Chapter Two

Literature Review

From the early days of face-to-face social interactions to the immersive social media of the
present, an idea that has always interested psychologists is identity formation in
adolescents and the factors which influence it. According to Erikson, adolescence is a
period where one is presumed to form a coherent and unique identity (Erikson,1950, as
cited in Singelman & Rider, 2017). Identity can be defined as a stable sense of self that is
influenced by an amalgam of memories, experiences, relationships, and values. Adolescence
is a very crucial juncture between childhood and youth. It is an age group typically ranging
from 10-19 years. Due to the rampant spread and hackneyed use of social media especially
by adolescents, it has become necessary to study its impact on identity formation (Gündüz,
2017; Lenhart, 2015, Wood et al.,2016). Social media is a network of technology that allows
people to connect with others, upload status and posts, like and comment on the pictures,
videos and opinions of others. It has a profound impact on the identity exploration,
experimentation, emotional experiences, intimacy, social skills, well-being and mental
health of adolescents. The processes of self-presentation and self-disclosure that adolescents
engage in on social media contribute to their identity construction (Michikyan & Surárez-
Orozco, 2016; Subramaniam & Smahel, 2011). While the benefits of social media use are
not trivial, the emotional, psychological, social and physical concerns that it prompts in
adolescents cannot be neglected.

Adolescent identity development is an important domain of interest for psychology with very
close associations with the social world surrounding them. According to Erik Erikson's theory of
psychosocial development (1968), adolescence is the focal point of identity formation, during
which the individual is attempting to develop a sense of self and personal values. Erikson named
this stage "identity vs. role confusion," noting that, as people move from childhood into
adulthood, young people explore different parts of their personalities and beliefs. A person
succeeds in the resolution of this task if they develop a clear identity and, in the case of its
failure, suffer from role confusion. Traditionally, the search for identity was conducted through
immediate contact with family, friends, and authority structures in everyday surroundings at
school, in one's community, and within the family. However, social media has given a new
dimension to this process and transformed the way deeply adolescents are forming and
negotiating their identities. The internet, and more so, social media, in its endless innovations,
changed the way adolescents relate to the world and to themselves. Social media platforms like
Instagram, TikTok, and Snapchat create unique opportunities for adolescents to express
themselves and try on different identities. Adolescents can create and update content to convey
how they would like to be perceived, and in doing so, initiate a cycle of identity presentation and
exploration (Spies Shapiro & Margolin, 2014). Adolescents can also craft their online identities
by posting pictures, sharing videos, commenting on selfies, and participating in elaborate
discourses. Self-presentation can take on an important exploratory role, as adolescents can test
out various identities with relatively small stakes. For instance, teenagers can be involved in a
particular online trend or practice that they may not like being involved with other people in the
real-life world. The virtual environment is an arena in which they can try out or experiment with
their gender, sexuality, interests, and values without having some of their real-life contacts in
making judgments about them immediately (Anderson & Jiang, 2018). However, social media
has also become an ongoing feedback mechanism for identity formation. By means of likes,
comments, and shares in the sites, the validation and approval adolescents receive can help
support aspects of their online identity. "Positive responses to posts on social media raise
adolescents' self-esteem and encourage them to 'try out' more aspects of their identities," states
research, while negative feedback in the forms of critical comments or cyberbullying "undermine
self-esteem and promote self-doubt in adolescents.". This, therefore, shows that social media has
a double edge of both empowering and making people vulnerable. Teens experiencing negative
online interactions may, therefore, be in risks of making their identities unstable as they may be
forced to possess unrealistic characteristics or assimilate the downsides that people make about
them. Additionally, the performative quality of social media is a barrier to a practical approach to
making identity. Most teenagers opt to create their online identities based on societal dictates or
in pursuit of social acceptance. These often lead to a disconnection between their real selves and
virtual ones (Matheson et al., 2023). This has been termed "identity dissonance," which is the
inconsistency between how an adolescent depicts themselves online and their self-concept. It is
known that it causes psychological stress, as such teenagers are confined to a version of
themselves instead of the real identity they possess (Elsaesser et al., 2017). It gradually poses a
problem for adolescents in forming an integrated and authentic sense of self because they
become more concerned with the management of online reputation rather than having real self-
reflection.

According to Erikson, adolescence is a period where one is presumed to form a coherent

and unique identity (Erikson,1950, as cited in Singelman & Rider, 2017). Identity can be
defined as a stable sense of self that is influenced by an amalgam of memories, experiences,
relationships, and values. Adolescence is a very crucial juncture between childhood and
youth. It is an age group typically ranging from 10-19 years. Due to the rampant spread
and hackneyed use of social media especially by adolescents, it has become necessary to
study its impact on identity formation (Gündüz, 2017; Lenhart, 2015, Wood et al.,2016).
Social media is a network of technology that allows people to connect with others, upload
status and posts, like and comment on the pictures, videos and opinions of others. It has a
profound impact on the identity exploration, experimentation, emotional experiences,
intimacy, social skills, well-being and mental health of adolescents. The processes of self-
presentation and self-disclosure that adolescents engage in on social media contribute to
their identity construction (Michikyan & Surárez-Orozco, 2016; Subramaniam & Smahel,
2011). While the benefits of social media use are not trivial, the emotional, psychological,
social and physical concerns that it prompts in adolescents cannot be neglected. This essay
argues that there are protracted effects of social media on the identity development in
adolescents. Additionally, it also reasons that the negative consequences of social media
seem to outweigh the positives.

The importance and use of social media is heightened during adolescence as peer
interaction and connections become crucial (Bukowski et al. 2011; Rubin et al. 2006). This
boundless exposure to the “filtered” images and lives of peers makes one question their
worth. This is mainly upward social comparisons that makes one feel inferior (Festinger,
1954, as cited in Jelenchick et al., 2013). These comparisons and peer reviews are important
for self-evaluation and work as the building blocks of selfesteem. A low sense of self-esteem
can trigger many mental health conditions which can eventually lead to distorted
impressions of identity. For example, someone with depression might falsely believe that
they are ‘worthless’ and might form a negative sense of identity. A riveting study by
Jelenchick et al. (2013) suggested a term called “Facebook Depression” which can be
defined as depression induced by Facebook use. Furthermore,

Banjanin et al. (2015), through empirical evidence stated that there is a positive correlation
between social media use and depression. Moreno et al. (2011) found a link between the use
of social media and depression and Egan and Moreno (2011) found a correlation between
social media and stress. Shaw et al. (2015) found that frequent use of social media to be
associated with social anxiety.

Moving on, it can be stated that identity is explicit. It is who we think we are. Thus, when
we disclose our identity, we reiterate our sense of self and strengthen our identity. There
are other factors that might affect the type of role that social media can play on identity
formation in adolescents such as individual differences and the personality of the
individual. For example, an extraverted individual might engage more in self-disclosure
activities (like posting stories, opinions, comments etc.) and introverted people might use
social media for social compensation. Hence social media might reinforce and solidify the
personality characteristics that one possessed before. Kraut et al. (2002) and Van den
Eijnden et al. (2008) suggested that the effect of social media can be understood as the
‘rich-get-richer’ and the ‘poorget-poorer’. This means that adolescents with poor mental
health have further negative effects on their well-being because of social media and
individuals with secure mental wellbeing are positively affected further. However, this
might be an oversimplification and such generalisations should not be made without
proper empirical evidence. In addition, some studies also show differences within
adolescents based on their age and suggests that there are sub stages of identity formation
and development even within the age group of adolescence which should be addressed
more. For example, Bukowski et al. (2011) and Moreau et al. (2012) stated that those aged
between 10-15 years of age are more conscious and cannot do with uncomplimentary
images of themselves on social media sites, but the youth aged between 16-19 years have
arguably developed a more stable sense of identity and on an average do not mind such
pictures until they can be traced and identified in them.

Peer relationships in adolescence are already well recognized; the role of social media has
dramatically changed the way such relationships are formed and maintained. Digitally
speaking, peer interaction is no longer restricted to face-to-face communication. Through a
series of platforms, adolescents are now capable of linking up and maintaining constant
communication with peers through messages, posting, and instant sharing of experiences.
Connectedness is again developed at several levels in adolescent peer relationships. On the
contrary, social media encourages peer-to-peer connectivity that allows teenagers to
remain updated with their577 friends regardless of the distance and out of school systems.
According to researches, teenagers use social media to intensify friendship and to create
new relationships (Ehrenreich, 2022). Social media is a space within which young people
can freely express themselves, with their real thoughts and feelings; by doing so, they
engage in much deeper and meaningful interactions with their peers. In addition, social
media networks can help adolescents discover or connect with others who share their
interests, hobbies, or values. For some young people, this may be very helpful, as they
cannot find acceptance or support from their environment. For instance, it can hook young
people interested in niche subcultures, like anime or gaming, to connect with peers
interested in the niche, hence achieving a sense of community and belonging in that niche
(Davies).

Moreover, social media offers adolescents an opportunity to better handle their complex
peer relations through the potential mediation of conflicts and availability of emotional
support. In a face-to-face setting, an adolescent cannot easily express his feelings or resolve
a dispute due to social pressures or fear of judgment. In this context, social media provides
an inherent separation that facilitate communication amongst adolescents on a much
deeper and honest level with their peers. According to recent studies, for teenagers, social
media are a kind of source of support from friends if they encounter problems or difficult
situations in their lives (Nesi, 2020). Thus, interpersonal relationships can become even
stronger, and bonds of trust and intimacy may be formed. At the same time, by using social
media, adverse factors may also arise within the relation with peers, such as cyberbullying,
social comparison, and peer pressure. Cyberbullying has become a constant concern in
these days of cyberspace because research has shown that most teenagers have either been
bullied or have themselves witnessed it through this channel (Smith et al., 2008). Unlike the
traditional bullying that confines itself only in the school compound, cyberbullying can
easily happen at any moment and reach many people. This can further aggravate the
emotional injury of the victim because feelings of shame, helplessness, and loss of dignity
thrive through public harassment. Studies reveal that victims of cyberbullying are more
susceptible to anxiety, depression, and social withdrawal, which impacts their mental
health for a long time (Hamm et al., 2015).

Social comparison is another negative aftereffect of using social media in peer

relationships. Adolescents easily fall prey to the perceptions conjured up by others; in this
respect, social media keeps pouring an endless stream of information into their ears about
the lives of their friends, achievements, and social activities that those supposedly enjoy.
Feeling deprived or jealously rising up over the comparisons between themselves and
others are very common feelings. Research has demonstrated that constant social
comparison through the use of social media is associated with lower self-esteem and
increased reports of loneliness in teens (Nesi et al., 2018). Strain can be placed on
relationships with peers as adolescents may feel left out by friends or resentful of their
supposed success. Excessive use of social media, however, can be a great distraction from
doing academics. Time spent on social media defeats the focus in school work among
teenagers, a factor associated with lower academic performance. Studies have always
revealed that teenagers who spend high rates of time on social media tend to have
decreased academic performance; this is not an exception among other teenagers who use
the social media for entertainment or socialization purposes (Berryman et al., 2018). A
child whom the social media concerns more than school work cannot comfortably utilize
time management; they procrastinate, miss deadlines, and eventually score poor grades.
Negative social media experiences-related cyberbullying, for example, or social
comparison-can also extend into the academic world and affect adolescent mental health
and concentration in school. An anxious or depressed bullied online adolescent may even
lose interest in all kinds of engagement or performance at school. According to (Dokgöz,
2023), cyberbullying victims experience school-related problems, such as reduced grades,
and increased truancy and absenteeism.

Social Media

Technological advancements and pedagogies that emphasize learners as co-producers of

knowledge (Selwyn, 2011) have contributed to people‘s adoption of the term social media to
indicate websites and online applications that enable users to create and participate in
various communities through functions such as communicating, sharing, collaborating,
publishing, managing, and interacting (Mao, 2014). Research has also indicated a link
between social media use and psychological problems. A systematic review of 11 studies
measuring social media use and depressive symptoms in children and adolescents showed a
small but statistically significant relationship (McCrae, Gettings & Purssell, 2017). A meta-
analysis of 23 studies showed correlation of problematic Facebook use and psychological
distress in adolescent and young adults (Marino, Gini, Vieno & Spada, 2018). Other
systematic reviews have also found a meaningful relationship between social media use and
depression (Foster & Allender, 2016).

Social media features include interconnections with other users through links and news
feeds and sharing of user-generated content like photos, ratings and tags. Pages can be
dynamically updated and content embedded such as embedding a video (Gruzd, Staves
&Wilk, 2012). The educational benefits of appropriating social media into learning
contexts are contested. Researchers on social media in education suggest that integrating
social media in learning and teaching environments may yield new forms of inquiry,
communication, collaboration, identity work, or have positive cognitive, social, and
emotional impacts (Linxen & Grohbiel, 2012). For instance, research on learning and social
network sites in particular has suggested their affordances for interaction, collaboration,
information and resource sharing (Maxman & Usluel, 2010) encouraging participation and
critical thinking (Ajjan & Hartshorne, 2008; Mason & Rennie, 2007) increased peer
support and communication about course content and assessment (DiVall & Kirwin, 2012);
inter-cultural language learning (Mills, 2011); and their positive effects on the expression of
identities and digital literacies, particularly for marginalised groups. On the other hand,
researchers have warned against leveraging social media for learning. Kirschner and
Karpinski (2010), found that time spent on Facebook negatively affected college grades.
Similarly, Junco and Cotton (2013) examined how students multitask with Facebook and
found that using Facebook while doing schoolwork was negatively associated with their
overall grade point average. Students ‘use of social media in extracurricular activities was
found to be distractive to learning, especially among weaker students (Andersson et
al,2014).
Adolescent Use of Social Network Sites

Visiting a SNS is the most popular computer activity among American youth ages 8 to 18
(Lenhart, 2009; Rideout, Foehr, & Roberts, 2009). Indeed, 70% of 12-to 17-year-olds in one
national study reported visiting a SNS every day ("National survey of American attitudes
on substance abuse XVI: Teens and parents," 2011, August). Another national study found
that 64% of adolescents between the ages of 12 and 17 visit a social network site at least
once a day; a majority of these teens (40%) reported logging on “several times a day”
(Lenhart, et al., 2011). Not only do teens check such sites often, but they also spend a great
deal of time on these sites. One study found that teens in this age range spend an average of
one hour on social network sites each day (Rideout et al., 2009). Clearly, American youth
have grown attached to using social network sites.

Adolescents in particular find social network sites attractive. For instance, when compared
to adults, adolescents are more regular users of social network sites. A recent national
study found that a vast majority (80%) of American teens are members of SNSs whereas
only half (50%) of American adults are members of SNSs (Lenhart et al., 2011). Moreover,
adolescents are more active on the sites than are adults. One study found that teenagers
had significantly more friend connections, more comments left on their profiles and more
media links on their profiles compared to adults’ profiles (Pfeil et al., 2009). In another
study, teens reported changing their SNS profile on a daily basis, which was substantially
more frequent than the young adults did (Salaway, Caruso, & Nelson, 2008). In addition,
Pfeil and colleagues (2009) found that teens were significantly more likely to make self-
references and talk about emotions on their SNS profiles than adults were on their profiles.
Pfeil et al. (2009) concluded that compared to adults, teenagers take greater care in
building representations of their self on their SNS profiles. One reason youth may be
dedicating so much time to SNSs is because such sites can serve as a place to “hang out”
(boyd, 2007). In fact, boyd (2007) has argued that these spaces act as a digital bedroom
because they offer a semi-private place to socialize (boyd, 2007). It appears that teens agree
that SNSs are a good place to fraternize. A national study found that nearly 9 in 10
teenagers (88%) confirmed that they “used social network sites to chat with friends”
(Lenhart, et al., 2011). Teens have many ways to communicate and “hang out” on social
network sites. For instance, a longitudinal analysis found that adolescents most commonly
communicate on SNSs by either commenting on friends’ profiles and photos or sending
instant messages through the site (Lenhart, 2009). Of these, the most popular form of
communication has remained posting a comment. In one study, a majority of teens
reported that they had commented on their friends’ profile pages (86%) and photographs
(83%) (Lenhart, et al. 2009).

Given the comfort that adolescents experience online, it is not surprising that many teens
report playing or experimenting with who they are when they are online (Gross, 2004;
Schmitt,7 Dayanim, & Matthias, 2008). For example, Valkenburg, Schouten, and Peter
(2005) surveyed 600 preteens and teens (9- to 18-year-olds) about whether they had ever
pretended to be somebody else while communicating online. Half (50%) of the respondents
indicated that they had engaged in Internet-based identity experiments. These adolescents
reported most commonly pretending to be older, to be a real-life acquaintance, or to be
more flirtatious. The researchers also found that younger adolescents were more likely to
experiment with their identity than older adolescents were. One of the main reasons that
youth reported experimenting with their identity was to “explore how others react toward
me” (Valkenburg et al., 2005).

The idea that teens can display and play with their identity online is not new. Turkle (1995)
was among the first scholars to study youths’ online identity expressions. She found that
within text-based, multiplayer user domains (MUDS), adolescents could easily manipulate
and play with presentation of their identities. The flexibility and anonymity afforded by
MUDs encouraged some youth to create online persona that were vastly different from
their offline identities.

Several conclusions can be drawn from the research reviewed in this section. First, use of
SNSs is highly popular among American adolescents. Youth are avidly creating SNS
profiles and using them to connect with others. Second, adolescents are comfortable
disclosing personal information online and have taken advantage of the technological
affordances of social network sites to declare and alter intimate information about
themselves on their profiles. Third, teens’SNS profiles are often constructed specifically for
a peer audience. Finally, it appears that teens themselves recognize social network sites as a
space to present the changing aspects of themselves online while acquiring feedback about
those changes.

Social Media Usage Patterns

Social media usage patterns have been widely studied, revealing diverse trends and
insights. Scholars often categorize usage into content creation, consumption, and
interaction. Research indicates that users engage in selective self-presentation, curating
content to project-specific images. Additionally, studies explore the impact of platform
features on usage, such as the role of algorithms in shaping content exposure. The influence
of social factors, demographics, and psychological factors on usage patterns is also a key
focus. It's essential to consider the evolving landscape of social media platforms and the
dynamic nature of user behaviours in this literature review.

Psychological Impact

Social media's psychological impact on youth includes heightened anxiety, depression, and
loneliness due to social comparison, cyberbullying, and fear of missing out. It can distort
self-perception, fostering unrealistic standards and body image issues. Constant exposure
to curated content may lead to decreased life satisfaction and increased feelings of
inadequacy, impacting mental well-being. Moreover, excessive screen time on social media
may disrupt sleep patterns, contributing to psychological distress among the youth
population.

Social Impact

Social media's influence on youth extends to societal impacts such as altered

communication patterns, both enhancing connectivity and potentially hindering face-to-
face interaction. It has contributed to the dissemination of information, activism, and
awareness campaigns while also fostering echo chambers and polarization. Social media
has redefined social norms, shaping perceptions of culture, identity, and relationships.
However, it can amplify social pressures, magnify societal issues, and perpetuate
misinformation, impacting societal cohesion and trust. Additionally, it has redefined the
landscape for socialization and community engagement, with both positive and negative
ramifications on societal structures and collective behavior.

Educational Impact

Social media's educational impact on youth is multifaceted, offering access to diverse

learning resources, collaboration tools, and instant information dissemination. It facilitates
informal learning, providing platforms for knowledge exchange and skill development.
However, excessive use might lead to decreased attention spans, academic distraction, and
reduced academic performance. It has also reshaped the dynamics of classroom interaction
and teacher-student relationships, requiring educators to adapt their teaching methods.
Furthermore, social media has introduced new challenges, such as combating
misinformation and digital literacy, impacting the overall educational landscape for youth.

Adolescence and Identity

Erik Erikson (1959, 1968) was one of the first scholars to theorize about identity
development. Erikson (1968) argued that forming one’s identity is a life-long process that
peaks during the adolescent years. To date, a majority of the theorizing and empirical
studies about identity define adolescence as a crucial developmental period associated with
building one’s identity (e.g., Harter, 2006; Marcia, 1966). Although Erikson’s writing has
been criticized as being overly complex and dense (Waterman, 1999), several of his ideas
have withstood the test of time. One of his enduring contributions is the idea that identity
formation is a process marked by stages (Erikson, 1968). In particular, Erikson labeled
adolescence as the “Identity vs. Role Confusion” stage. During this stage, adolescents
synthesize and reorganize all previous childhood identifications. That is, adolescents
question and explore the disparate values and ideals they formed in the past and work on
how these will fit into their current identity. According to Erikson, the process ends when
adolescents decide who they are and commit to one congruent and overarching identity
(Erikson, 1959). He called this stage, “Identity vs. Role Confusion.” However, Erikson
(1968) also noted that some teens are unable to successfully form a coherent identity and
thus, experience confusion about their role throughout their lives.9
Building on Erikson’s conceptualization of identity as a process, James Marcia (1966)
defined identity formation as movement through four “statuses.” Marcia found that
individuals’ identities naturally vary according to two processes:

a) whether they have explored an identity

b) whether they have committed to an identity. For instance, the status marked by no
attempt to either explore or commit to an identity is the diffusion status (Waterman, 1999).

Individuals with a diffused identity may possess a loose sense of who they are, but it is ill-
defined, not subject to much personal examination, and readily subject to change given the
context (Waterman, 1988). In contrast to diffusion, the achieved identity status is
characterized by someone who has actively explored and committed to an identity (Marcia,
1966). According to Marcia (1966), the achieved identity is the most developmentally
advanced of the statuses because it denotes a final point of identity formation. Research has
explored the idea that adolescents progress from the diffused status toward the achieved
identity status. To test this progression, a scale has been devised called the Objective
Measure of Ego Identity Status (OMEIS), which asks individuals to report how much they
agree with statements such as, “If it’s right for my parents, it must be right for me,” or “It
took me awhile to figure it all out, but now I know what I want for a career” (Adams, Shea,
& Fitch, 1979). Using the OMEIS, one national cross-sectional study found that a higher
proportion of college upperclassman were in the achieved identity status than of young
adolescents (Waterman, 1985). Furthermore, a longitudinal analysis of Dutch youth who
took the OMEIS showed that over time the percentage of adolescents with a diffused
identity decreased, whereas the percentage of youth with an achieved identity increased
(Meeus, Iedema, Helsen, & Vollebergh, 1999).

Although research indicates that a majority of people eventually reach an achieved identity
(Marcia, 1966), some do not. Marcia (1966) defined two identity statuses that describe
individuals who have either explored or committed to an identity, but have not yet reached
the achieved status. Marcia (1966) labeled these two middle phases as the foreclosed and the
moratorium statuses. According to Marcia (1966), the foreclosed status occurs when an
individual commit securely to an identity that is never truly explored. Typically, these
individuals take on the identity of close others, normally their parents (Marcia, 1991).
Indeed, families who are enmeshed, or excessively involved in one another’s identity, can
hinder the exploration of an adolescent’s personal values, style, and identity (Cooper,
Grotevant, & Condon, 1983). Scholars have argued that the foreclosed status is less
developmentally advanced than the moratorium status (e.g., Cote & Levine, 1988).
Individuals in the moratorium status are in the process of exploring their identity, but have
not made a commitment (Waterman, 1999). It appears that some level of exploration of
one’s identity separates the moratorium and achieved status as being more
developmentally advanced than the diffused and foreclosed statuses. Marcia and colleagues
have argued that some individuals continually move in and out of the moratorium status
throughout their lives (Stephen, Fraser, & Marcia, 1992), reflecting a continual search for
identity.

The Impact of Social Media on Youth Identity Formation Today

As of the 2020s, social media continues to play a central role in the lives of young people.
Platforms like Instagram, TikTok, and Twitter remain dominant, while new technologies such as
virtual reality (VR) and augmented reality (AR) promise to further transform the digital identity
landscape. The proliferation of social media has made it clear that online identity is now an
essential component of modern adolescence. The ability to craft, curate, and control
one’s digital persona has never been more accessible or more complex. However, concerns about
the psychological effects of social media on youth identity have also grown. Studies have shown
that social media use is associated with increased rates of depression, anxiety, and feelings of
inadequacy, particularly among adolescents. The pressure to conform to societal standards of
beauty, success, and popularity—fueled by the constant comparison to peers and influencers—
has led to heightened concerns about body image and self-esteem. In conclusion, the history of
social media's impact on youth identity formation is a story of rapid technological innovation,
cultural change, and psychological transformation. From the early days of internet
communication to the present era of mobile apps and visual platforms, social media has
fundamentally reshaped the ways in which young people understand
themselves and interact with the world. As we move into the future, the role of social media in
identity formation will continue to evolve, bringing both new opportunities and challenges for
youth in a digital age.

Theoretical frame work

James Marcia's theory and levels of social identity

The theory of Marcia is based on a significant assumption that a well-defined and

independently determined identity exists for the mature and well-adjusted person. This
presumption expresses an implicit collection of shared principles, with a putting great
emphasis on human interests, rights, and freedoms. Therefore, maturity in terms of a
highly developed sense of an individual self is only natural, and maturity is characterized
by the willingness to subjugate individual pursuits and desires in the service of the greater
good of the group (Morelli, 2020, pp.12–24). There are four key points or milestones that
James Marcia's theory has descriptively defined along the continuum of identity growth.
Such stations or points describe very different states of identity, ranging from a diffuse and
indeterminate individual identity to a precise and extremely specific individual identity.
Marcia assumed that such conditions and events (called 'crises') act as catalysts for
movement along this continuum and through the different status of identity. These crises
cause internal tension and emotional upheaval, forcing teenagers to analyze their values,
beliefs, and aspirations and doubt them. They can develop new beliefs, accept different
values, and make different choices as they explore new possibilities. Every identity status is
a basic configuration of the progress of an adolescent with regard to identity exploration
and dedication to the values, beliefs, and goals that contribute to identity (Marcia, 1966, p
551), Marcia used the concept of identity status to identify four stations or points of unique
developmental identity as follows: Social identity achievement: This status of identity
reflects both a high degree of experimentation and a high level of dedication. It is said that
teenagers have achieved their identity through an active discovery phase and a deep
commitment to a clear set of values, beliefs, and life goals that have resulted from this
active exploration and analysis. Adolescents will have determined what ideals and priorities
are most important to them at this identity status, and what purpose or task will drive their
life. individuals at the status of identity achievement may prioritize what is relevant to
them and have sorted who they want to be by the many possibilities. They would have
experimented and examined their journey in life with several different convictions and
values. Young people need to feel optimistic and secure in their choices and beliefs to truly
achieve this form of identity (Marcia James, 2011, p101).

In addition to achieving a goal as a result of the individual's experience after a temporary

period of exploration, including testing values, beliefs, goals, and roles, selecting what was
meaningful or personal and of social value, and then demonstrating a true commitment to
what was chosen to implement it (Al-Ghamdi, 2001, p.86).

Social identity postponement: This identity status reflects a high level of experimentation
but a low degree of dedication. At this point, teenagers are in the midst of a crisis of
identity that has prompted them to explore and experiment with various values, beliefs,
and goals. They have not, however, made any definitive decisions as to which principles
and beliefs are most important to them, and which values should guide their lives.
Therefore, they are not committed to a specific identity yet. They keep their choices and
alternatives open (Marcia, 1966, p 550). In addition to continuing to try and test the
available options without reaching a final decision and without making a real commitment
to specific options, which causes the individual to change his choices from time to time in
an attempt to reach what is appropriate (Abu Arad, 2008, p.18), including but not limited
to changing the field of study, profession, identities or friends (Steinberg, 2002, p.33).

Social identity closure: This status of identification indicates a low level of discovery but a
high degree of dedication. Adolescents do not consciously seek to decide what is important
to them in this identity status. The principles and beliefs they have been taught are not
questioned. Instead, by clearly embracing the ideals and values of their families and
community culture, these teenagers obtain their identity. In a way, the personality given to
them is passively embraced by them.

Although these young people are committed to their assigned ideals and life goals, they do
not ask why they should be, nor do they suggest any alternatives (Marcia, 1980, pp.159–
187), in addition to their avoidance of any subjective attempt to reveal beliefs, goals and
social roles of meaning or value in life, but they are contented with satisfaction of the roles
as determined by external forces such as family and society (Al-Zu'bi, 2001, p.477).
Social identity dispersion: This identity status describes adolescents who have neither
explored any real identity nor committed to it. This status of identity thus reflects a low
level of experimentation and a low level of dedication. These teenagers have not at all
considered their identity, and have not set any goals for life. They are reactive, floating
through life passively, and dealing with every situation as it arises. Their main motivation
is hedonism, avoiding discomfort, and gaining pleasure (Marcia James, 2011, p101), in
addition to the lack of individual sense of the need to form a philosophy, goals, or specific
roles in life, on the one hand, with the absence of commitment to the roles which led by
chance on the other. This happens with the aim of avoiding the individual researching and
testing to preferring compatibility with problems or solving them by postponing and
disrupting (Khader, 2018, p.89).

In light of the above, the individual's identity is formed solely by the interaction of the
individual with others, and the individual's view of others is partly shaped by the way
others view that individual. According to the theory of symbolic reactivity (role theory) (Al-
Murshidi, 2007, p.27), people continue to possess their individuality but are not entirely
distinct from society (Ali, 2007, p.83), and identity acts as a bridge between the individual
and those around him (Mohsen, 2018), for this reason, we must work hard to monitor and
follow up our children in their way of life especially after the recent boom in electronic
means of communication and the spread of social media which has become a remarkable
presence all over the world, especially among children and young people and despite the
positive effect of some social media, but the social media can also have a destructive
influence on social relations between adolescents and their families, in addition to the
negative effect on the academic achievement of adolescents.

Social media have become an integral part of adolescents’ daily lives who spend a
significant amount of time online, often assuming dual roles as creators of self-generated
content and consumers of content produced by others (Kolotouchkina et al., 2023). This
engagement on social media platforms has attracted considerable research interest,
including in what online activity means for identity development (e.g., Fullwood et al.,
2016; Noon, 2020; Sebre & Miltuze, 2021). Unfortunately, a comprehensive understanding
of existing findings on social media and its relationship to identity development is
challenged by the lack of a unifying concept of social media engagement employed in
research. Similarly, different identity concepts have been studied, which impedes
straightforward conclusions about how engagement in social media and identity
development are associated. Aiming to synthesize existing work, this study
comprehensively reviews studies on the relationship between social media use and identity
development by differentiating between quantity (e.g., time spent on social media) and
quality (e.g., comparisons, self-presentation) of social media use, and by systematically
exploring their associations with several important facets of identity development, namely
commitment, exploration, self-concept clarity, and identity distress. Adolescents form their
identity through ongoing interactions between commitment and exploration.
Commitments, which embody choices about one’s identity (Klimstra et al., 2010), are
crucial not only for promoting identity certainty but also for fostering a coherent and
stable self-concept. Self-concept clarity refers to a coherent and consistent self that is
shaped by one’s committed values, beliefs, goals, and relationships and how these
commitments integrate across different life domains (Schwartz et al., 2017). The alignment
and stability provided by the integration of commitments are fundamental to promoting
optimal adolescent development. For instance, commitments were linked to lower levels of
anxiety and depression (Morsunbul et al., 2014), higher academic success (Pop et al., 2016),
and self-concept clarity was associated with higher relationship satisfaction (Lewandowski
Jr et al., 2010), positive self-esteem (Wu et al., 2010) and open communication with parents
(Van Dijk et al., 2014). Moreover, if current commitments no longer adequately represent
one’s identity, this can undermine selfconcept clarity, leading to distress and potentially
indicating the need for (further) identity exploration and revision (Schwartz et al., 2017).
Identity exploration involves a deep assessment of current commitments and questioning
them to either revise or replace them with new ones. An analysis of current commitments is
thought to be beneficial for maintaining one’s identity; whereas, reconsidering those
commitments can potentially lead to identity uncertainty, which may have negative
outcomes such as depressive and anxiety symptoms (Crocetti et al., 2008), lower academic
achievement (Pop et al., 2016), and lower self-esteem (Crocetti et al., 2010).

Furthermore, adolescents may experience identity distress, which can range from mild
anxiety to severe symptoms in different life domains, such as long-term goals, friendships,
and moral values, due to uncertainty about the self (Berman, 2020). Not unsurprisingly,
individuals with identity distress reported higher levels of exploration (Berman et al., 2009)
and lower levels of commitment (Sica et al., 2014). Identity distress has also been linked to
internalizing and externalizing problems (Hernandez et al., 2006). The process of identity
development, which encompasses identity exploration and commitment and ideally results
in a stable self-concept, with identity distress as the less favorable outcome, has been rooted
in the relationships with family, peers, and school (Kroger, 2006), with research also
largely focusing on these contexts. However, contemporary young people have expanded
their social contexts through social media (Nesi et al., 2020). This expansion offers users
various modes of interaction, either one-directional or multi-directional, where they can
consume and create content, and receive feedback. Additionally, users can to some extent
control and shape who has access to their content or profile. When studying effects of social
media on adolescent development, researchers have primarily focused on measuring the
amount of time young individuals spend on social media platforms. Time spent on social
media has been linked to depression (Brunborg & Burdzovic Andreas, 2019), lower well-
being (Huang, 2017), and a range of behavioral and emotional problems (Riehm et al.,
2019). With respect to identity development, excessive time spent on social media was
associated with low self-concept clarity (Sharif & Khanekharab, 2017) and disengagement
from active identity exploration (Imperato et al., 2022). That said, findings are inconclusive
and not all studies find associations between time spent on social media and identity
exploration and commitment (e.g., Cyr et al., 2015; Fullwood et
al., 2016). These mixed findings raise questions about the extent to which time spent on
social media relates to facets of identity development and whether this conceptualization of
social media engagement is sufficient. In detail, engagement with social media comes in
great diversity with feasibly differential associations with identity development but this is
not captured when only time spent on social media is considered. This diversity includes
various ways of self-presentation and seeking feedback on one’s presented persona,
discussing concrete topics or sharing everyday issues, but also comparing abilities and
opinions. Associations between forms – or quality – of engagement and facets of identity
development have been studied and have shown, for instance, that individuals who
compare their abilities on social media have lower self-concept clarity (Yang et al., 2018a)
and higher identity distress (Yang et al., 2020) whereas editing profiles, sharing posts or
blogs (Livingstone, 2008), and presenting oneself in different ways (Chittenden, 2010) or as
someone else (Schmitt et al., 2008) are all indicative of identity exploration. To date, no
systematic review has addressed how different forms of social media engagement relate to
adolescent identity development. Previous reviews suggested that social media enable
identity exploration and various ways of self-presentation among adolescents (Shapiro &
Margolin, 2014; Wängqvist & Frisén, 2016). However, these reviews addressed not only
social media and personal identity development but also included other online contexts and
group identities, which differs from the exclusive focus on social media and identity
development in our current review. Finally, a recent systematic review examined the link
between social media use and identity development (Senekal et al., 2023). Nonetheless, their
conclusions might not fully capture this relationship, partly due to the broad approach in
covering various concepts related to social media use (e.g., cyberbullying, online
communication) and identity development (e.g., body image, self-esteem, selfconcept
clarity, and identity processing style).

Social Identity Theory

Social Identity Theory (SIT) developed by Tajfel and Turner (1979), is grounded in the notion
that people categorize themselves and others into social groups based on shared characteristics
such as: gender, race, ethnicity, religion, occupation, and more. This categorization process
is called social identification and it has important implications for how people perceive
themselves and others and how they behave towards members of their own group and
other groups.

According to SIT, people derive a sense of self-esteem and self-worth from their group
memberships, and this sense of collective identity is central to their sense of personal
identity. This means that people tend to favour their own group over other groups, showing
in-group bias and discrimination towards out-groups. SIT also emphasizes that social
identities are not fixed and can change depending on the social context and the salience of
different group memberships. Social identification can lead to increased intergroup conflict
and discrimination, especially when group boundaries are clear and salient (Tajfel et al.,
1971). Social identity can influence individual behavior, such as conformity to group norms
and behaviors (Turner et al., 1987). Social identity can affect interpersonal relationships,
including attraction and liking of members of one’s own group and dislike or distrust of
members of our groups (Brewer, 1979). Social identity can shape organizational behavior,
including group formation, leadership, and communication (Hogg and Terry, 2000).

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