SOCIAL CONTROL

Social control is an extension of the socialization process. We have seen that socialization, whether that of
individual that grows, or that of the immigrant in their receiving society, ultimately means that the social person
learn and follow the required approved behavior guidelines. People and the guidelines come together,
This way, a group lifestyle can be followed. Self-control is the extension of subjective socialization.
Social control is the objective aspect of socialization. It is the mechanism that perpetuates this process.
inducing and maintaining people's compliance with behavioral guidelines.

It will be useful to recall here what we have already said about social pressure. The hierarchy of guidelines of
behavior, from strict morals to mere customs, is evaluated according to the three criteria of value,
conformity and pressure. When analyzing social control, we study the ways in which social pressure is exerted. The
social control exerts pressure on individuals to conform to the guidelines, roles, relationships and
institutions that are considered of high value in culture.

A preliminary reservation should be made in the study of social control: one must avoid restricting this concept to the
zone of governmental and political control. Contemporary society knows and fears the dominant power of
Status on individuals. However, the demands of the political institution in most societies
they are, in fact, indirect and impersonal. The influence of other groups is much more powerful, and it is an axiom.
that small primary groups exert greater and more direct control over individual behavior than
the large secondary associations.

Control levels.

Social control exists at various levels of society and acts on different types of relationships.
social. At the level of the social person, we usually think of the control exercised by society or by the group over
the individual. The total society influences all its members; but social control is also exercised by
primary and secondary associations about their own members. Since social roles are the links
link between the person and the groups in which they participate, the effective conformity of the person is evaluated by the
way in which they perform these roles. Thus, the role is the channel through which they exercise their control over the person.
family, economic, religious, and other groups.

However, social control is not only directed from the group to the individual. There is also a reverse control.
through which an individual designated as a leader influences the group to conform to the values that
this one promotes and approves. At the appropriate time, we will examine this leader function in more detail.
society.

In addition to the influence of plurality on the individual and of the individual on plurality, there is also the
social control exercised by a relatively small group, or the combination of groups, over the total society.
The influence of the so-called 'military-industrial complex' has been greatly magnified in recent years over the
political destinations of the United States. Such social control has historically appeared in the form
of the dominance of a military group, or of a small upper class, or of a rich and powerful political oligarchy or of
ecclesiastical leaders. Social control operates at this level more subtly, but precisely for that reason with greater
effectiveness, through interest groups and "pressure groups." This last type of group has developed
scientific and refined techniques to make society comply with the norms of behavior and guidelines
that he sponsors.

Genres of control.

The classification of social control can be carried out from various points of view that depend on interest and
of the objective that the sociologist sets out. Here we briefly examine the three general classifications of
positive and negative control, formal and informal, group and institutional.
a) Certain positive mechanisms, such as persuasion, suggestion, instruction, and rewards, are used
to induce people to practice behavior and to adopt socially approved attitudes.
Other forms of control can be classified as negative, including threats, orders, coercions, and the
Punishments. They are used to deter people from antisocial behaviors and attitudes.

Societies and groups try to induce people to do certain things and to avoid others, but this
The distinction between positive and negative controls can only be made in the order of abstraction. Both appear to
act in the concrete order with a view to social conformity. Human motivation is complex, and the individual
he may proceed in socially approved ways because he seeks rewards or tries to avoid sanctions, or
for both reasons at the same time.

b) An additional classification consists of dividing controls into formal and informal. Every society and group
establish certain measures with the express intent of producing social conformity. Such are the decrees,
ordinances and public laws established by the political authority; such are also the constitutions and
regulations of a regional circle, the rules and precepts of a church, the official regulations of a school or
from a university. They are called formal because they are carefully crafted, they are enacted with
all solemnity and are mandatory for all persons subject to the authority of the legislators.
In formal controls, there is also a procedure or another of coercion with an official nature.

Informal controls are more subtle but no less effective. They are used to impose the kind of
behavior that 'everyone knows' should be practiced and to prohibit conduct that is
disapproved by society. People generally know informally when their behavior is acceptable
for others because he can sense the approval of his peers even when it is not expressed by them
applause or congratulations. Also, informally, people know when they are despised, ridiculed, or subjected to.
some degree of social ostracism due to their non-conformist behavior.

c) The third classification is that of institutional and group controls, which we will analyze further below.
detail. In short, group control achieves conformity through a conscious, voluntary action and
deliberate on the part of both the controller and the controlled. Control can be positive or negative, formal or
informal, but the distinguishing feature is being deliberate and organized. Institutional control is the response
individual's subconscious to the cultural environment. The person engages in unconscious forms of behavior to
those that have become accustomed after long experience in their particular culture.

The person and social control.

The controlled person is not an automaton. It is important to remember that people are not inert creatures of
their culture or mechanical dolls of their society. Socialization is often thought of as if it were a
process that occurs to the human person, as well as the immediate situational interaction is considered
as an influence on a person, but we must not forget that the person is an actor both in the process and
In the situation: the person has action and reaction in socialization and cultural situations.

We have already seen that the human being is a person by the fact of being an animal that thinks and makes decisions;
it can accumulate abstract knowledge and has the ability to use it to make plans and to direct itself
same. Thus, it is scientifically absurd to say that it is merely an unconscious victim of cultural forces. Not
However, it is evident that man is a creature of social custom, who does not stop to reflect and plan.
all his thoughts and actions, which makes life much simpler if it adjusts to the routine of
behavior.

This schematization and routine is completely different from the stimulus and reaction process with which they learn.
Animals. In humans, it is a fact that self-control is an essential ingredient of control.
social. Only in rare and extreme cases, such as when an individual has been 'dehumanized' or has been 'brainwashed'
"mind" or one has become irresponsible with mental or physical tortures, one can talk about social control without
personal control. In these individuals and in mentally abnormal people, it does not logically apply.
the term 'social control'.

Why do normal people consciously submit to social control? To say that man is a
Animal of habits simply means going back to the process of socialization with which they are formed.
habits. To say that it is by nature a conformist animal is equivalent to saying in other words that it submits to
social pressure. The idea that man is an animal that seeks a status is to revert to an explanation
universal of human behavior, such as utilitarianism or self-interest.

The social fact of conformity to norms and cultural pressures is so obvious that it requires no demonstration,
but the conscious and intrinsic motivation it implies presents a problem of some complexity. There is no room for
no doubt that human beings seek their own good as they consciously conform to the
norms and types of approved behavior. They aspire to the approval and recognition of their peers, since
In this, the proofs of status are encoded and why it is of interest for the individual to safeguard their social status.

Along with all these reasons and more profoundly than any of them, there is the fact that all
The normal social person has developed a sense of right and wrong. Most of the expressions of this
Meaning arises during the process of socialization, but the source of expressions is human consciousness.
The social person learns to use their consciousness by living in society and learning the cultural demands.
Like the fundamental capacities of knowing and judging, so too are the fundamental feelings of
Good and bad are a human quality. It is an exclusive characteristic of human beings and therefore of
social people; at the same time it is the ultimate explanation although not the only one of why people
they are subjected to social control.

Group control.

It is essential for the maintenance of any group that a certain degree of conformity is achieved and exercised.
some type of social control. Primary groups have a greater need for conformity than associations.
secondary schools, as there is also a difference between them regarding the type of control they adopt. The members of
primary groups tend to display a voluntary, spontaneous, and informal submission to social control. In the
secondary groups the controls are more personal and formal.

A further distinction in control and compliance is offered by the analysis of the large groups common to all.
society. Each of these, along with their numerous subgroups, is interested in having people who
accept their rules of behavior and belief. It is possible to arrange these groups according to rigor and
degree of control that is exercised over each of them, order that depends to some extent on the importance of
the behavior guidelines established in each group.

The mores that each group values are demanded more rigorously than customs. This means, of course, that
the group does not have the same effort in enforcing conformity with all behavior guidelines. Already
We said that social pressure varies and that it reaches its highest degree in the behavioral sectors in which they are.
committed to the highest values and in which the broadest compliance is obtained. This amounts to saying, in
Other terms, such as pressure and social control, have many common points. In a behavior
highly ritualized, as in lodges and secret fraternities and in some religious groups, it is required
often the most exact conformity even in minor details of conduct and apparently not
essentials.

a) The strictest control over group members is exercised in the family and educational groups. In these
groups are of utmost importance for the socialization of people: social relationships are more intimate;
generated values are higher; conformity with standards is a deliberate objective of the group. In
there is relatively little freedom and variety of choice in these groups. People in authority are easily
recognized, and the members know that adherence to the rules is essential for the maintenance of
group and for the pursuit of its own well-being.
b) The economic and political groups follow immediately behind them in the rigor of their social controls. The
lucrative employment conditions vary greatly, but for most human beings, they involve
obedience and conformity. The requirements concerning the function, the time, and the procedure in the
economic activities are often rigid and formal, so the individual has no choice but to
to conform or to resign. Politically, at the points where citizens come into contact with the
civic and public statutes are compelled to relatively strict conformity. The controls are so
strong in political groupings as in economic ones, but they are not applied as frequently.

c) Recreational and religious groups are those that have the least degree of control over their members. These
groups are usually gathered in a looser way than others; there is much more freedom of movement
and individuals have greater room for choice; there is no need, and often not even the possibility, to
impose a strict compliance. The goals of these groups are achieved more through cooperation.
voluntary of the members with strict social controls. This does not mean that there are no religious groups
strictly disciplined and authoritarian, as well as recreational groups. Here, once again, control and the
Conformity is a matter of degrees.

It is worth noting that this gradation between groups from the perspective of social control can vary from
society to society and from one time to another. A totalitarian system will differ from a democratic one; it will unite all the
controls and will emphasize obedience to the political center. A culture in which great importance is given to the
religious values will probably give less importance to economic conformity and will insist on a
a stricter adaptation to the sacred norms. Nevertheless, despite these variations, it is always possible to distinguish
certain hierarchy in group control.

Institutional control.

Institutional control is the effective influence of the standardized cultural environment, as it manifests in the
subconscious response of people in the group or society. Within the conceptual framework of our study
we have observed that people use guidelines, groups utilize institutions, and society makes use of
culture. Cultural forms and institutions show us not only what people do, but also what
what is expected of them. These expectations and demands for compliant behavior indicate that the culture
In a certain sense, it imposes itself. This is what we understand by institutional control over people.
Institutionalized behavior is what "one must do," and this fact exerts social pressure in itself.

The analysis of social control requires understanding both social pressure and institutional pressure. This
the latter is largely impersonal and subconscious. It is a general, rather environmental influence than a mandate.
specific and personal made to an individual to observe this or that particular pattern of behavior.
The two genres of control go hand in hand. The group verbally demands the individual's conformity, but the
At the same time, the group sets an example of conformity due to the fact that the institutionalized guidelines are
observed by all and by each of the members. But the constant repetition of the same patterns in a
a relatively identical mode develops social acceptance in people, and for this we say that custom
imposes itself and reinforces itself.

The hierarchical order of the degrees of social pressure exerted by the large groups of a society is more
Of course, if we analyze it from the point of view of the institutions that these groups serve. The guidelines
shared behaviors and strict adherence to norms will occur in the primary group more than
in the secondary association. Similarly, the norms identified with the family and educational institutions
they adopt stricter forms and consequently exert greater pressure for a longer period of
time that the recreational and political institutions.

The institutional environment exerts control over a person's behavior. However, from another point of view...
The institutions exert varying degrees of social pressure among themselves and on society and culture.
total. We have already mentioned that every society contains an identifiable axial institution, which demands more conformity
and exerts more influence than any of the others. Examples from different cultures can be cited to show
where the economic institution predominates in one and the political, familial or religious in another. Environmental control
exercised by the axial institution affects institutionalized behavior through culture. Given that the
important institutions must exist in every culture, this control of the axial institution can never,
replace or destroy the other institutions.

Institutional control varies in terms of its efficiency from one society to another; it even varies within the same society.
society and from one period of time to another. People tied, as it is said, to tradition accept the
institutionalized restrictions of established behavioral patterns from long ago, with more ease than the
people from an restless, dynamic, and individualistic society. Older individuals tend to conform more.
It is established that young people with institutionalized forms. The predominance of an institution may vary.
according to the demands of the time and the needs of society, such as in a war of
large proportions, in which the political institution demands great conformity and cooperation.

Leadership and social control.

Our reflections on group control and institutional control should not lead us to conclude that it is
little importance the deliberate influence of leaders. The presence and action of dominant personalities are
effective means to achieve people's compliance with social norms and standards. It can be
classify leaders in different ways, from the perspective of efficiency, of the techniques used,
of the types of groups they serve and others. From the perspective of social control, they are characterized by
following manner:

a) Positional leadership simply indicates the superiority of status that a person has in a group or
in a society. This leadership is acquired by ascription, since the person born into a royal family or
prominent, one who occupies a position in a bureaucracy or in a hierarchy, has their influence by virtue of this
just fact. The people who are asked to 'give their names' to certain projects and causes exert
this type of leadership, which is independent of any level of skill or competence that they may have
personally possess.

b) On the contrary, personal leadership is largely due to merits. Its exercise, as a means of control
social, depends on the leadership qualities that the individual possesses. The person engages in an active social role and
Due to their success in performing this role, they may directly or indirectly influence behavior.
others. Here are three recognized categories of personal leadership:

Specialists enjoy expert leadership in a specific area of technical expertise. The best surgeon
of the brain, the most knowledgeable in nuclear physics and the best legal expert are leaders in their own fields even
when they do not deliberately aspire to exert influence on others. In most cases, this influence
indirectly acquires great importance when transferred to other sectors; for example, a mathematical expert exercises
influence expressing their opinions in politics, in religion, in art and in other fields in which they are not an expert. They
he takes into account their opinions in these other areas, even when they are wrong, as people tend to accept them.
affirmations of an 'important' personality.

Charismatic leadership comes from certain emotional qualities that the individual possesses and manifests. It is found
in a position to convince his followers that he is predestined, inspired and especially enlightened. The
A charismatic leader inspires devotion to themselves in others and bases their influence on it. People
they have great faith in him. Historical heroes, the 'fathers' of our nation, the crusaders of a great cause, the
Victorious generals, the prophets and the preachers had this special charisma.

The most general type of leadership is management, which usually includes experience in execution with
some doses of charisma. A leader of this quality has a deep understanding of complicated problems,
great understanding of all the facets they contain and the ability to make decisions and put them into practice.
He knows how to delegate functions and authority to others, and his executive capacity is not limited to one.
profession or industry. He is the natural organizer, the one who resolves all the issues, capable of acting as an expert in
the government, in the industry and in any other organized system.

Communication and social control.

Behavioral expectations can be somewhat communicated to the people who are to

to conform with them. All the various mechanisms of socialization words and writings, symbols, examples
they are used to convey to people the prohibition or approval of a behavior. If the group or the leader does not
it can make the essential rules penetrate to the members, there is no possibility of compliance and
control.

In any conscious and deliberate social control system, the edict is the most common form of communication.
It is expressed in the form of 'do' and 'do not do'. It may involve a new law or the revision of a law.
ancient, of an order, of a regulation or of a decision made by authority figures. In most
of the cases, especially when it comes to primary relationships and informal groups, the edict goes
accompanied by reasons, explanations, and exhortations.

Advertising is one of the most carefully planned forms of communication to achieve

social conformity, as the advertiser explains in precise detail what they want people to do.

It is not only about creating a favorable attitude towards its product, but it aims for people to acquire it and
consume. Propaganda is another deliberate means of obtaining conformity to certain values and with certain
behavior guidelines. Due to its very nature and purpose, it cannot be as detailed as the
advertising, but nevertheless it remains a powerful instrument of social control.

The educational process is the channel through which society transmits its culture to the following generations.
The social objective of education is to induce people to accept the highest standards of conduct.
the culture and to conform to it. Education acts through formal systems and procedures
informal, but their final product is a person who knows the difference between approved behaviors and
disapproved and who can take their place as a member who "is in agreement" with the society.

Social engineering and social control.

Just as man sometimes reflects on his environment, on himself, and on his future, so too
also every social group exerts some kind of planning over itself. The members of the groups and
especially leaders are aware of the functions and goals of the group and the fact that these are
subject to projects and direction. Even the primary informal group, which seems to be completely casual and
spontaneous, requires prior reflection and decision, which are the foundations of planning. The associations
secondary schools form budgets, hold assemblies, organize the election and the duration of positions, make
statements about goals and programs and examine their results and failures. All of these are examples that
they demonstrate the need to plan in every organized group and society.

Social engineering means something more than just planning; it also means social action.
execution of plans. Engineering involves a detailed analysis of the parts, a specific project and
technician so that these can be carried out and a detailed program for their management for
achieve the predetermined ends. Of course, this definition is a mechanical metaphor, and to interpret it is
It is necessary to adequately understand the strictly sociological phenomena involved in the plan. The
Basic units that are analyzed and directed are behavior patterns and social people in their
varied combinations, and we have already seen the conditions and limitations under which they operate in the pursuit
of the ends.

From the perspective of social control, social engineering presents one of the crucial problems of the
group life. We have already seen that socialization is the process by which a person is integrated into the
society and learn the forms of culture. This results in overall conformity with the norms and
accepted modules.

Social engineering goes beyond this process and demands a more specific compliance with a
rationally planned behavior. The problem lies in the active relationship between the individual and the group. A
social engineering that decreases the initiative and voluntary cooperation of the individual fails in its own
objectives. A social engineering that does not exert sufficient control over individuals to achieve its ends, is
something that lacks meaning.

It is possible for social control to exist as an end in itself without proper social engineering; but it is impossible that
There is effective social engineering without any control and compliance. An effective type of social engineering demands that
people have some participation both in the planning and in the execution of the social project. The
type of social goals set, the pace of plan execution, and the type of pressures and sanctions applied,
All of this requires a general knowledge of social change and a specific understanding of trends.
that come into play. In addition to this knowledge, social politics requires a great understanding of the
social personalities involved in the projected change.

SOCIAL CONTROLS IN THE UNITED STATES

Resistance to social control.

It is important to remember that even in a progressive and pragmatic culture like that of the United States, there is no shortage of
traditionalists nor people who resist social control. Every attempt at reform, or every change introduced that
has required control, engineering, and planning, has encountered opposition. We should not conceive the
American society as a foldable, fluid, and passive system that can be easily controlled and in which the
changes are made almost automatically.

Every great social reform that has required planning and control has had to overcome the opposition of the
they say that the change 'will do more harm than good'. A series of randomly chosen reforms
they demonstrate this point: the reduction of working hours, women's voting rights, security measures in
mines and factories, protection of children and mothers, promotion of public health, labor laws regarding
children, extension of instruction, public parks and playgrounds, class hours reserved for the
religious education, equitable employment practices and many others.

All these reforms have required changes in behavioral patterns, both conceptual and
external, compliance with the new situations by the Americans and, consequently,
submission to social control. We cannot conduct a thorough analysis here of the reasons for the objections against the
social reform, but we provide the following partial explanations for resistance to social control:

a) The virtue of prudence is often invoked to endorse and justify the opposition to social reform. The
"Prudence," when used correctly, is an essential virtue of every scientist, who must ensure that
the facts before drawing a conclusion. Misunderstanding it, the man who considers himself wise
leave the facts and conclusions as they were, without worrying about doing anything with them. A wrong concept
Defined by prudence, it is used as a rationalization for the anti-reformist attitude.

b) It is more comfortable to keep doing things the way they have always been done. Older people, above all,
They seem to amplify the difficulties of the reform according to their own comfort and convenience. A person
she feels annoyed at the prospect of having to change her attitudes, even though
the reform does not require a change in its external behavior guidelines. This inertia is characteristic of many
people.

c) One more positive aspect of this characteristic is personal interest. The fear of losing status or any of the
status criteria lead people to stubbornly defend the current order of things. This fear forms
part of the constant conflict, although often imaginary, between personal interest and public interest,
between personal profit and social advantage. It is not always possible to demonstrate that what benefits society
total will also benefit the individual, and the rigid individualist is not willing to experiment to
check it.

d) Ignorance of social trends is one of the most powerful obstacles to reform. Fear of
The unknown, past and present, reinforces the fear of the future. It is a curious fact that those who are least aware.
they have from the technical sectors of society and culture, are often the most dogmatic in
to prophesy exactly and in detail the damages that will arise from any social reform project.
Fortunately, the spread of social science among Americans is diminishing this obstacle.

e) Pressure groups are often beneficial means of social control, but it is also common that
act as remoras in social changes. The pressure group acts to defend the interests of
some organized sector of the population and can exert an influence that is not proportional to its
importance or with its number. The idea that a proposed reform will do "more harm than good" implies
Typically, the group fears some danger to itself more than to society as a whole.

The traditionalists who are prophets of doom in the face of any proposed social reform,
A curious series of reactions unfold once the reform has been in operation for a while.
considerable. First, they learn to live with it, to come to terms with the change, and even to approve of it. In
second place they forget that their worst fears were unfounded and that their terrible prophecies have not come true.
Thirdly, and this is the most disappointing for the reformer, they wield exactly the same arguments again.
arguments (that "will cause more harm than good") when a proposal for further reform is put forward.

It is likely that certain types of authoritarian, egocentric, paranoid social personalities will oppose more.
more easily than others to social reforms. At the present time, we do not have enough studies to indicate
whether this kind of people is increasing or not in the American population. The sociologist hopes that it is not.
rather than increasing, the dissemination of knowledge related to society and culture should be multiplying
the number of North Americans who welcome and approve of social progress.

2. Variations of institutional control.

Institutional pressure varies across cultures. While all major institutions affect in some way
on the behavior of all people, it does not have the same influence on everyone. The total North American culture is
influenced by the economic institution more than by any other. This, however, represents only the lines
general of the framework. There are many variations of pressure within the social and cultural system, and we believe that
It will be useful to make a broad analysis of these variations:

a) From the perspective of the individuals in any group, the strength of institutionalized patterns
differs according to the function and role of the individual. The highest and most trusted officials are seen
obliged by their position to strictly adopt the most solid customs of the group. Those who are members
relatively passive and mere addicts experience less pressure, while those who are outside of the
groups only receive slight influences. These generalizations apply to all significant groups.

b) There are also local variations in control and social pressure. Some parts of the country are more
more conservative and resistant to change than others. In the United States, farmers will be more easily
influenced by family and religious customs, while the urban population is under great pressure from
the economic and recreational forms. In local subcultures, especially in those influenced by the
Ethnic mores also show regional differences in institutional control.

c) A difference in classes is also noted regarding the strength of institutional pressure and to the
reaction to it. In the United States, there is much talk about a middle-class morality or
"bourgeois", to indicate that behavioral conformity is greater among those who are conscious of
class and particularly among those who aspire to a higher status. Quite frequently, at least in
In certain areas of socially safe behavior, people from the upper class take pressure lightly.
institutional. Examples are also given of people from the lower class who set aside school customs and
religious figures of the culture, even when they yield to strong pressure from economic and political institutions.

d) There is an unequal age, variable both in the class and in the degree of institutional control. It can be said
that the controls are applied personally by the group more to the young than to the adults; on the other hand, the
impartial institutional pressure is greater in adults than in young people. Elderly people are
conformists by habit and inclination; it is more comfortable to conform than to oppose. It is also clear that the
The institutional environment of young people is mainly that of family, school, and recreational systems.

e) The time variable is observed if one looks at the recent history of North America. During the
In the Second World War, there was an exaltation of patriotic values, of military conduct and of
nationalist behavior. The strong reaction to the Vietnam War led to a rise in pacifism and
focused on domestic issues such as housing, education, and poverty. In periods of
national catastrophe and depression seems to be growing the influence of the religious institution.

i) The social pressure of institutions also varies according to the values professed in a culture, and not
There is no doubt that institutionalized economic values are preferred today in the States.
United. Directly and immediately in the adult working population, and indirectly and mediately in others,
there is a subconscious feeling of the appropriateness of economic customs. The number of people, the
amount of time, the degree of interest, and the extent of servitude surrounding the demands of the system
Economic, they indicate where the highest values of North American culture reside.

This enumeration of the fundamental variations of institutional control gives an idea of the complex network of the
social pressure. It helps us understand that institutional conformity is not automatic, that it is not a
homogeneously distributed result of a force that acts in a mechanical way. Not all the
North Americans are affected in the same way by institutional pressures. Time is given and
situations in which these pressures act in opposing directions, such as when a conflict arises between
economic and familial forms, or between political and religious norms. The enormous increase in activities of
leisure in our society has raised the recreational institution to the level of a force whose influence does not cease to
to extend, and has contrasted the values of work and play.

Despite these variations and complexities, it is possible for the diligent sociologist to form a general judgment of control.
institutional in a given culture and at a given time. This control must be taken into account in any attempt
to characterize the American people or any other society. Some reference points mark the
path towards generalizations without which a plausible construction of social science would be impossible.
The greater knowledge we acquire through sociological research of American culture, the more
we more clearly understand the effects of institutional controls.

3. Impersonal conformity of American workers.

The growing trend towards secondary relationships and partnerships has interfered with mutual personal loyalty.
in the United States. This decrease in personal commitments and male-to-male relationships is laid out
to be seen in all large-scale organizations in school, religious, and political associations—, but in
No part stands out as much as in the economic system. The mass production of goods in our
industrial economy has demanded a disciplined conformity to the demands of the machine, demands that
differ from those of any other work situation.

The fact that American workers settle for this kind of system and produce with
effectiveness and abundance is a testament to the elasticity of social personality. From the perspective of
social control is remarkable this conformity for being the result of rationalization and for occurring on a large scale
way without advantage of personal and mutual loyalty between employers and workers. Social reformers who raise their
voices against the 'inhumanity of the machine' and lamenting the disappearance of both economic individualism
like paternalism, they do not seem to take into account that loyalty to the employer is practically impossible in the
current employment situation.

Here are some social facts that help explain why American workers...
they conform to the employers' plans despite not having deep personal relationships with them.

a) The high cultural value of independence has characterized the worker throughout our history and has
goes hand in hand with an aversion to paternalistic authority. The worker rejects everything that has
appearances of servitude, slavery, or labor exploitation, and society itself legally prohibits such contracts
of work. The absence of a docile and humble servant class in the United States is symptomatic of the opposition of
the workers to personally depend on the employers.

b) As unions grow and strengthen, they have operated as agents of the worker. They make collective agreements.
for him, sorting out the details of hours, salaries, seniority rights, and other conditions. They negotiate
between the employer and the worker, which reduces the need for personal relationships between the two.

c) To a certain extent, the government has also contributed to depersonalizing these relationships. The prosperous
The functioning of our gigantic industrial economy is a national and federal matter. It is essential.
certain degree of regulation and control. In Congress, labor laws have been made and remade that
They deal in great detail with the content of the rights and privileges of the relationship between management and labor.

d) The basic corporate structure of large industrial companies is necessarily a formal arrangement,
legalistic and impersonal. The thousands of owners of a large corporation are also represented by the
board of directors in business control. Hired managers and specialized officials are also
employees, even when they are on the "side" of the employer in the direction of the negotiations. However, with
frequency feel a certain "loyalty to the company," which is difficult to achieve in the ordinary worker.

e) The mobility of the workforce, or at least a significant part of it, seems to be an element
permanent concomitant of our industrial economy genre. A local solidarity and a series of
personal relationships between workers and employers would hinder that mobility. The relatively
fluid reacts to the changes and pressures that are always at play in our economy.

f) The tendency to conceive work as one of the cost elements in the production of goods has
influenced in its depersonalization. This falls within the general marketing line of materials,
articles and services, and it must be kept in mind that the constant effort to reduce the cost of production has
greatly contributed to increasing the purchasing power of the consumer. Rigorous relations and
stable relationships between employers and workers, especially those based on loyalty and personal solidarity, could modify
this conception.

g) Finally, the specialization of functions divides the work into compartments and separates the worker from
patron. The amount of technical knowledge required, especially at the high levels of the function
industrial, it prevents the worker from becoming an expert except in a few trades within the industry. Hence
It turns out that today the social experience of the worker is restricted to a small group of comrades.

This enumeration does not intend to be a complete explanation of the labor situation in the North American industry.
The surveys conducted in factories and workshops are sufficient to show that compliance
The impersonal nature of 'the workers with the demands of the trade does not imply automatic or mechanical social relations.
Homogeneous groups of people with mutual respect and loyalty exist everywhere. Techniques have been devised
to maintain human relations within the factory and programs have been formed to replace the
relationships between employers and workers.
As the current system of relations becomes more institutionalized, workers get used to it, they take it for granted.
assumed and are subjected to only a vague understanding of the 'rules of the game'. Most of the
workers are prepared for the type of conformity that their trade demands and as long as there are no injustices
patents probably prefer this situation.

Political control of the industry.

We have seen that the main institutions of North American culture are necessarily systems.
intertwined, with mutual influence and dependence. People who speak naively of complete separation.
Political and religious institutions also regularly complain about the intrusion of the welfare state into the
economic order. There are many points where the government and the economy intersect, and it is difficult to see how
it can prevent this interference or imagine the sociological advantages that may follow from avoiding it.

The idea that the State can be a mere arbiter between "pressure groups" or an impartial and distant judge of the
general economy is as outdated as the individualist philosophers who proposed it. The government
North American exerted control over the economy from the beginning, and as it expanded and became more complex
the economic system also increased this control. We can briefly outline the two directions of
this relationship between political and economic institutions: one of execution and the other of regulation.

The most important aspect of political influence is probably based on the enormous services it has provided.
State of American businesses. Our economy would not be viable if the State did not control the circulation.
monetary, if it did not pursue counterfeiting, if it did not support the banking system, if it did not have a department
of patents, if it did not establish stock regulations and provide a legal framework for everything, from the
establishment of corporations to procedures in cases of bankruptcy and reorganization.
Imposing laws on property and on the terms of contracts, providing direct subsidies and
By setting rates, the government creates other mechanisms aimed at facilitating the functioning of the economy.

In the interest of the overall economy, the government maintains research departments and information offices.
for almost all economic functions. These services assist in mining and forestry exploitation, to
agriculture, to light and heavy industry, to producers and distributors of all types. The doctor who
Condemns agricultural subsidies receives help from the public hygiene service; the farmer who fears medicine.
socialized receives assistance from federal and state agricultural stations. The insurance and exchange commission
help those who invest funds; the Bureau of Labor Statistics provides information about trends in
employment; the quality control office conducts investigations in defense of consumers.

Outside of these and many other support organizations, the government also regulates economic activities, in
first place in order to restrict the monopoly and to promote competition. The government has established rules
against fraudulent practices, misleading advertisements, patent smuggling, etc. All of these are
regulations that the vast majority of honest and efficient merchants have appreciated. However, the
the shout of 'interference' can be heard almost every time the Department of Justice proposes an investigation of
monopoly practices.

In past years, both parties have turned to the government to establish a 'balance' between power.
of the great trusts and the great labor unions. The attempts of Congress and the administration to
promoting industrial harmony has become a banner in every political campaign, leading to interference
even deeper than political institutions in the economic institution. As it has not arisen in
North America has a great workers' party, the two political parties compete for the workers' vote.

These two aspects of political control, that of support and that of regulation, do not always stem from the initiative of
government. Laborers, workers, businessmen, and professionals are forced to conform to many
government regulations and easily accept government support. But many of these
"Political 'interferences' are due to requests from 'pressure groups', cliques, and groups of
interests. It is rarely appreciated that the ten-year census is very useful to the economic system, and that
Many of the questions raised in it have been proposed by people with business interests.

Although for analytical purposes we distinguish between political and economic functions, the concrete situation
reveals an intimate union between both. The operating costs of the government are ultimately paid
with the economic activity of the people, but it can be predicted with certainty that the economy would suffer a
collapse if it were seriously about removing the political function from the economic or even returning to politics
governmental from fifty years ago.

From the perspective of our institutionalized system of values, economic values have been
introduced in the government more than how political values have influenced the economy. The Americans
depend on the government for the promotion of prosperity and to take preventive measures against depressions
economic. Economic problems, such as inflation and the high cost of living, have become a central issue.
from the government, and the American people seem to believe that only the government is 'big enough' to do
something in these subjects.

5. Social planning and morality.

North America is one of the few large societies in the world where there are no mass movements. It is
especially marked by the political apathy of Americans, and a large part of the success of economic movements
organized have been due to the action of relatively small groups of interests and pressure. Outside of
This lack of massive action also reflects a lack of trust in any kind of dictator that has been tried.
to seize control.

In general, it can be said that in the United States, deliberate social engineering yields the best results.
when it is promoted by small groups of high moral. This may seem like an anomaly in a country in the
that large-scale projects are carried out by large organizations that require cooperation
of a large number of people. This appearance is misleading, as we tend to focus on the results of planning,
that is to say, the coordinated action of thousands of people, instead of addressing the very process that gives rise to the
action. To discover the planning process we must observe the committees, boards, offices, and the
small groups of people dedicated to change, reform, and control.

The characteristic quality of all these groups is their high moral standards, which in turn is the result of a
combination of factors. We already saw that teamwork is efficient when three conditions are met:
First, that the action to be carried out is concrete; second, that responsibility for its execution can be assigned;
Third, that the people involved in the action consider it worthwhile. Morality should be added.
among the group members, since without her even groups with excellent leadership and feelings fail
righteousness.

Empirical investigations have shown that morality is present in a group when there is: a) a goal
clearly defined of great value for the members; b) a deep conviction that the goal can be achieved
or at least that a good part of the objective can be achieved;

c) some empirical evidence that progress is being made towards the goal;

d) feelings of solidarity among the group members;

e) finally, perception of danger or external threats to the group. External threats usually
foster unity and raise the spirits of the members.

These conditions of high morality can be observed in all the groups that project and carry out with
success social reforms. We have many examples of this in American society: in the small group that
prepared the so-called 'dry' law, in the group that fought victoriously for women's suffrage and in a certain number
of citizen committees that managed to put an end to vice, gambling, and political corruption in different
cities of the United States.

One of the most vivid examples of the effects of high morale is that of the small organizing committee.
industrial that was formed within the American Federation of Labor around the 1930s. They had everything against them
the tradition of the workers' union movement, as well as the most powerful labor organization in the country.
They formed a coherent group, convinced that their goal not only deserved interest, but also was
something that could be done, and thus they succeeded, with almost immediate effect, in organizing the workers of the industry. It is
it's true that there were some defections, but they only occurred when the group had already become the
powerful Congress of Industrial Organizations.

The importance of high morals is also demonstrated by their absence in a large number of reformers.
failed social movements. The history of the country is marked by aborted attempts at social reform and
especially from groups that opposed strong social trends. The morality of many socialist groups
and Marxists have been broken due to the lack of one or several of these conditions. New groups have formed.
with the same intent and they have also failed in the long run.

It seems that the intensity with which group values are maintained is inversely related to size.
of this and that this strong intensity fosters division, if it does not destroy the group's morale. This is clearly seen
in the extremist groups both on the right and the left that demand pure loyalty from their members and
straight. What happens then is that the deviants and revisionists are either expelled or
they split into independent groups. High morale is often maintained in each split group, but the
The general effect is a weakening of the push towards social reform.

High morality ultimately constitutes the difference between mere social planning and authentic social planning.
engineering. One of the qualities of a leader is that they carry out in social action the ideas they propose.
Similarly, a planning group is tested in maintaining its morale during the period of
transition leading up to the formation of an effective reform program. The members of a small group
They do not carry out all the functions required in the total program. The program requires
necessarily certain cooperation from many people. But progressive ideas remain.
only at the planning stage, unless the morale of the group is maintained until the stage of
politics.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Exchange and Power in Social Life

A Theory of Social Control
LEMERT, EDWIN, Hitman Deviance, Social Problems and Social Control, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs 1967.
GERHARD, Power and Privilege, McGraw-Hill, New York 1966.
Social, Herder, Barcelona II 1972, pp. 178- 181; 221.
POUND, ROSCOE, Social Control Through Law, Yale University Press. New Haven 1942.
ROCHER, GUY, Introduction to general sociology. Herder, Barcelona 1972, pp. 51-56; 240-241; 269-270; 368-
377; 496; 610-611.
 DEVIATION

In the previous chapters we have observed that social change is the variation of a previous mode of
existence, and that social control is the process by which change towards social conformity is achieved or
achieve to maintain this. Both the change and the control are subject to certain regularities and norms. Both are
recurring social and cultural phenomena subjected to routine, as change is inherent to social life and the
control is a necessary condition of society and culture. Social change is directed towards values and norms
currents in culture, and the control of the people's conformity to these norms.

The deviant and the abnormal.

Social and cultural deviation refers to abnormalities and irregularities. The sociologist uses the term
"normal" to indicate everything that is standardized, subject to guidelines, recurring, and characteristic. This
It means, of course, that these regularities of behavior and structure are also used as norms.
to discover and evaluate what is 'abnormal'. It is assumed that normal behavior enjoys the
approval of society, while the abnormal suffers its disapproval, and that the study of deviation
implies to a certain degree the values of culture. However, in strictly scientific terms
Deviation does not denote the observer's subjective approval or disapproval.

If social control is the mechanism by which individuals conform to normal guidelines of the
culture, deviation is the process by which people "fall out of control". People who do not
They proceed normally, that is, they do not conform to the normal and repeated regularities of
behavior, they are called abnormal or deviant. They are not exactly people without norms, or anemic.
Subjectively, every rational person maintains a set of behavioral norms, but as far as
these subjective forms differ, conceptually and externally, from those commonly accepted in culture, the
a person is a deviant. From a sociological point of view, normal people in a society are those who
They share the commonly observed forms of belief and behavior. Those who deviate from these patterns are
deviants.

Positive and negative deviation.

Every culture contains both ideal and actual behavior patterns. The ideal patterns are the
interpretation of the highest values is expressed in the fundamental principles that it subscribes to
society, but they are never fully realized. The standards we take as norms of conformity or
of deviation, they are not the ideals, but the real ones. Thus, morals and customs are the regularities and
normal uniformities according to which the sociologist must estimate the deviation.

Positive deviation is the one that goes in the direction of the ideal behavior patterns. It is the attempt to
approaching these ideal guidelines that society itself considers as superior; to these forms of
behavior people give the label of "more virtuous". The person or group positively oriented and
deviates upwards "rises above" the common, repeated, and real patterns of thought and
This kind of deviants are extraordinary people, saints, heroes, and examples of
behavior. It is easier to discover this type of person in the literature of a people than to recognize them in the
concrete social situations.

There are many historical examples of people who were labeled as radicals and fanatics during their lives, but
who were later recognized as positive deviants. The political and religious revolutionaries went with
pursued frequency. Inventors and discoverers were ridiculed by their contemporaries. Analogous
treatment was given to prophetic social reformers and innovators in the fields of painting,
sculpture and architecture.
These examples show that the perspective of time is important for the recognition of the
positive deviants, and the scientific social observer is simultaneously required to have tolerance and objectivity.

Negative deviation is a movement in the direction of disapproved, inferior behavior, and

inadequate. It means compliance with modes of behavior that are below the standards of culture, which
they are "below" the actual guidelines. This inferior type of behavior is the one that is most commonly encountered.
refers to the term 'deviation' in the writings of sociology. The books that address social problems
they occupy this negatively deviant behavior as it is a downward departure from the level of
acceptable normal behavior in a society. People and negatively deviant groups have for the
of low social status and are looked down upon by their society in general.

It is worth noting that sociologists use three indexes to distinguish between mores, customs, and usages.
in a culture. These are the real guidelines of behavior and are evaluated according to the social pressure applied
to its observance, the extent of conformity among people and the degree of value that is recognized to them.
Similarly, the analysis of deviation gains true scientific meaning if we are aware of
these three criteria and according to them we estimate deviant behavior.

The difficulty of the analysis arises from the fact that these three indices must be used in combination with each other. Speaking in
general, a deviant behavior of a negative nature is accompanied by low social values; they are
relatively few people practice it or demand that it be practiced. Recognized criminals and
the other cases of antisocial behavior easily match this description. Positive deviation
towards a superior and more virtuous behavior responds to the highest values in culture, but does not fill the
two other conditions. There are relatively few people who practice it, and the effective pressure it induces.
practicing it is also meager. Hence, the positive deviation, even when it corresponds to the highest values of
culture must be qualified as a deviation.

Types of negative deviants.

Deviant people are different and abnormal when compared to the average person and with
the average type of behavior. But there are classes of differences and degrees of abnormality in every society.
Among people, there can be extreme nonconformists and moderate nonconformists; they can be abnormal.
from the physical, mental, moral or cultural points of view.

With this we classify more than we explain, but in any case a partial explanation can be attempted.
starting from this type of classification:

a) The mentally deficient and psychologically maladjusted constitute one of the categories of deviants.
negatives. Their behavior is aberrant to different degrees, as they are incapable of adapting to the
normally accepted ways in society. Among these are the delayed, idiots, and fools, as well as
to those who suffer from various psychotic and neurotic disturbances. Their antisocial behavior may vary,
from violent and destructive people to harmless and defenseless ones.

This type of negative deviants is said to be "out of touch with reality" and they need
care of society for its own protection and in the interest of others. Its behavior is random and
eccentric, as they are unable to recognize and reproduce ordinary behavior considered as
normal in society. By calling them 'deviants' no moral or ethical judgment is expressed, since they are not
responsible for their own conduct.

b) Those who are physically or organically impaired are another category of negative deviants according to the degree of
impossibility of continuing the normal forms of life in society. These people are
completely different from psychological and moral deviants. The deaf-mutes, disabled, paralytics and the
chronic illnesses pose a problem for themselves and for society. Through training and the
effort of their personal abilities can learn to participate to a greater or lesser degree in culture and in the
society, but they can never reach the level of behavior that is considered normal and acceptable.

c) The third category consists of what can be called dependent deviants. In a sense, they are people
declassed, who have little or no social status within the normal structure and have to depend on the
society. Such are the helpless, the lost, the dropouts, as well as the genuinely poor and the beggars.
volunteers. This category includes orphans and illegitimate children, although it is possible that once
adults occupy their place as normal social people.

d) Criminal deviants or delinquents are not judged by society with the same criteria as the
mental, physical, and dependent deviants. Criminals are nonconformists who deliberately violate the
value norms of culture. Only by being responsible for their behavior are they subjected to penalties imposed by the
society itself. Its deviant behavior ranges from serious transgressions to minor ones, and
its irregularities range from relatively usual actions to purely occasional ones.

Deviance and social roles.

Behavioral uniformities can be effectively implemented from the perspective of roles.

social. When a person deviates markedly from the normal expectations of their roles, we observe
a lack of uniformity and regularity. As the role meets a specific need and is aimed at an end
recognized, provides us with a key to the cultural transcendence of conformity and nonconformity. The
effective and integrated social personality is one in which all social roles function according to
the normal and expected modes.

The examination through social roles helps to avoid the excessive simplification of judging a person.
totally good or totally bad or to believe that deviation is a total condition of personality
social. A proper analysis of the roles reveals that most nonconformists are only partially
deviants, and that most conformists act abnormally in certain situations. A
absolute conformist seems to be a sociological impossibility, as both conformity and deviation
they are related to the person, the role, and the culture.

From the standpoint of the content of the role, society easily allows for a certain degree of variation and
deviation in the practice of uses. This permissive attitude is lesser regarding customs and becomes
on prohibition regarding morals. Thus, in the parental role, no option is left to the individual on the level of
the mandatory duties towards children. A deviation in this regard from strict mores is not
tolerated by society. But in terms of usage, the father has some freedom of choice as long as it does not
I reached extremes of eccentricity. The father cannot let his son die of hunger, but he can deprive him.
to eat this or that delicacy.

We have seen that the norms of social roles are developed not in society as a whole, but
in the various social groups where the role is performed. Thus, in the process of socialization, the individual does not
learn not merely a total role in general, but the various specific social roles in important groups
in which it participates. Therefore, normal behaviors logically concern the
functions and goals of each group differ from one group to another. A man does not proceed in the same way in a
golf match, in a religious association and at a business meeting. The same set of guidelines for
behavior that is perfectly normal in one situation would be deviant or abnormal in another situation
different.

Translator's note: the term dropunt corresponds to the third and final phase of the wisdom that drugs that develop consciousness lead to.
at this stage the individual achieves their status of marginal within society and culture (drops out, falls out), and assumes their apostolic role from what he calls
counterculture
The deviation of role and social personality.

The acceptable social personality avoids deviation by learning not to "confuse" the roles. 'Society judges it
for its ability to adapt its behavior to specific times, situations, and groups and to fill the
behavior conditions of each role at the moment of performing it. However, the deviation from the
social personality does not usually arise simply by substituting one role for another, as would happen
representing a role as a member of a choir in an economic group. This would be a total disagreement and would be
considered a true abnormality by the other participants.

Role deviation is more frequently observed in the irregular performance of different social roles.
A man can adequately fulfill his roles as a husband and father, as well as his recreational roles and
political, but to deviate from the established norms of behavior in their financial practices. A girl
can normally fulfill all of his social roles except for his role as a student. Conversely, a
A model student can be unbearable as a family child, responding to the demands of behavior.
school and failing in what the family role requires.

It is likely that, if the social roles played by the individual are compared internally, all
Human beings are to a greater or lesser degree social deviants. Here once again it is necessary to make the
distinction between mores, customs, and usages, and to take into account that in many cases the deviation is
a transient aberration. Even normal social personality is sometimes deviant in some aspects of
their social roles. Society allows, and even anticipates, a certain degree of flexibility. A 'slip' here and there hardly
if it is taken into account, and sometimes even approved, as it makes a person "more interesting." However,
a person who is constantly nonconformist in a social role, even when they can perform it properly
his other roles fall squarely under the definition of social deviant.

Institutionalized deviation.

Since behavior guidelines are becoming institutionalized, it is natural for the normal person to be
that which conforms to the general demands of the institutions. The irregular performance of the roles
social interactions by individuals is often a reflection - and sometimes depends - on a certain degree of
inconsistency among the various institutions of a culture. The supreme values of the religious institution.
they may be in conflict with those of the economic or political institution. This institutional inconsistency or
impersonal deviation exists in every culture; and since we define deviation as a lack of conformity,
probably the best way to evaluate it is to confront it with the standards of the axial institution.

Apart from the abstract level of the basic cultural ethos that seems to permeate all institutions, people
they tend to evaluate all institutional norms by confronting them with the axial institution. If the culture is
dominated by the values of family and kinship, there will be a tendency to prioritize all other provisions
institutional in accordance with those and to judge as deviation the forms that do not adapt to them. In
in this sense, deviation is more or less a static concept of inconsistency.

One of the most convoluted problems in sociological analysis is the fact that every culture contains
behavioral deviations subjected to guidelines and seemingly approved. Anthropologists report that certain
primitive tribes approve of occasional orgies and that in simple societies these act as means
to relax tension. Whatever the explanation, the fact is that even the most developed societies and
complexes allow such deviations.

These institutionalized deviations are sometimes called 'patterned evasions'. They are more ways to
less regulated to obstruct the approved and established norms of conduct. They are misleading and
paradoxical and can be called "normal abnormalities." The surreptitious punishment and deprivation inflicted on
certain racial and minority groups, the passive cooperation of the police in these practices and the
tacit approval granted to them by people of the upper class, combine to constitute a form
established deviation. The various forms of prostitution and illegal gambling, bribery, intervention
politics in criminal procedures, the 'dichotomy' in fees and other similar practices are
accepted as 'undesirable' behavior. They satisfy the effective or imagined needs of people
and, even when they contradict the express values of culture, they become systematized deviations and
institutionalized.

Deviant situations.

Apart from the more or less established forms of institutional deviance, sociologists also recognize the
unusual infrequent situation. It is a temporary phenomenon in which people tend to 'forget' and act
completely out of their usual roles. For example, when panic or a crisis arises, people
normal social interactions proceed in a strange and unexpected manner. A riot or a street brawl can bring together
people who had never met and engaging them in unusual behaviors and
incongruent. The definition of a riot implies a plurality of people in an abnormal situation.

Not every deviant situation of this kind is sudden and unforeseen. To panic, to riot, and to the action of the mob
often precede periods of increasing social friction and tension in human relations. A
a labor strike can be very well organized and the intentions of the guards can be completely
peaceful, but often the situation itself degenerates into a social eruption. Similarly, a rebellion
It may have been planned secretly for a long period of time, but when it happens, it creates a situation.
abnormal. The rebels themselves are nonconformists and the action they undertake is abnormal.

If we consider sociocultural deviation as a situation in which a disapproved behavior

socially it is carried out by a community of people, we can distinguish three different levels. The first
it is the more or less established routine of a deviation, like some collusion practices with the agents of
justice in the violations of the traffic code, which are merely tolerated by the people. The second
it is the aberration of time and unexpected behavior that occurs in crises and panics. The third is
the one of the temporary social eruption, but with frequent anticipation, as in the case of violence or conflict.
Numerous and varied are the influences that come into play in each aberrant situation on the three levels of
this analysis.

Deviant groups.

The analysis of every society shows the presence of basic groups: family, educational, economic, political,
religious and recreational. However, it is rare for there to be complete coordination and conformity among all
sectors within each major group. There is a gradation of subgroups that can extend from those that
they adapt to the supreme values and norms even the extreme nonconformists. We call these last ones
deviant groups.

In a large, complex, and dynamic society, numerous can be included under the main headings.
examples of deviant groups. Certain cults and sects deviate from the major religious entities and within
From the mother group, radical movements emerge with demands for reform. Political parties have their
groups of dissidents that sometimes form minor parties. In the business world, there are deviants
positives that launch into new production systems and negative deviants that start businesses
suspects. Analogous forms of organized deviations have been historically observed in groups
recreational, educational, and family-oriented.

We have already seen that among social people, one can point out psychological, physical, and economic deviants.
and ethical. From the standpoint of group classification, ethically deviant groups are those that
they deserve more attention and pose the greatest problems to organized society. These groups are
constituted by lawbreakers, whether they gather to form momentary riots and tumult or
relatively permanent associations of various species of criminals. The illegal groups morally
deviants, gangs, and even true criminal syndicates exist to a greater or lesser extent in all
the great societies.
The sociologist must understand that these criminal groups and associations are only partially deviant.
Analysis of their functions and structures reveals that they exist and act according to all sociological generalizations.
what we have done about non-deviant groups. Individuals follow patterns of behavior,
they perform roles and have status within the structure. They make use of the various processes and relationships, and
they also need control and administration. These groups are stratified and have their leaders and their henchmen;
their common behavior is institutionalized. They differ, however, sociologically from non-groups.
deviants because some of their values and actions do not align with those approved and
accepted by the great society.

The objectives of negatively deviant groups vary somewhat, but follow the general direction.
of the total exploitation of society. Probably the main reason for some of the gangs of boys
It is the desire for animation and recreation, while that of a corrupted political mechanism can be aspiration.
to power. However, generally, ethically deviant groups exploit society for profit.
material. In this sense, they are economic groups that seek financial gain through illegal means and in
disapproved forms in culture.

The distinction between groups that remain within the law and groups that break the law is not so
clear as this description might suggest. If we were to have sufficient data about each of the
individuals, we would find ourselves in a position to establish a continuous series of people that would extend from
professional criminals to honest and upright citizens. However, at certain points of
this series continues there are numerous people who pass as honorable citizens, but who participate
regularly in illegal activities. We have already seen that in every culture there are evasions subject to guidelines or
institutionalized deviations. For example, the entire range of bribery and more or less open collusion, the
called 'white-collar crimes', contains deviant groups of people who practice these patterns.

Marginal groups.

We have seen regarding the norms accepted by a culture that people and groups can be
deviants either positively or negatively, some above the established norm of behavior, others
below it. Some people, groups, and types of behavior are found "on the sidelines" of the
admitted limits of the sociocultural system. They are neither completely inside it nor completely outside of it.

The concept of cultural marginality does not necessarily imply an ethical or moral judgment. The marginal man is
one that has not been fully assimilated or adapted to the social and cultural norms of the society in which
live. The marginal person is different and in this sense is deviant, even though they may put serious effort into
follow the customs and be accepted by the majority of people.

Marginal groups are evidently minority groups and from the broad perspective of society
they are more technically designated as 'social categories'. They are largely made up of
immigrants and newcomers, who still express the characteristics of their socialization in a culture
different. The marginal categories can also be racial or religious minorities that, except in their
special characteristic, fully share the culture of the majority population.

Marginality is assessed according to the general criteria of social status, and in a large modern society it is
necessarily a dynamic concept. The marginal person does not possess to a sufficient degree some of the
value elements that elevate status in society, whether it be wealth, skin color, type of education,
religion or others. Most of these elements gradually change in the people who possess them, and their
Assessment can also change over a period of time in the minds of most. The marginal group
it is peripheral to total culture and should be considered as oriented towards it, unless in the social structure
There are organizations similar to those of caste.

The degree of deviation of the marginal group ultimately depends on what is considered normal in the
total system. The deviant group can only be accepted to the extent that it 'achieves' normality.
The concept of achievement emphasizes the social role, while the concept of ascription emphasizes status. The former is
much more effective for the person or group already within global society, while the second
It is of greater importance for the marginalized person or group. Marginality is consequently an aspect
special of the deviation, given that marginal deviants often cannot do anything to
eliminate the source of your deviation.

Social problems and progress.

Social deviation is a peculiar phenomenon in that it simultaneously creates social problems and conditions for
social progress. If society were a well-balanced mechanism that functioned exactly
Repeated, it would not be subject to abnormalities or improvements from within. Every social and cultural system is subject
an internal change and a deviation from the previously accepted regularities and norms.

Sociologists who use the 'values approach' define a social problem as a discrepancy between
the norms of value and real social behavior, and they assume that there are always conflicts between
different groups of values. Whether this approach is used or not, the social problem seems to always be related
with a deviation from the accepted standards of behavior. The list of problems
social issues typically analyzed by sociologists —poverty, crime and delinquency, housing shortages,
poor health and others—suggests that a considerable number of people do not participate or cannot participate
normally in the elements considered as valuable in culture.

It is evident that the term 'social problem' is connected with negative deviation. It is defined as
social pathology or social disorganization is a behavior that deviates sharply downwards
straying from the approved and desired social standards. The collective effort to solve or alleviate the
social problems must include an effort to reduce the gap between behavioral norms and the
specific situation. The attempt to eliminate this deviation aims to "restore" society to its level of
normality.

Social progress does not simply consist of eliminating social problems or reducing the degree of
negative deviation in a society. Nor is it possible to imagine a relatively stagnant society, in
the one that establishes a permanent normality. Social progress, however it is defined, proceeds in the
direction of positive deviation and has its origin in positively deviated individuals or groups. If they were
Rigid are the cultural uniformities, if people repeated the same patterns of behavior exactly.
In the same way, if human beings could not foresee, plan, and execute new action programs,
there could be no positive deviation or social progress. The experiences accumulated by people
they constitute the normal and expected patterns of behavior, but they are also the foundations from which
they project new guidelines for social and cultural behavior.

Temporary modifications, such as novelties and fashions, do not constitute significant deviations, although
They indicate that a culture can be extremely volatile. Important advancements come from the great
positive and lasting deviations that raise the level of normality. The extension of protection of the
human duties to an increasing number of people in a society represent such a kind of
positive deviation. The introduction of new institutional forms, with which conflicts can be mitigated
among the groups, the expansion of facilities for participation in society and culture, the elevation of
Family life level is an example of deviation in the direction of more acceptable and valued norms.

THE DEVIATION IN NORTH AMERICA

Leisure as deviation.

One of the most notable changes taking place in North American society is the development of subculture.
of leisure. The traditional insistence on hard work as a means of both material prosperity and health
eternal, has not disappeared among Americans, but the continuous advance of machine power has
greatly alleviated the burden of manual labor. The Puritan notion that 'idleness is the mother of
all vices" still persists with some vigor, and even our free time has been filled with activity
febrile. Speaking in general terms, it can be said that the emphasis that was previously placed on production has been
now transferred to consumption.

This shift from a work culture to a leisure culture is not, of course, a

radical subversion. The work continues, but a notable change has occurred in the forms of work; always
there has been leisure, but currently new patterns of it are emerging. This emergence of institutionalized leisure may
calling itself a form of social and cultural deviation. It is an abandonment of attitudes and behaviors
standardized practices that previously existed in the recreational institution. It is a new orientation that forms
new regularities and normalities that are having a huge effect on the overall culture.

The analysis of this recreational deviation uncovers certain general lines of conduct. These forms have not been
established with all rigor, nor will they probably be able to establish themselves as long as our culture remains rapid
change, but they are well established enough to recognize that they are completely different from forms
previous.

a) In the general field of entertainment, there has been a marked relaxation of the so-called Victorian mores and
Puritans. Movies with love scenes that would have been daring for a male audience some time ago.
fifty years old, are exhibited currently in all local rooms. Illustrated magazines have passed
from the stories of healthy heroes who always triumphed over the forces of evil to stories in which a stranger
An outer space hero performs fantastic feats. Songs that would have shocked two generations ago.
Today, almost all teenagers hum them to the North Americans.

b) In the general field of what moralists call 'thirst for pleasures', there have also been changes.
considerable. We spend more money per person on tobacco than on public education. The predominance of
tobacco among women signifies a total reversal of previous patterns. The consumption of alcoholic beverages,
especially of combinations, not only has it increased enormously, but it has also influenced the patterns
for entertainment for visitors. Various changes in attitudes and conditions allow for a sexual freedom that
It would have been unthinkable in American society before.

c) One of the broadest generalizations that illustrate leisure and wealth in modern North America is
it can be studied under the category of conspicuous consumption. In many societies, they have been used as a symbol of
status ostentatious lifestyles, but among Americans, many objects that once were pure
luxuries are now considered necessities. However, we see how people who never read a book
they buy and display entire shelves of heavy volumes; to people who don't know how to swim and build swimming pools
in the back of the house; to people who only have one car and build and maintain a garage for three
cars; to women who wear mink fur when the temperature calls for a light dress.

There are degrees of conformity with these new behaviors and there are also differences among them.
deviant personalities that introduce or accept change. A stripper is still considered by most
as a deviant personality, as well as a teenager who commits a crime in accordance with the model of
some story read in detective magazines. The drunkard from the upper class is called an alcoholic and is treated with
certain sympathy. The person who puts a television antenna on the roof without having a receiver at home or the man who
guiding a car more expensive than what his situation allows can be ridiculed by his neighbors, but of
Anyway, he is a person who knows and strives to follow the new guidelines of behavior.

Whatever the judgment on the good or bad of these changes, the deviation cannot be attributed to the goodness or
evil of people. The change in attitudes regarding sin and virtue undoubtedly influence
the external guidelines for recreation, but the deviation we are addressing is more than a personal matter. At a certain
In a sense, Americans have found that "leisure was imposed on them" and perhaps they have not yet learned to
manage it. There are signs of popular interest in music and painting, of patterns of manual work with which
to take care of oneself at home, in appreciation of the beauties of nature during excursions and tourism trips.

These three major lines of development: entertainment, thirst for pleasures, and large-scale consumption must
to consider oneself within the perspective that recreational deviation opens up for us. It would be an error to exaggerate them as
external forms of behavior practiced by most North Americans. It is likely that these
they are in some way influenced by them, and hence their sociological importance. From a negative point of view, they are
deviations against which the majority of people no longer protest, and from a positive point of view are
admired and desired deviations by many people.

2. Deviations in religion.

North American culture contains an extraordinary number of internal religious deviations. Almost all the
Known forms of current rites can be seen practiced somewhere among the religious entities of
our country. However, most religious oddities or abnormalities are practiced by a number
relatively small number of people. Most practitioners profess certain worship guidelines
well-known fundamentals.

Outside of these internal deviations, which have been widely studied and commented on, there is also the
aspect of religious deviation in how it influences non-religious institutions. Here we consider the way
how the accepted and practiced behavioral guidelines in a religious group extend beyond the group
as an attempt to reform non-religious norms. From the perspective of social deviation, this means
a behavior considered normal within the religious group, but seen as abnormal by the majority
The Americans have been introduced as a general guideline for society as a whole. Sometimes the new
The agenda has been successfully introduced, but other times. no...

a) The most well-known experiment in this line is the 'eighteenth amendment' of the constitution, known as the
The 'dry' law. Some fundamentalist religions taught that the use of drinks is sinful.
intoxicating, they managed to gain enough political support to declare the sale of liquors illegal. But the country
he resisted moving from the consumption of alcohol to abstinence, and in the end, the law had to be repealed. The struggle against the
game, also promoted by these religious groups, has been successful in some places.

b) The issue of teaching religion in the public education system has had some curious
variations. All churches maintain that religion should be taught to children, but there are so many churches in
the United States that has not been able to reach an agreement on what should be taught. The same version
Bible Protestantism is no longer taught in most public schools, and in many places it has
established the system of 'subtracting time' from classes for religious instruction in the church. It has been
introduced the custom of religious instruction and has increased the percentage of children who receive it,
but the people who teach it are not public school officials.

c) To a certain extent, churches have managed to extend the concept of racial brotherhood in vast sectors of the
American life. In many cases, the churches themselves had to start by abandoning the guidelines.
internal segregation and develop a doctrine of Christian solidarity before fostering it in the structure not
religious. Although religious groups have not been the only agents of racial integration in society
North American, the influence of religious leaders in establishing new guidelines has been truly
Great. What was previously considered a peculiar local deviation and of groups in this sense is now
now gradually accepting it as a formalized practice throughout society.

d) On the plane of the conceptual guidelines of economic justice, the principles of the papal encyclicals and of
Other various statements from religious authorities have enjoyed great acceptance. These principles have
put into practice thanks to the direct action of religious representatives, who have acted as arbitrators in
strikes, as well as through the religious services of Labor Day, through newspapers
labor institutions, and with the establishment of mixed institutes (of employers and workers). The idea that the institution
Religion has something to offer to the economic institution; it is no longer foreign to most Americans.

The examples we just gave are a summary indication of how the changes introduced have been
deliberately sought in order to transfer religious guidelines to other sectors of life. Frequently
the opposite trend, the so-called secularization of our culture, has been highlighted. Other examples can be given.
examples of religious guidelines that have remained as established practices since ancient times the celebration of
Christmas, Easter, Thanksgiving Day, Memorial Day, and the religious ceremonies observed in the
birth, in marriage and in death. These guidelines can hardly be called deviations, since
It has been some time since they have been accepted as norms of normal behavior.

To some extent, the acceptance of religious deviations in non-religious institutions involves various
phenomena of change, control and social integration. It is likely that, as culture advances with age
North Americans, acquire a closer coordination of your main institutions and greater exchange of
guidelines. This requires that in several institutions some deviations be tolerated and that those who have
It is deeply felt that these deviations are allowed to propagate. American society offers a fertile ground.
for the experimentation in beliefs and religious practices, and although most of the deviations
They languish or disappear, some of them become accepted norms in total culture.

3. The law, a brake on deviation.

The American legal system acts as both a positive and negative control over social deviation, given that
that promotes conformity to the norms and employs formalized techniques for the punishment of those who do not
conformists. The home, the church, and the school are important instruments to stimulate conformity, to
to instill appreciation for the supreme social values and to standardize people's behavior. These and others
Institutionalized groups manage to promote respect for the law, but they do not have clear definitions of the guidelines.
of behavior nor the system of pressure and punishment that the law has at its disposal.

The American people, despite their tradition of individualism and despite the rapid change in their culture,
live 6n general within the legality. Sensational reports on discontent, from crimes
from youth gangs to premeditated homicides by organized criminals, overlook the fact of
that most Americans have never been involved in violations of the law. Here it does not come to the
whether the crime rate is higher or lower than that of other countries. What interests us is the fact that
that the law acts among us as a strong impediment to a serious social deviation.

a) To the extent that the guidelines of other groups are ineffective, the law acts as the definitive means of
control. The punishment inflicted by parents, expulsion from a school, excommunication by a church or the
ostracism imposed by another group or association may suffice in particular cases as mechanisms
of control. The individual can "return to the fold" or accept the dominant behavioral uniformities in
other groups; but if it persists in serious deviations, it must ultimately comply with the law.

b) The law is more precise and detailed in its guidelines for behavior than any other system.
institutionalized controls. Every formal association has rules and statutes, but these are limited
exclusively to their own members, often formulated vaguely and ineffectively and only
they take seriously in critical situations. The canon law of the Catholic Church is the only notable exception
in this particular, but it is already a legal system.

c) The laws that define prohibited and deviant behaviors have been written and interpreted by experts.
experts and have been discussed and enacted by municipal assemblies, of the States and federal
deliberately established for this purpose. In no other sector of human activity is there a large corporation.
to finally establish the norms of conformist behavior and the criteria according to which
deviations can be judged. In no other sector of society is such a rational effort applied to
elaborate the modules that indicate what is beneficial and what is harmful to society.
d) The law is a relative and changing system, but legal norms at a given time tend to be absolutist.
Although there may be legislative and legal disparities, there is, however, a constant demand for compliance.
with legal standards. Being the law capable of changes and improvements, it is in a position to face any
new large-scale deviation that threatens culture. The immutable principles of natural moral law are
recognized as the foundation of legislation, but the application of the law responds to the needs and interests of
the total society.

e) The objectivity of the law, strictly interpreted, requires that the deviant criminal be punished, not for
being antisocial and immoral, but for having violated the specific legal norms of behavior. However,
In reality, the entire system of legislation and legal coercion, with its police, its courts, and prisons, makes
pressure for the individual to accept and meet a minimum standard of behavior. It is essential
the well-being of society is maintained by this minimum of compliance.

These statements regarding the usefulness of the law to retract from cultural and social deviation do not imply that
either catch and punish all criminals or ensure that all aspects of the legal system function effectively.
The fact that a law is 'on the books' does not mean that it is enforced rigorously, nor even
that is accepted by the majority of the people. The body of laws in a society is not a reliable indication of
effective behavior of people. Perhaps a strict legislative code is applied very loosely in a
society, while another society is more stringent in the application of a less severe code.

Therefore, the American legal system can only be analyzed sociologically in relation to the
effective behavioral patterns of Americans. There is a certain degree of public corruption; there are
occasional errors of justice; there are abuses among lawyers, as well as there is personnel
incompetent in the total system. However, despite these deficiencies, the law continues to act to prevent and
to punish and sometimes to reform the criminal deviants.

It is probably true that every social and cultural system has the type of legislation it deserves. Society
pluralistic America is in many ways tolerant of deviation; it has arisen from groups that had experienced
many variations in their cultural patterns; has absorbed both ideas and people from many societies
different. Tolerance and differences have certain external limits, and the legal system is mainly the
who sets these limits when it is observed that people and behavior patterns start to cross
from the stripe.

The pattern of divorce

4. The divorce guideline.

The traditions of the past century in the United States revealed a remarkable degree of stability in the
marriage. In the mid-century, the general and ideal type of marriage was one of permanence and
indissolubility. There were, of course, also cases of unfortunate marriages, infidelity, and even
abandonment. The churches were not favorable to the second marriages of divorced people; the law imposed
generally difficulties in divorce; finally, a strong social pressure compelled married people to
stay together. Around 1990 there was one divorce for about seventy marriages; currently the annual ratio
The divorce rate in urban areas is about one in four, give or take.

The contemporary pattern of divorce in the United States deviates from what was normal in the last century.
Divorce laws in some states are extremely lax; undoubtedly many courts allow the
collusion; the alleged causes of divorce are often childish; some churches impose little sanction
negative, and social disapproval does not weigh on people.

The different conception of divorce also implies a change in the conception of marriage. Thus, there exists
indeed a double deviation regarding the essential quality of the indissolubility of the marital bond. This
a solemn contract seems to be in some cases less restrictive than a mortgage contract or than a
commitment to pay for the items delivered to the buyer. It is likely that most people when
entering into marriage intend to do so forever. The conditions stipulated in the contract
seem to change under the influence of experience, and because of this change in conditions, the spouses
frequently authorized to terminate the contract.

Here are some of the aspects of the deviation resulting from the spread of divorce:

a) Not all divorced people have children; however, the lack of offspring can sometimes be a factor that
affects divorce. However, the children of divorced people are forced to make numerous
adaptations. Living with one parent and visiting the other weekly, getting used to living with a 'new'
father or mother at home and at the same time continue greeting the other during the weekly visit, things that can cause a
most bewildering experience. Whether the child lives at home or is housed by adoptive parents or is
found in an educational institution, is always the product of a broken home and its process of socialization
is deeply influenced by this experience.

b) The same divorced people necessarily have to make adaptations to the new situation. The
Behavior patterns of people who have lived together change completely once they have separated. The
woman in particular appears to be situated in a new category that seems to provide good opportunities for a
second marriage and consequently creates difficulties for the divorced person who does not believe in second marriages.
The man also has to face new problems when trying to return to living as a single person.

c) Nevertheless, the relative independence of the marital entity in American society, marriage
develop a more or less loose system of contact and communication between the relatives of both
spouses. The longer the marriage lasts, the easier it is for the relatives by affinity of the two
relatives establish mutual relationships. If there are small children, some of the relatives are godparents of baptism or of
confirmation, and the grandparents also take an interest in the children and keep in touch with them. Few ceremonies
social events are more singular than the wedding of children of divorced parents. It has not yet been possible to establish a
satisfactory protocol for such situations.

d) Similarly, although to a lesser embarrassing degree, divorce requires the readjustment of friendship circles.
of both spouses. Invitations to parties, meals, and other friendly gatherings now impose a selection
careful. Married couples develop and maintain at least a small circle of friends with
who are treated. If divorced people remain in the same community and continue to belong to the
same religious or regional circles and to other primary groups, the contacts with their common friends
can often be annoying.

The deviations in both the forms of marriage and divorce may have their roots in the aspect
more personal than social in the marital relationship. However, the study of divorced individuals, of
your children, relatives, neighbors, and friends show that neither marriage nor divorce can be a purely
personal. Even in the American system, which emphasizes the marital group formed by the spouses more than the
total group of relatives, one must recognize the broad social and cultural effects of marriage.
Deviations in a relationship as fundamental as that of marriage necessarily have to originate
deviations in a broader circle of people.

The insistence on the self, on the personal desires and privileges that characterize divorce, is in conflict with
an important American social trend towards collective morality. In almost all other sectors of
social problems there is progress in the sense of better cooperation, greater cohesion in the
group relationships, social justice, guaranteed social rights for higher categories of citizens.
The increase in social welfare and collective action seems to be in proportion to a broader acceptance.
of social values and greater conformity with the social virtues of charity and justice.
Divorce is a deviation in this aspect as well. It not only gives rise to new behavior patterns in
divorced people and in others, but also diverges from the general American trend
towards integration and social cohesion.

Mental abnormalities

5. Mental abnormalities.

We already indicated that most social deviants are only partially so, meaning they abandon
occasionally the appropriate customs or those that only deviate in some of their social roles. People
Mentally abnormal individuals are also abnormal in their social behavior. There is a gradation among them.
from the totally deviant to the person who only suffers from a moderate disturbance. The sociologist does not deal
directly with organic psychotics, whose mental disturbance depends on some defect in the structure or in
the physiology of the organism. These mainly present medical problems and only secondarily problems
social.

The so-called functional psychotics make up the largest percentage of North Americans suffering from
mental abnormalities and whose psychoses have not been explained by known physical or organic causes. They have
interest for sociologists not only because they involve all kinds of behavioral aberrations, but also
because some of them seem to be victims of the social and cultural environment. Functional psychoses are decreasing
increase in the United States, and more than half of the hospital beds at any given time are
occupied by this kind of patients.

Statistics regarding mental illnesses in our country have led to great controversy.
A large number of young people have been rejected by the armed services due to various types of disorders.
personality, and the number of Americans undergoing treatment for such disorders is increasing.
speed that the population itself. If this increase depends on the greater accuracy of the diagnoses and of the
greater attention paid to these disturbed individuals, or if there is really an effective increase in pathological cases, is
something that has not yet been clarified.

Schizophrenics and manic-depressives seem to make up more than half of Americans suffering from
mental disturbances, and it is said that these functional disorders are still on the rise: Sometimes they are
it vaguely calls "split personalities," although only the last type mentioned presents displacements.
extremes of personality that alternate between excitement and depression. These two types are not only more
frequent, but they also continue treatment for longer than the others.

Almost half a million Americans are hospitalized in all kinds of psychiatric hospitals. Some of
they have a cure; others are permanently and hopelessly out of touch with reality and normalcy
of behavior. All of them form an extensive category of North Americans with deviant behavior. Their
responsibility is diminished, and they cannot be classified as moral deviants. Some of the sources
Social and cultural aspects of these disorders may be the following:

a) The rapidity of change in American society is often cited as the causal factor of
mental abnormalities. The need to adapt to new situations, to new patterns, to new values is
it becomes a cause of mental confusion. The less gifted individuals cannot keep up; they are required
too much and her nerves collapse.

b) The United States has the most competitive culture the world has ever known. The competition in
itself is a social process of high value, and from childhood, people are trained to be good
competitors: But competition means that some people will not achieve the prize or desired goal. It
count on those who lose to accept defeat gracefully, but to try again; in some cases
Repeated failures lead to discouragement and mental imbalances.
c) The complexity of American society is an overwhelming problem for some people. There is
too many factors, and too large and complicated for the individual to understand them and
to dominate them. The major sectors of war and peace, of prosperity and economic depression, of customs
Political and religious issues do not lend themselves to easy analysis. The individual feels defenseless in the face of these gigantic forces.
problems and disappointment can lead to mental disturbances.

d) The inconsistencies of culture, whether real or imaginary, are also a disruptive factor for
many people. We have already talked about the evasions and inconsistencies in behavior in many sectors.
of American life. For many, these things "make no sense." They represent a kind of disorder.
which annoys and unsettles the person who wants to see everything arranged reasonably and perfectly.
Above all, people of low intelligence often take their demands on others too literally.
and for this reason she is often seen disappointed and frustrated. She cannot understand why the effective guidelines
behavior does not always match the ideal patterns of our culture.

Much has also been insisted on the secularization of North American culture as a factor of disorders.
mental. Human beings probably need a lot of moral support to maintain a
stable personality. For many people, one of these supports has been trust in the providence of a being
supreme. Secularization tends to diminish the importance of prayer and divine grace. But it is quite curious.
that the opposite can also bring disappointment, namely, the neglect of the secondary causes of the world
material leads people to make unreasonable and presumptuous demands on the first cause
transcendent. They expect miracles, and if they do not come, they invent them.

These are the attempts at sociological explanation for the evident increase in functional psychoses in the
American society. Psychiatrists are paying more attention than ever to the cultural environment as a factor of
mental disorders. Since conceptual frameworks are an integral part of culture, there is no doubt that
that at least in many cases there is a correlation between internal personal aspects and aspects
external impersonals of culture.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The Other Sicle

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Sociology Issues, Herder, Barcelona 1971, pp. 1363-1404.
BIENEN, HENRY, Violence and Social Change, University of Chicago Press, Chicago 1968.
CLINARD, MARSHALL, Sociology of Deviant Behavior, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York 1968.
LIEBOW, [Link], Tally’s Córner, Little, Brown, Boston 1967.
MATZA, DAVID, Delinquency and Drift, Wiley, New York 1964.
ROCHER, GUY, Introduction to General Sociology, Herder, Barcelona 1972, pp. 63-65.
YABLONSKY, LEWIS, The Violent Gang, Macmillan, New York 1962.