE NPFL (1980–1989)

Charles Taylor, born 1948 in Arthington, Liberia, is son of a Gola mother and either
an Americo-Liberian or an Afro-Trinidadian father. Taylor was a student at Bentley
University in Waltham, Massachusetts, U.S.A., from 1972 to 1977, earning a degree in
economics. After the 1980 coup d’état he served some time in Doe's government until
he was fired in 1983 on accusation of embezzling government funds. He fled Liberia,
was arrested in 1984 in Massachusetts on a Liberian warrant for extradition, and jailed
in Massachusetts. He escaped from jail the following year and probably fled to Libya. In
1989, while in the Ivory Coast, Taylor assembled a group of rebels into the National
Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), mostly from the Gio and Mano tribes.

WAR
December 1989, the NPFL invaded Nimba County in Liberia. Thousands of Gio and
Mano, along with Liberians of other ethnic background, joined them. The Liberian army
(AFL) counterattacked, and retaliated against the whole population of the region. Mid-
1990, a war was raging between Krahn on one side, and Gio and Mano on the other.
Thousands of civilians from both sides were massacred.

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1990 – 1991
By the middle of 1990, Taylor controlled much of the country, and by June laid siege
to Monrovia. In July, Yormie Johnson split off from NPFL and formed the Independent
National Patriotic Front of Liberia (INPFL), based around the Gio tribe. Both NPFL and
INPFL continued their siege of Monrovia.

In August 1990, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), an

organisation of West African states, created a military intervention force called
the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)
composed of 4,000 troops, to restore order. President Doe and Yormie Johnson
(INPFL) agreed to this intervention, Taylor didn't.

INPFL MILITIAMEN IN 1990 AFTER TAKING CONTROL OF MUCH OF MONROVIA.

On September 9, President Doe paid a visit to the barely established headquarters of
ECOMOG in the Free Port of Monrovia. While he was at the ECOMOG headquarters,
he was attacked by INPFL, taken to the INPFL's Caldwell base, tortured, and killed.

In November 1990, ECOWAS agreed with some principal Liberian players, but without
Charles Taylor, on an Interim Government of National Unity (IGNU) under
President Amos Sawyer. Sawyer established his authority over most of Monrovia, with
the help of a paramilitary police force, the 'Black Berets', under Brownie Samukai, while
the rest of the country was in the hands of the various warring factions.

In June 1991, former Liberian army fighters formed a rebel group, the United Liberation
Movement of Liberia for Democracy (ULIMO). They entered western Liberia in
September 1991 and gained territories from the NPFL.

1993 – 1996
In 1993, ECOWAS brokered a peace agreement in Cotonou, Benin. On 22 September
1993, the United Nations established the United Nations Observer Mission in
Liberia (UNOMIL) to support ECOMOG in implementing the Cotonou agreement. In
March 1994, the Interim Government of Amos Sawyer was succeeded by a Council of
State of six members headed by David D. Kpormakpor.

Renewed armed hostilities broke out in 1994 and persisted. During the course of the
year, ULIMO split into two militias: ULIMO-J, a Krahn faction led by Roosevelt Johnson,
and ULIMO-K, a Mandigo-based faction under Alhaji G.V. Kromah. Faction leaders
agreed to the Akosombo peace agreement in Ghana but with little consequence. In
October 1994, the UN reduced its number of UNOMIL observers to about 90 because of
the lack of will among combatants to honour peace agreements. In December 1994, the
factions and parties signed the Accra agreement, but fighting continued. In August
1995, the factions signed an agreement largely brokered by Jerry Rawlings, Ghanaian
President; Charles Taylor agreed.

In September 1995, Kpormakpor’s Council of State was succeeded by one under the
civilian Wilton G. S. Sankawulo and with the factional heads Taylor, Alhaji Kromah,
and George Boley in it. In April 1996, followers of Taylor and Kromah assaulted the
headquarters of Johnson in Monrovia, and the peace accord collapsed. In August 1996,
a new ceasefire was reached in Abuja, Nigeria. On September 3, 1996, Ruth

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Perry followed Sankawulo as chairwoman of the Council of State, with the same three
militia leaders in it.

SECOND LIBERIAN CIVIL WAR (1997–2003)

ELECTIONS 1997
Charles Taylor won the 1997 presidential elections with 75.33 percent of the vote, while
the runner-up, Unity Party leader Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, received a mere 9.58 percent of
the vote. Accordingly, Taylor's National Patriotic Party gained 21 of a possible 26 seats
in the Senate, and 49 of a possible 64 seats in the House of Representatives. [50] The
election was judged free and fair by some observers although it was charged that Taylor
had employed widespread intimidation to achieve victory at the polls.[51]

1997–1999
Bloodshed in Liberia did slow considerably, but it did not end. Violence kept flaring up.
During his entire reign, Taylor had to fight insurgencies against his government.
Suspicions were rife that Taylor continued to assist rebel forces in neighbouring
countries like Sierra Leone, trading weapons for diamonds.

Taylor had fortified his power over Liberia mostly by purging the security forces of
opponents, killing opposition figures, and raising new paramilitary units that were loyal
only to him or his most trusted officers. Nevertheless, he still faced a few remaining
opponents in the country, mostly former warlords of the First Liberian Civil War who had
kept part of their forces to protect themselves from Taylor. His most important domestic
rival by early 1998 was Roosevelt Johnson, a Krahn leader and former commander of
the ULIMO. After some minor armed altercations, almost all of Johnson's followers were
finally killed by Taylor's security forces during a major firefight in September 1998,
though Johnson himself managed to flee into the United States embassy. After one last
attempt by Taylor's paramilitaries to kill him there, causing a major diplomatic incident,
Johnson was evacuated to Ghana.

1999–2003
Some ULIMO forces reformed themselves as the Liberians United for Reconciliation
and Democracy (LURD), backed by the government of neighbouring Guinea. In 1999,
they emerged in northern Liberia, and in April 2000 they started fighting in Lofa
County in northernmost Liberia. By the spring of 2001, they were posing a major threat
to the Taylor government. Liberia was now engaged in a complex three-way conflict
with Sierra Leone and the Republic of Guinea.

Meanwhile, the United Nations Security Council in March 2001 (Resolution 1343)
[52]
concluded that Liberia and Taylor played roles in the civil war in Sierra Leone, and
therefore:

 banned all arms sales to, and diamonds sales from Liberia; and
 banned high Liberian Government members from travel to UN-states.
By the beginning of 2002, Sierra Leone and Guinea were supporting the LURD, while
Taylor was supporting opposition factions in both countries. By supporting Sierra

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Leonean rebels, Taylor also drew the hostility of the British and American governments.
[citation needed]

In 2003, other elements of the former ULIMO-factions formed another new small rebel
group in the Republic of Ivory Coast, the Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL),
headed by Yayah Nimley, and they emerged in the south of Liberia

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