Beginners Somali Grammar
Beginners Somali Grammar
BEGINNER’S
SOMALI GRAMMAR
Morgan Nilsson
Gothenburg
25 August 2023
Preliminary version
Final version expected later this autumn/winter.
1
Plural only nouns 50 kalé other 73
2
yahay is 123 Prepositions 153
Adjectives with copular verb Object pronoun + preposition
suffixes 124 154
§ 11.13.2a The use of yahay ‘is’ 126 The negator má 154
§ 11.13.2b Different equivalents of Viewpoint particles 154
English ‘is’ 126 Distribution particles 155
leeyahay has 128 Position particles 155
§ 11.13.3a Equivalents of English has
§ 12.3 The particle phrase 156
129
Sentence particles 156
yaallaa lies, is 130
Short subject pronouns 158
yaqaannaa knows 131
Obligatory subject pronouns 158
yimaaddaa comes 132
Omission of the short subject
yiraahdaa says 133
pronoun 158
§ 11.14 Formation of verbs 134
Inchoative verbs in ‒oobaa / ‒ § 13. Simple clauses 160
oodaa 134 § 13.1 Sentence constituents 160
Inchoative verbs in ‒aadaa 134 Subjects 160
Causative verbs in ‒eeyaa 134 Predicate agreement 162
Causative verbs in ‒iyaa 135 Focused subjects 164
Causative verbs in ‒siiyaa 137 Objects 164
Anticausative verbs in ‒maa 137 § 13.1.4a Two objects 165
Autobenefactive verbs in ‒(s)taa Adverbials 166
/ –(sa)daa 138 § 13.1.5a The preposition u 167
§ 13.1.5b The preposition ku 169
§ 12. Phrases and word order 140
§ 13.1.5c The preposition ka 172
§ 12.1 The noun phrase 140 § 13.1.5d The preposition la 173
Nouns as modifiers 141 § 13.1.5e Variation in the use of
Adjectives as modifiers 142 prepositions 174
Noun + adjective as a modifier § 13.1.5f Preposition with position
phrase 142 particle 174
Adjectives with headwords in – § 13.1.5g Complex ”prepositional
kii/–tii 142 phrases” 175
Relative clauses as modifiers 143 § 13.1.5h Recipient or indirect object
Noun + ah being as a modifier 176
phrase 143 § 13.1.5i Place adverbials 176
Noun + leh having; with as a § 13.1.5j Time adverbials 177
modifier phrase 144 § 13.1.5k Manner adverbials 177
Agreement in definiteness 144 § 13.1.5l Nouns with possessive
Noun phrases expressing endings 177
quantity 145 Vocatives 178
Counting uncountable nouns 145
§ 13.2 Declarative clauses 179
More than one modifier 146
Clauses with the verb to be 179
More than two nouns in a phrase
To be with focused subjects 180
149
Comparison 181
The phrase ká mid ah of 149
Telling the time 181
Prepositions before verbal nouns
150 § 13.3 Questions 182
Prepositions before other nouns Wh-questions with focus 182
150 Wh-questions without focus 183
The particle ‒ba 150 Yes/no questions 183
Multiple choice questions 185
§ 12.2 The verb phrase 152
3
§ 13.4 Commands 186 § 15.4 Adverbial clauses 202
Warnings and prohibitions 186 Temporal clauses 202
Conditional clauses 204
§ 13.5 Negative clauses 187
Final subclauses 205
Negative questions 187
Concessive clauses 205
§ 14. Coordination 188 Causal clauses 206
Circumstantial clauses 206
§ 14.1 The conjunctions ama and mise 189 Comparative clauses 207
§ 14.2 The conjunction ee 190 § 15.5 English indirect questions 208
§ 14.3 The conjunctions laakiín, -se and balse Indirect yes/no questions 208
191 § 15.6 Direct speech as object clause 209
§ 14.4 The conjunction waáyo 191 § 15.7 Negative subordinate clauses 209
§ 14.5 The conjunctional phrase sababta oo ah
192 § 16. Colloquial Somali 210
4
Abbreviations and signs
[ ] indicates the pronunciation of words
/ / indicates the sound structure of words
< > indicates the spelling of words
C colloquial (common in colloquial Somali)
CMPL completive aspect (expresses a completed action)
FIN.FOC final focus (focus on the last noun phrase)
FOC focus (focus on the preceding noun phrase)
N north (more common in the north)
PR.FOC predicate focus (focus on the predicate verb, adjective or noun)
Q question particle
S south (more common in the south)
sb. somebody
sth. something
5
§ 1. The Somali speaking areas
Somali is spoken by more than 25 million people, making it approximately
the 10th largest language in Africa and the 70th largest in the world. Most
Somali speakers live in five countries in the Horn of Africa, but there is
also a large diaspora that can be found practically all around the world.
1 Somaliland declared itself independent from Somalia in 1991, but no other country has
recognised Somaliland so far. In practice, however, Somaliland functions as an independent
state with its own parliament, currency, army etc.
2 Approximately like Swedish and Norwegian /rd/, similar to /d/, but pronounced with the tip
of the tongue touching a point higher up (farther back) on the roof of the mouth.
6
/dh/ doesn’t normally occur after a vowel, and /r/ is used instead. Both
manners of pronunciation and spelling are considered equally correct in
standard Somali.
7
resemble the European and Arabic forms of these names; however, both
forms have an equal status in the standard language.
8
In some instances, one of the words in the pair has developed into the
more neutral one in written standard Somali, e.g.
With respect to loanwords, the middle and southern parts of Somalia were
mainly influenced by Italian for many decades, whereas Somaliland was
instead influenced by English. In Ethiopia there has also been some
influence from Amharic, and in Djibouti from French. The largest
influences in all Somali speaking areas are, however, from Arabic, but
today the influence of English is rapidly growing in all areas, just like in
many other parts of the world.
usbúuc (from Ar. ᾿usbuuc), wíigN (from Eng. week), sitimáanS (from It.
settimana) or toddobáad (purely Somali), all meaning week
9
§ 2. The script
Somali was introduced as the official language of Somalia on 1 January
1973 after a decision announced by the government on 21 October 1972. It
was decided that Somali was to be written with the Latin script. Earlier,
Arabic script, as well as a few scripts especially invented for Somali, had
also been used to some extent. The choice of the Latin script was mainly
due to considerations of economy, as most of the typewriters and printing
presses in the country had been used to write the previous colonial
languages, i.e. Italian in the south, middle and east, and English in the
northwest.
This is the order of the letters in the Arabic alphabet, and it should
probably be regarded as a symbolic remedy for those who, in the 1950s
and 1960s, wanted to establish the Arabic script for Somali.
However, the traditional Somali order isn’t used very much for practical
purposes, e.g., when arranging the words in a dictionary or a list of names
in alphabetical order.
1. b) Muqdisho
t) Hargeysa
j) Boosaaso
2. b) Jabbuuti
t) Jigjiga
j) Kismaayo
x) Garoowe
10
§ 2.2 Orthography
Somali spelling and the use of punctuation marks has never been
thoroughly regulated by any institution or in any reference book. There
are, however, quite a few rules scattered through different schoolbooks,
as well as a fifty year old tradition to take guidance from. The spelling in
printed texts is relatively homogenous, and when it is not, it is most often
possible to find a consensus regarding which spelling of a specific word
should be considered the “best” one.
Soomáaliya Somalia
Soomaáli a Somali
af Soomaáli Somali (language)
Sábti Saturday
Abríil April
Jiiláal / jiiláal winter/summer (warm dry season, Dec.‒Feb.)
Koonfúr / koonfúr south
11
<gg> and <dd> in nouns with a suffix
If a masculine noun ends in <g>, all forms with a determiner suffix will be
written (and pronounced) with a double (intense) <gg> due to the
assimilation of the /k/ in the suffix with the /g/ in the stem.
If a feminine noun ends in -d, all forms with a determiner suffix will be
written (and pronounced) with a double (intense) -dd- due to the
assimilation of the /t/ in the suffix with the /d/ in the stem.
12
§ 3. The sound system
Compared to many other languages, Somali spelling reflects the
pronunciation in a very straightforward way.
§ 3.1 Vowels
Somali has five letters representing vowels: i, e, a, o and u. The most
frequent way of pronouncing each of these vowels is approximately the
same as in many other languages that have five vowels, e.g., Spanish or
Czech. One could also compare them to the pronunciation of the vowels
in the English words swim, bed, car, more and shoe.
Heavy vowels
However, the Somali vowel system is more complex than the spelling
reveals, as each vowel letter may be pronounced in two different ways.
There is a second, less frequent way of pronouncing each letter. Those
sounds are produced with greater tension in the throat, and are
traditionally referred to as heavy vowels. They only occur in certain
words.
13
e convey
a apple
o approx. like French sœur
u approx. like French sur
Diphthongs
Somali has three diphthongs. Their spelling and pronunciation may vary
a bit: ey/ay, ow/aw and oy. In standard Somali it has never been regulated
whether one should write <ey> and <ow>, which often seem to be closer
to the pronunciation, or <ay> and <aw>. In the 1970s the spelling with <ey>
and <ow> was somewhat more frequent than it is nowadays. At present,
<ay>, especially, has become obviously more common than <ey>.
14
§ 3.2 Consonants
More than half of the 22 Somali consonants are pronounced in more or
less the same way as in English. This applies to b, d, f, g, h, j, k, l, m, n, s,
sh, t, w and y. The sounds /t/ and /k/ are accompanied by aspiration, i.e. a
distinct burst of breath, just like in English.
The sound /dh/ is very similar to the Swedish and Norwegian sound
written <rd>. It is similar to a /d/, but pronounced with the tip of the
tongue touching a point higher up, above the alveolar ridge. YouTube3
and Wikipedia 4 offer further helpful details.
Double <bb, dd, gg> are however pronounced more distinctly and with
more slightly more energy and longer duration.
3 <dh> https://youtu.be/nU7H_aiG-kc
4 <dh> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voiced_retroflex_plosive
15
The Somali /r/ differs from how it is usually pronounced in English. It is
quite similar to the trilled or rolled /r/ sound in Italian or Spanish, but
sometimes becomes voiceless at the beginning or end of a word.
Double <ll, mm, nn, rr> are also pronounced with some extra energy and
duration.
The letters <c, kh, q, x, ’> represent sounds that correspond closely to their
Arabic counterparts: c = ع, kh = خ, q = ق, x = ح, ’ = ء.
The <c> is rather similar to a very voiced /h/. Pronouncing /h/, the air flow
is given a free passage through the throat, but when pronouncing /c/ the
tongue root is pushed back towards the back of the throat in order to
constrict the air flow into a narrow channel, thereby causing turbulence.
This sound is often perceived by Europeans as a ”creaky” /a/. For Somalis,
however, there is no doubt that this sound is a consonant. YouTube 5 offers
a helpful explanation and sound illustration.
The <kh> is similar to <ch> in German Bach or Scottish Loch Ness. YouTube 6
offers a helpful explanation and sound illustration.
The <q> is rather similar to /k/ or /g/, but the tongue is pushed back
towards the uvula instead of up towards the hard palate. The voiced
pronunciation (similar to /g/) is more common between vowels, whereas
the voiceless pronunciation (similar to /k/) is more common at the
5 <c> https://youtu.be/3057MbWmH1k
6 <kh> https://youtu.be/y5AizU69VOA
16
beginning and end of words. YouTube 7 offers a helpful explanation and
sound illustration.
The <x> is rather similar to a voiceless /h/, but in order to pronounce /x/
the tongue root needs to be pushed backwards against the back of the
throat (the pharynx), in order to constrict the air flow into a narrow
channel, causing friction or turbulence. This sound is often perceived by
European as a “breathy” version of /h/. YouTube 8 offers a helpful
explanation and sound illustration.
The letters <p>, <v> and <z> are not used in Somali since the corresponding
sounds are not phonemes, i.e., they are not used to differentiate between
Somali words. However, the sound [p] is sometimes pronounced as a
voiceless version of /b/ at the beginning or end of a word, as well as before
another voiceless consonant, e.g. kab [khap] shoe, kabta [khaptha] the shoe.
The letter <z> and the sound [z] are sometimes encountered in words of
Arabic origin, such as the woman’s name Zamzam. Some speakers prefer
to pronounce it with a voiced [z], but the purely Somali pronunciation
[samsam] is more frequent, and the purely Somali spelling is of course
Samsam.
17
Intense consonants
Some Somali consonants exhibit a more ”intense” version alongside the
simple consonant. These more intense consonants are pronounced more
distinctly, with slightly more energy and with a slightly longer duration.
There may be some variation between regions as well as speakers. Listen
carefully to native speakers.
Only seven intense consonants are spelled as double: <bb, dd, gg, mm, nn,
rr, ll>. Some of the other consonants are also pronounced intensely in
certain words in some regions, but they are never written with a double
consonant in standard Somali.
The realisation of word stress in Somali differs from the way stress is
realised in most European languages, where it is mainly a question of
realising a certain syllable or vowel with more energy. In Somali the main
feature of a stressed vowel is that it is pronounced with a higher pitch or
a higher tone than the rest of the word.
The Somali stress gives the word a ”melody”, and the position of the high
tone in the word can sometimes serve to differentiate between words that
are otherwise identical. In English there are often stress differences
between nouns and verbs, as in We're going to record a record. Also in
Somali, stress often serves to distinguish between grammatical categories.
The pitch tracks below show the pitch level in some of these words. (The
pitch is measured by the speed of the vibrations creating the sound.)
18
ínan inán bád wéyn badwéyn
boy girl a big sea ocean
magaálo a city
magaaló wéyn a big city
báre a teacher
baré wanaagsan a good teacher
Subject tone
Most bare nouns and adjectives loose their high tone
Nouns ending in -e/-o/-a have their high tone on the second to last vowel
position.
19
Continuation high tone
The end of a noun phrase is often marked by a high tone, but this is not
obligatory. There is often only one distinct high tone per noun phrase,
while other ”potential” high tones are not realised distinctly.
Nouns phrases
(a) The end of a noun phrase is often marked by a high tone on the final
vowel position of the modifier, but may also be pronounced without any
distinct high tone.
For masculine modifier nouns this generally means that their high tone is
shifted from the second last to the last vowel position, or that they are
pronounced without any distinct high tone at all.
Áxmed Ahmed
gúriga Axméd or gúriga Axmed Ahmed’s house
(b) Women’s names that do not end in –o/–a often have their high tone on
the second last vowel position. Such ”irregular” feminine tone generally
remains unchanged where the name is used as a modfier.
(c) If the modifier is in the definite form, the high tone remains in its
original position, but sometimes an additional high tone may be heard at
the end of the phrase.
20
§ 3.4 Phonotactics
Phonotactics describes the general principles that govern the ways sounds
may be combined into words in a certain language.
The Somali syllable structure is very limited. There may not be more than
one consonant + one vowel + one consonant in a Somali syllable. This
means that Somali words can only begin and end with a single consonant,
and inside words there may not be more than two consonants next to each
other between vowels.
21
Exceptions occur in a small number of newer loanwords, e.g., átam atom,
garáam gram, and in certain older, but very common, borrowings from
Arabic, e.g., muhíim something important, nidáam system, plan, Isláam
Islam, ixtiráam respect, affection, as well as in a few proper names, e.g.,
Ibraáhim (m.), Sámsam (f.).
Another exception to this principle is that /m/, and not /n/, is pronounced
before /b/, since that is much easier to say. Today people usually write
–mb–, but in the 1970s it was very common to write –nb–, probably due
to the fact that corresponding words are spelled < ( > ـﻧﺑـnb) in Arabic.
22
§ 4. Morpho-phonology
Morpho-phonology deals with sound changes that occur when endings
are added to words, either to derive (i.e. create) new words, or to inflect
words (i.e. create different grammatical forms of words).
Both these consonants are altered in different ways after certain sounds.
These alternations are very important for the definite article as well as for
the demonstrative, possessive and interrogative endings, but they also
occur in certain verb endings and in some other morphemes.
23
Since this consonant alternation affects both the adjective and the verb, the
two words have to be written as one in the feminine.
In the spoken form of words, one can often also hear the influence of a
following /e/ or /o/, but such sound changes are usually not reflected by
the orthography. The most frequent spelling is, e.g., ilká-hooda their teeth,
ilká-heeda her teeth, but some people sometimes reflect this type of
assimilation in writing, especially in certain expressions, e.g.
24
mágac name mágac-a the name mágac-iisa
(mágic-iisa) his name
9 Simlar principles exist in numerous other languages, such as Swedish, where the inserted
vowel is normally /e/.
fingrar fingers /fing_r/- finger finger
vakna awake (pl.) /vaːk_n/- vaken awake (sg.)
gamla old (pl.) /gam_l/- gammal old (sg.)
10 The sound change /m/ > /n/ also occurs, since /m/ cannot occur word finally. See § 3.4.2.
11 The sound change /k/ > /g/ also occurs since /k/ cannot occur word finally. See § 3.4.2.
25
§ 5. Contractions
In Somali, two or even more words often merge into a single word under
certain circumstances. Sometimes this only means that the words are
written together without being separated by an empty space, but most of
the time it also means that some sound is altered or lost.
26
§ 5.2 Obligatory contractions
Especially in verb phrases, many contractions are obligatory. The
indefinite subject pronoun la one, the object pronouns i me, ku you SG, is
oneself, na us EXCL, ina us INCL, idin you PL, the prepositions ú to/for, kú
in/on/with, ká from/of/about/than, lá with, and the negator má not all belong
to the type of words that merge with each other. These contractions are
written and pronounced as one word. Only the very last part of these
contractions stressed and pronounced with a high tone, if the last part is a
preposition or the negator.
Contracted prepositions
If there is more than one preposition in a single clause, they have to merge
with each other. Between vowels /k/ changes to /g/ and between two
occurrences of ú an extra /g/ is inserted as a ”buffer”.
ugú < ú + kú
Maxaa ay dadku Hecoo ugu qosli jireen?
Why did people use to laugh at Hecoo?
maxáa + ú for what?, why?
Hecoo + kú at Hecoo
ugú < ú + ú
Maxáa aynu dábka ugú baahán nahay?
27
What do we need fire for?
maxáa? + ú for what?, why?
dábka + ú baahán needy of the fire
Also note that all three possible combinations of the two prepositions ku
and ka result in one and the same contraction: kagá.
There is, however, also a contraction kugú, but this form consists of the
object pronoun ku you and the preposition kú in/on. See § 5.2.3.
Contractions with la
The indefinite subject pronoun la one and the prepositions obligatorily
merge into one word. The subject pronoun la one always comes first,
whereas the preposition lá with always comes last.
28
kú + lá –> kulá in/on … with
ká + lá –> kalá from … with
29
ina us + ká from → inagá
ina us + lá with → inalá
Longer contractions
Contractions consisting of more than two constituent parts occur quite
often. Any sound changes that occur in the more simple contractions will
also occur in the longer ones.
30
The negator aan + short subject pronouns
The negator aan not is found in all subordinate clauses, all main clauses
with focus and in some past tense clauses. It always merges with the short
subject pronouns. It may precede or follow the pronoun, and the long
vowel of the second constituent part always becomes short.
31
§ 6. Nouns
Somali nouns are divided into two groups or grammatical genders:
MASCULINE nouns and FEMININE nouns. This is similar to the situation in,
e.g., French or Arabic. The gender of a noun is an important key to its
grammatical behviour, since Somali nouns can take on many different
endings that have differing forms depending on the noun’s gender.
The most important endings are the plural endings, the definite article
endings and the possessive and demonstrative endings. They correspond
to the English definite, possessive and demonstrative determiners, which
in English are independent words. Somali also has subject endings (see §
13.1.1) that mark the subject of a clause.
For other nouns, the written form unfortunately does not reveal the
gender. The position of the stress (realised as a high tone) does, however,
in most nouns, reflect the gender of the word, hence for most nouns it is
possible to hear the gender.
32
Stress in nouns
When discussing the position of the high tone (the realisation of Somali
stress), it is important to understand that long vowels consist of two vowel
positions, whereas a short vowel only consists of one vowel position. This
is straightforwardly reflected by the Somali spelling.
The vast majority of masculine nouns have the high tone on the second
last vowel position, while the vast majority of feminine nouns have their
high tone on the last vowel position. The main exceptions are nouns
ending in -e/-o/-a in the singular (see § 6.1.2).
In the case of nouns with a short final vowel, feminine words therefore
have their high tone on the last syllable, whereas masculine nouns have
their high tone on the second last syllable.
MASC. FEM.
ínan boy inán girl
kúrsi chair bisád cat
áqal house gabádh girl
In nouns that have a long vowel in the final syllable, both masculine and
feminine words have their high tone on that final syllable, but in different
ways. The reason for that is that only one of the two vowel positions in the
long vowel is pronounced with a higher tone than the rest of the word.
In masculine nouns, the first part of the long vowel carries the high tone,
then the tone falls through the long vowel until the end of the word.
In feminine nouns only the last part of the long vowel carries the high
tone, resulting in a rising tone through the long vowel until the tone
reaches its peak at the end of the word.
MASC. FEM.
géed tree, plant beér garden, field, farm
dukáan shop khudaár vegetables and fruit
míis table liín citric fruit(s)
33
In words with only one short vowel, it is impossible to hear the gender.
You simply have to memorise it.
MASC. FEM.
nál lamp, electric light káb shoe
Exceptions
There are a few exceptions to the principles for the placement of tone
described above: numbers 3, 4, 8, 9, 10, 100.
A small number of masculine nouns have the high tone on the final vowel.
Such nouns often end in /aa/, /i/ or /r/.
dilaá murderer, qoraá writer, and other agent nouns ending in –aá,
abtí maternal uncle, maroodí elephant, ratí pack camel, webí river,
adeér paternal uncle, dhakhtár doctor, clinic, reér family,
afhayeén spokesperson, haweén women,
albaáb door, xafiís office
Lúul, Máryan
The names of many cities have their high tone on the fourth vowel
position counting from the end.
34
Áfgooye a city close to Mogadishu, Gároowe the capital of Puntland
The initial consonant of the definite article changes its shape according to
the immediately preceding sound (see § 4.1).
After the sounds /g, aa, i, y, w/ the masculine article becomes –ga.
After /e, o/ the masculine article becomes –ha. At the same time /e/ is
replaced by /a/. The high tone is alsways on this /a/.
The feminine article also becomes –da after /o/. At the same time /o/
changes to /a/. The high tone is alsways on this /a/.
35
magaálo (a) city magaaláda the city
After /dh/ the feminine article becomes just –a in writing, but /dh/ is
pronounced more intensely.
After /l/ the feminine article becomes –sha and the /l/ disappears.
The high tone is generally not affected by the addition of the definite
article suffix.
Only in words that end in /e, o, a/ is the high tone “shifted” to the stem
final vowel position before the definite article suffix. At the same time,
both /o/ and /e/ also change to /a/.
but
36
It is as if we treated one spider as a prototype for all the spiders in the
world. This is very common in Somali.
Díinku waxa uu léeyahay lugó gaagaaban. The turtle has short legs.
For countable nouns in English, the generic use of the definite singular is
synonymous with a generic use of the indefinite plural. You can also say
Why do spiders have eight legs? In Somali, however, the definite form is
preferred in this sense, both in the singular and in the plural.
37
§ 6.4 The plural of feminine nouns
The regular plural forms of feminine nouns fall into two types.
(a) Feminine nouns with a singular form ending in –o have a plural form
that ends in –oóyin and the definite article is always ‒ka.
(b) All other feminine nouns have a plural form that ends in –ó. The
definite form ends in ‒áha.
If the stem ends in –i then a /y/ is inserted before the plural ending –ó.
38
§ 6.5 The plural of masculine nouns
The regular plural forms of masculine nouns fall into three types.
(a) Masculine nouns with a singular form ending in –e have a plural form
that ends in ‒ayaál. The definite plural form ends in –ayaásha.
(b) Masculine nouns with only one syllable in the singular usually form
their plural by reduplication. First the vowel –á‒ is added and then the
final consonant of the singular form is repeated. Such nouns have the same
definite article both in the singular and in the plural.
(c) Most other masculine nouns – the majority – have a plural form that
ends in –yó. The definite form ends in –yáda.
After most stems ending in /b/, /d/, /r/, /l/, /n/, and /m/, the /y/ of the ending
is usually replaced by a strengthening of the stem final consonant,
represented in writing by a double consonant.
39
xayawáan –ka animal pl. xayawaannó xayawaannáda
tártan –ka competition pl. tartammó tartammáda
40
§ 6.6 Less straight-forward plural forms
Sound changes
A number of nouns exhibit regular plural endings, but he forms are less
straight-forward due to quite regular sound alternations.
(a) If the stem of a noun ends in two consonants, a vowel must be inserted
between these consonants in the singular form. The inserted vowel is
usually a copy of the vowel already present in the stem. That a vowel has
been inserted is of course not evident from the singular form. It only
becomes evident when comparing the singular and the plural form.
(b) If the stem ends in /m/ or /k/, this fact is not evident from the singular
form. These sounds may only occur if they are followed by a vowel. The
stem of the word is only evident in the plural, since the alternations /m/ >
/n/ and /k/ > /g/ must occur word finally.
(c) In some words vowel insertion and consonant alternation occur at the
same time.
(d) In a few words the inserted vowel is not a copy of the vowel already
present in the stem.
41
-ó, -áha instead of -yó, -yáda
(a) Masculine nouns with vowel insertion in the singular form (due to a
stem ending in two consonants) take the plural endings –ó, –áha.
The ending –yo is also kept with compounds that end in /d/.
42
Unexpected definite article
(a) All masculine nouns that form their plural through reduplication of the
consonant /l/ and whose stems contain a long vowel have a definite plural
form ending in –ásha.
Gender alternations
(a) A few nouns do not form the plural according to the general rules for
their gender. Instead, the plural form is based on the rules for the opposite
gender.
43
Two plural forms
(a) A small group of nouns have an irregular plural form alongside the
regular form.
44
§ 6.7 Arabic plural forms
In Arabic it is common to form the plural through vowel alternation in the
stem of the word. Some such forms are also used in Somali. The definite
article is then –ta or –da.
Also the Arabic plural eding –iín is rather commonly used with Arabic
borrowings in Somali. The definite form ends in –iínta.
45
§ 6.8 The counting form of nouns
After numbers larger than hál one, Somali nouns are not used in their
plural form, but in a special counting form. Only feminine nouns with the
plural ending –ó have a separate counting form that ends in –ood. For all
other nouns the counting form is the same as the singular form.
MASCULINE FEMININE
búug book bisád cat
buugaág books bisadó cats
hál buug one book hál bisad one cat
labá buug two books labá bisadood two cats
The counting form is also used after certain other words that express
quantity, e.g. ímmisa how many, dhówr a few.
ímmisa qof how many persons ímmisa bilood how many months
dhówr jeer a few times dhówr maalmood a few days
The numeral and the following noun constitute a noun phrase, and the
end of a noun phrase is often marked by a non-obligatory high tone.
No other endings can be added after –ood in the counting form. Other
endings must be added to the numeral, which is the head noun of the
phrase.
For more details about noun phrases with numerals, see § 12.1.8 and §
12.1.9.
46
§ 6.9 Countability
Nouns can be divided into countables and uncountables depending on
whether they have a singular as well as a plural form or not.
Many English nouns, mainly proper nouns (i.e. names), mass nouns and
many abstract nouns, are never or very rarely used in the plural, e.g.
Julietta, London; milk, dust; childhood, love. The same also applies to these
kinds of words in Somali.
Collective nouns
For collective nouns it is characteristic that a grammatically singular word
form, i.e. a word form without any plural ending, refers to several persons
or objects. Examples of English collective nouns are police, staff and public.
There is often variation between the singular and plural forms of verbs
used with such nouns, e.g. The staff is/are very efficient.
Somali has a much large number of collective nouns than does English.
Collective nouns cannot be used when referring to only one single person,
animal or object.
47
Singular, plural and collective form
A number of Somali masculine nouns have a feminine collective form
alongside the regular plural form.
There are also a few cases where a singular form is derived from the
collective form with a suffix.
There are also other, more complex patterns. For the noun dhágax stone
the singular has both a singulative and a mass reading, and the collective
form ends in –aán.
48
Only singular and collective form
Some nouns don’t have any plural form, only a masculine singular form
and a feminine collective form.
There are also a few cases where a singular form is derived from the
collective form with a suffix.
Group nouns
There are also collective nouns that denote a group of objects, e.g. family.
These groups are countable, however, and can be put in the plural in the
ordinary way.
49
Plural only nouns
(a) Two Somali nouns denoting substances only have a plural form.
English nouns of this type are leftovers and feces.
(b) The plural forms habló –ha girls, idó –ha sheep and xooló –ha cattle also
lack a corresponding singular form, but as expected they do denote
several living beings. The exceptional thing about them is that if you want
to say something about a single individual, you have to choose another,
synonymous word, e.g. gabádh / gabár / inán girl, sác cow, díbi bull, ox,
etc.
50
§ 7. Formation of nouns
Somali nouns are formed in similar ways to English nouns. There are both
compounds and words which are formed by adding different endings.
§ 7.1 Persons
The ending –e is used to form many words that denote a person who
carries out a certain task.
Other, less common endings with the same meaning are –aá and –áal.
The ending –le denotes an owner or somebody who has a job related to an
object. A vowel immediately before the suffix -le usually becomes long.
The same ending sometimes denotes a person with some kind of problem.
Female persons
The ending –ád is commonly used to form feminine nouns denoting a
person.
51
MASCULINE FEMININE
macállin macallimád teacher
árday ardayád student, pupil
MASCULINE FEMININE
adeége adeégto servant < adéeg service
kalkaalíye kalkaalíso nurse
karíye karíso cook < kariyaa cooks
Collectives
The two feminine endings –ley and –to/–so are also used to form collective
nouns.
The suffix –áal is used to form nouns denoting the result of an action.
52
baahán needing baahí –da need
kalsoón trusting kalsooní –da trust, confidence
Just as the English word smile may be both a verb and a noun, Somali also
has many noun-verb pairs where it is not clear which word is derived
from the other. Both consist of only a root and the relevant grammatical
endings.
The most common endings serving to derive nouns from verbs are:
–íd (or sometimes –ís) if the imperative (see § 11.9) ends in a consonant:
qoraa writes, qór! write!, qoríd -da (f.), qorís -ta (f.) (the) writing
–n (or sometimes –s) if the imperative ends in –i:
akhriyaa reads, ákhri! read!, akhrín -ta (f.), ákhris -ka (m.) (the) reading
–n if the imperative ends in –ee (which changes into ‒ay‒ / ‒ey‒):
sameeyaa makes, samée! make!, samaýn/sameýn -ta (f.) (the) making
–sho if the imperative ends in –o (which changes into ‒a‒).
booqdaa visits, booqó! visit!, booqásho -da (f.) (the) visit(ing)
bartaa learns, baró! learn!, barásho -da (f.) (the) learning
–itaan
furaa opens, furitáan -ka opening (ceremony)
53
besides furíd -da opening (in general)
baaraa investigates, baaritáan -ka, baarís -ta, baaríd -da investigation
§ 7.4 Compounds
There are several different types of compound nouns. The common trait
is that a compound noun only has one high tone (one stress) and only one
definite article at the end of the whole compound.
Many are formed just by joning two roots, as in the example above. Others
are formed with the addition of a suffix, often –éed or –e.
Notice that verbal nouns are often compounds consisting of e.g. a verb
and its object, and that such compounds only have one high tone (stress).
54
In today’s written Somali, compounds exhibit a lot of spelling variation.
Traditionally, writing them as a single word has been recommended, but
today writing the constituent parts separately has become very common.
Sometimes a hyphen is also used.
55
§ 8. Numerals
(a) In Somali, numerals are not a separate word class. They are simply
nouns, just like pair, trio or dozen are nouns in English. When an ending is
added to a phrase beginning with a numeral, the ending is added to the
numeral, not to the following noun (see also § 12.1.8). The noun after the
numeral is in the counting form (see § 6.8). The counting form does not
permit the addition of any further endings.
(b) The Somali numbers 2–8 are feminine nouns, whereas all higher
numbers are masculine. Ków (1) is feminine, whereas hál (1) and éber (0)
are masculine. The feminine numbers sáddex (3), áfar (4), siddéed (8) and
the masculine sagaál (9), tobán (10) and boqól (100) have a high tone that
is atypical for their gender.
0 éber (m.)
1 ków (f.) / hál (m.) 10 tobán (m.)
2 lábo / lába (f.) 20 labaátan (m.) (–tan < toban)
3 sáddex (f.) 30 sóddon (m.)
4 áfar (f.) 40 afártan (m.)
5 shán (f.) 50 kónton (m.)
6 líx (f.) 60 líxdan (m.)
7 toddóbo / toddóba (f.) 70 toddobaátan (m.)
8 siddéed (f.) 80 siddeétan (m.)
9 sagaál (m.) 90 sagaáshan (m.) /l+t/ > /sh/
100 boqól (m.)
200 labá boqol
300 sáddex boqol …
1000 kún
4000 áfar kun
1000000 milyan (or malyuun)
56
(c) In complex numbers, ków is always used. It is also used when simply
counting one, two, three, four…
sáddex, hál, áfar, siddéed three, one, four, eight (e.g. a PIN code)
hál buug one book
hál i síi give me one
57
§ 9. Pronouns
Somali has fewer genuine pronouns than English. Nouns dominate in
Somali and they are also used as the equivalents of many English
pronouns or pronominal adverbs, e.g., qóf person, somebody, wáx thing,
something, meél place, somewhere etc.
1sg. aan I i me
2 sg. aad you ku you
3 sg. m. uu he, it – him, it
3 sg. f. ay she, it – her, it
LONG FORMS
1 sg. aníga I, me
2 sg. adíga you
3 sg. m. isága he, him (it)
3 sg. f. iyáda she, her (it)
58
in the clause expressing such an object, then the object has to be inferred
from the preceding context and an object pronoun has to be added when
translating into English.
This also applies if there is a preposition in the clause, but no noun for that
preposition to refer to.
Example
The long personal pronouns are mostly used to refer to people. The third
person long pronouns may also be used to refer to animals, but quite
seldom to inanimate objects or abstract nouns. In those instances
demonstrative pronouns are preferred instead of personal pronouns.
Example
59
register, standard Somali has inclusive and exclusive forms of these
pronouns, depending on whether one wants to include or exclude the
person(s) spoken to.
INCLUDING EXCLUDING
Long personal pronoun innága annága
Short subject pronoun aynu aannu
Short object pronoun ina na
Short object pronoun + ú inoó noó
Possessive pronoun kéenna, téenna kaayága, taayáda
60
Adíga yáa ku ilaaliya?
you who.FOC you.OBJ watches.out
WHO takes care of you? (contrastive emphasis on you)
It is used in the 1st and 2nd person as well as in the 3rd person.
61
The singular forms of these pronouns are also added as endings to nouns,
both in the singular and in the plural. The initial consonant of the
demonstrative ending is always identical to the consonant of the definite
article. See § 4.1 and § 6.3.
12 /i/ in the suffix spreads across /h/ so that a preceding /a/ becomes assimilated. See § 4.2.1.
62
Demonstrative forms with –aan, –aa
When referring to objects close by, there is variation between the more
neutral forms ending in –an and the marked southern forms ending in –
aan.
(a) The basic, referential function of –ii is to refer to objects that are not
present, but are considered to be known from before to both the speaker
and the listener.
Cábdi wáxa uu ahaa dúq beeraléy ah. Maalín ayaa wáxa uu beeray
geedó moxóg ah oo waawéyn. Maalín waliba waa uu waraabín jirey
moxóggii. Dhírtii wáa kortay.
Abdi was an OLD FARMER MAN. ONE DAY he planted SOME BIG CASSAVA
PLANTS. Every day he USED TO WATER the cassava. The plants GREW.
(b) Sometimes the speaker or writer only pretends that the object is known
to the listener, or implies that it ought to be known to most people. This is
63
often the case with main characters in stories or prominent characters in
real life.
In the story that this passage originates from, the son has not been
previously mentioned.
Cabdi géedkii waa uu soó jiidey dhówr jeer, laakiin dhúlka ayaa
uu ká soo bixín waayey. Cabdi waxa uu ú yeeray wíilkiisii weynaa.
Abdi PULLED the plant a couple of times, but he was unable to get it out of
THE GROUND. Abdi called upon HIS BIG SON.
This usage is also very common in headings and title, implying that the
text is about somebody or something prominent, that the reader might be
expected to have heard about before.
(e) It is used in expressions of time with general reference, i.e. not referring
to any actual point in time, but to a potential situation.
64
Golahani wuxuu shiraa caadi ahaan sannadkiiba laba jeer.
This assembly normally convenes TWO TIMES each year.
Maxaa lagu qabtaa midkiiba dhismayaasha beesha degaanka?
WHAT do they do in each one of the buildings of the local community?
wíilkiisii weynaa his big son, that boy of his you know that was big
digaagaddii yarayd ee casayd the little red hen
Placeholder pronouns
MASC.SING. FEM.SING PLURAL
the ka ta kúwa
a ku tu kúwo
65
§ 9.3 Possessive pronouns
The independent possessive pronouns have two different gender forms in
the singular and one common form in the plural.
The singular forms of these pronouns are also added as endings to both
singular and plural nouns. The initial consonant of the possessive ending
is always identical to the consonant of the definite article. See § 4.1 and
§ 6.3.
66
báska the bus gúriga the house
báskayga my bus gúrigayga my house
báskaaga your bus gúrigaaga your house
báskiisa his bus gúrigiisa his house
báskooda their bus gúrigooda their house
Notice that at the end of the possessive pronouns and endings, there is
actually a definite article, e.g., gúrigayga my house. As in many other
languages, the possessive pronouns are used together with the definite
article, e.g. Italian la mia casa = gúrigayga my house.
13 /i/ in the suffix spreads across /h/ so that a preceding /a/ becomes assimilated. See § 4.2.1.
67
Words that are used with the short possessive endings are, above all,
hoóyo mother, aábbe father, waálid parents, walaál sibling, habaryár
maternal aunt, abtí maternal uncle, eéddo paternal aunt, adeér paternal uncle,
ayeéyo grandmother, awoówe grandfather, saaxíib friend and saaxiibád
female friend. 14
The full possessive endings are used, however, with nouns that do not
exclusively denote a relationship between two persons, such as nín man,
husband, wíil boy, son, gabádh/gabár girl, daughter, as well as with the
collective noun carruúr children.
saaxiibádday my (girl)friend
saaxiibáddayda cusub my new (girl)friend
walaálkay my brother
walaálkayga weyn my older brother
14 There is also a similar distinction in Italian between, e.g., la mia casa ‘my house’, with the
article, and mia sorella ‘my sister’, without it.
68
Implied possessive relations
In possessive constructions where a person is associated with something
whose sole “possessor” this person is not, it is common to use a plural
possessive ending.
Aaminá aabbáhood
Amina’s father (lit. Amina their father, i.e. her and and her siblings’ father)
Rooblé fásalkooda
Roble’s class (lit. Roble their class, i.e. his and his classmates’ class)
adíga dériskiinna
your neighbours (lit. you (SG) your (PL) neighbours, i.e. your and your
family’s neighbours)
With certain other nouns the short possessive suffixes are preferred.
69
gurigaygan
this house of mine
The singular forms keé and teé may also be added as endings to nouns,
both in the singular and in the plural. The high tone then disappears from
the stem of the noun. The initial consonant of the possessive ending is
always identical to the consonant of the definite article. See § 4.1 and §
6.3.
70
high tone is lost on the noun itself and only realised on the ending, in a
similar manner to the interrogative ending –eé.
wáx thing
wáx something
sí manner
sídan like this, (in) this way, (in) this manner
sídaa(s) like that, (in) that way, (in) that manner
sideé? how?, (in) what way, (in) what manner
71
meél, hál place; xág side, direction
meél somewhere
meelná nowhere
hálkan, meéshan here, (in, to) this place
hálkaa(s), meéshaa(s) there, (in, to) that place
halkeé?, meesheé?, xaggeé? where?, (in, to) which place?
dhammaán all
dhammaán all + noun
72
Cuntada ay iniintu u baahan tahay waxa ku kaydsan tahay iniinta
qudheeda. The nutrition that the seed needs is stored in the seed itself.
Adiga qudhaada ayaan ku leeyahay. I have only you.
Other modifiers often occur between the noun and the adjective dhan.
kalé other
baabúur kale another car
73
§ 10. Adjectives
Somali has fewer basic, non-derived adjectives than English. Some of the
most frequent basic adjectives are:
Many adjectives are also derived from nouns with the suffix –eéd.
Ordinal numbers
Ordinal numbers are adjectives. They are all formed in a regular way by
adding the adjectival suffix –aád to the cardinal noun.
74
3 = sáddex three 3aad = saddexaád third
4 = áfar four 4aad = afraád / afaraád fourth
5 = shán five 5aad = shanaád fifth
“Phrasal adjectives”
Often phrases consisting of a noun + an adjective correspond to English
adjectives. They most often contain one of the adjectives badan much,
weyn big, or yar small, e.g. qurúx badan (beauty much) beautiful, dá’ weyn (age
big) old. The main high tone is on the noun, and the adjective usually has a
less prominent high tone or no tone at all.
Notice that the modifier noun – dhágaxa in the example above – has to be
in the definite form when the head noun – meeláha above – is in the
definite form, or if it has a demonstrative or possessive ending.
75
+ an adjective, on the other hand, do not need the copular verb in the
present tense.
Somali adjectives have very few inflectional forms. The gender and
definiteness of a noun has no effect on an accompaying adjective.
76
dhéer long dhaadhéer
wéyn big waawéyn
77
§ 10.3 The comparative degree
To express the equivalent of the English comparative degree, the
preposition ká from, than is placed before the adjective. In Somali there is
no comparative form of the adjective itself.
78
§ 11. Verbs
Almost all Somali verbs are inflected in a completely regular and
predictable way. There are only six irregular verbs (see § 11.13).
Just like in French, German, Finnish, Russian, Arabic and many other
languages, there are different verb forms in Somali for the first person (I,
we), the second person (you) and the third person (he, she, it, they) in both
the singular and the plural. In the third person singular there are also
different forms for the masculine (he) and the feminine (she), as in Arabic.
The morpheme /t/ expresses the 2nd person (you), both singular and
plural, as well as the feminine 3rd person singular (she).
The /t/ of the endings will adjust to the final sound in the stem of the verb
in very much the same way as the definite article.
Only if the stem ends in /i/ or /y/, the initial /t/ of the endings change to /s/
intead of /d/ in most verbs, e.g. /sii/-/taa/ → siisaa you / she give(s).
If the stem ends in a vowel and the ending begins with a vowel, the sound
/y/ is inserted in order to avoid a sequence of two vowels, e.g. /akhri/-/aa/
→ akhriyaa I / he read(s).
79
§ 11.2 The past tense
There is only one past tense in Somali, corresponding to three tenses in
English: past tense (sang), present perfect (has sung) and past perfect (had
sung), but Somali also has aspects, just like English; see § 11.5 and § 11.6.
The past tense is expressed by the morpheme /ay/ word finally, and by
/ee/ non-finally. The suffixes expressing person and number have exactly
the same structure as in the present tense.
The exact same sound changes occur in the past tense as in the present
tense. See § 11.12.
80
§ 11.3 The three conjugations
It is convenient to divide the regular verbs into three groups or
conjugations, since small inflectional differences exist between the three
groups.
For most verbs the last sound of the stem reveals to which conjugation the
verb belongs.
The majority of the verbs in the 1st conjugation have a stem that ends in a
consonant, e.g. hees-aa, hees-taa he/she sings.
The majority of the verbs in the 2nd conjugation have a stem that ends in
/i/ or /ee/, e.g. fiiri-yaa, fiiri-saa he/she looks.
The verbs in the 3rd conjugation have two stems, one that ends in /t/ or
/d/, and one that ends in /a/, e.g., booqd-aa, booqa-taa he/she visits.
More details about sound changes and the inflection of verbs in the
individual conjugations are presented in § 11.12.
81
§ 11.4 The infinitive
The infinitive has two different endings depending on the conjugation,
more precisely whether the stem ends in a consonant or in a vowel.
Verbs in conjugations 2 and 3 take the ending –n, used after a vowel.
In the infinitive, there is always a high tone on the last vowel position of
the stem, before the ending.
The Somali infinitive form is far less frequently used than the English
infinitive. It only occurs together with a few auxiliary verbs, mainly
doonaa, doontaa will, jiray, jirtay used to, karaa, kartaa can, lahaa, lahayd
would (have), rabaa, rabtaa intends to, waayaa, waydaa is unable to.
82
§ 11.5 Progressive verb forms
Somali, just like English, has simple and progressive verb forms, but only
in the present and the past tense. The progressive forms contain the
progressive suffix –ay–, which precedes the person, number and tense
endings.
The morpheme /t/ always changes to /s/ after the progressive suffix –ay–.
There is always a high tone on the last vowel position before the
progressive suffix –ay–.
83
In conjugations 2 and 3, the progressive suffix is always preceded by an
/n/, since the progressive forms are based on the infinitive.
In conjugation 3, the vowel stem is used before the /n/ of the progressive
form.
Some speakers avoid the use of progressive forms of certain verbs, e.g.
84
hurdaa, huruddaa sleeps
karaa, kartaa can
socdaa, socotaa walks
The verb stem doon‒ has developed a meaning difference between the
simple and the progressive form. The simple forms doonaa, doontaa are
used as a future tense auxiliary, corresponding to English will, whereas
the progressive forms doónayaa, doónaysaa have the modal meaning
wants (to).
85
§ 11.6 The habitual past tense
The habitual past consists of the infinitive of the main verb followed by
the auxiliary jiray, jirtay used to in the simple past.
The habitual past tense expresses actions that occurred repeatedly in the
past.
86
§ 11.7 The future tense
The future tense consists of the infinitive of the main verb followed by the
auxiliary doonaa, doontaa will in the simple present tense.
87
§ 11.8 Survey of tenses and aspects
ASPECT:
TENSE: SIMPLE PROGRESSIVE HABITUAL
PAST I sang I was singing I used to sing
1 sg. heesay heésayay heési jiray
2 sg. heestay heésaysay heési jirtay
88
§ 11.9 Reduced verb forms
The full inflected paradigm of Somali verbs generally consists of five
distinct forms representing: he=I; she=you(SG); we; you(PL); they.
Alongside the full inflection, there is also a reduced paradigm with only
three distinctive forms representing: he=I=you=they; she; we.
The reduced verb paradigm only has the suffix –t– in the feminine
3rd person singular (she) and the suffix –n– in the 1st person plural (we).
Furthermore, the reduced present tense forms have a short –a instead of
the long –aa that is found in the full forms.
There are reduced forms for all the tenses and aspects.
ASPECT:
TENSE: SIMPLE PROGRESSIVE HABITUAL
PAST heesay heésayay heési jiray
3 sg.f. heestay heésaysay heési jirtay
1 pl. heesnay heésaynay heési jirnay
89
The reduced forms are used in two contexts:
– in positive relative clauses, if the relative clause does not contain any
word expressing the subject, i.e. the subject of the subclause is the head
noun (the antecedent) of the subclause.
90
§ 11.10 The subjunctive mood
The subjunctive mood forms express actions that do not take place in the
real world. They may be imaginary, wished for, hoped for, or simply not
occurring at all. These forms are therefore mainly used
The present subjunctive ends in –o instead of –aa, whereas the forms with
–aan are written in the same way in both the subjunctive and the ordinary
present tense.
However, the subjunctive forms ending in –áan have a high tone on the
second to last vowel position, pronounced as a falling tone over the
duration of the long /aa/.
In the 2nd person singular present subjunctive, there are two alternative
endings: –to and –tid. The latter has a somewhat higher stylistic value.
The present subjunctive endings are also used with the future tense
auxiliary.
In the past subjunctive there are no different forms for the different
persons and numbers, only one common form that generally ends in –
(i)n.
SIMPLE PROGRESSIVE
CONJUGATION 1 –in –aynin / –ayn
CONJUGATIONS 2 & 3 –nin / –n –naynin / –nayn
91
SUBJUNCTIVE ASPECT:
PRESENT SUBJ.
1 sg. heeso heésayo
2 sg. heesto heésayso
/ heestid / heésaysid
3 sg.m. heeso heésayo
3 sg.f. heesto heésayso
1 pl. heesno heésayno
2 pl. heestáan heésaysáan
3 pl. heesáan heésayáan
FUTURE SUBJ.
1 sg. heési doono
2 sg. heési doonto
/ heési doontid
3 sg.m. heési doono
3 sg.f. heési doonto
1 pl. heési doonno
2 pl. heési doontáan
3 pl. heési doonáan
92
Negative forms of the present progressive
The present progressive can be negated in two different ways.
cúnayaa < (old) cuna hayaa má cúnayo < (old) ma cuna hayo
cúni maayo < (old) cuni ma hayo
93
Reduced subjunctive forms
When negation occurs together with subordination or together with focus,
special reduced forms of the verb are used instead of the full subjunctive
forms presented above. The endings of the reduced subjunctive are equal
to the endings of the past subjunctive in the full paradigm presented in §
11.10.
The negation particle is always aan not together with these verb forms.
ASPECT:
TENSE: SIMPLE PROGRESSIVE HABITUAL
PAST SUBJUNCTIVE
heesin heésayn(in) heési jirin
PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE
heesin heésayn(in)
FUTURE SUBJUNCTIVE
heési doonin
The reduced subjunctive forms are also used in negative main clauses that
contain a focus particle alongside the negative particle aan not.
94
The optative construction
The optative construction consists of the subjunctive form of the verb
preceded by the short subject pronoun in the 1st and 2nd person, and by
the sentence particle há in the 3rd person. In the 1st and 2nd person, there
is a high tone on the last vowel position in the stem of the verb. In the 3rd
person, however, there is no high tone on the verb, only on the particle há.
In the 3rd person, the particle há can be followed by the indefinite subject
pronoun la one, but it is never followed by the short subject pronouns uu
he and ay she, they.
Instead of the subjunctive forms ending in –aan, the past tense forms
ending in –een are frequently used.
95
§ 11.10.3a The negative optative
These forms express a wish that something would not happen.
96
The conditional construction
The conditional consists of the infinitive of the main verb followed by the
irregular auxiliary lahaa, lahayd would (have) in the simple past tense.
Haddii digaagaddan aan siin lahaa cunto iyo biyo badan waxa ay ii
dhali lahayd ukun fara badan. If I would give this hen a lot of food and
water it would lay a lot of eggs for me.
The conditional may also be used in a simple main clause when the
situation is hypothetical.
Maxaa aad soo beddelan lahaydeen? What would you have changed?
97
§ 11.10.4a The negative conditional
The negative conditional can be formed in two ways, either with the
auxiliary in the past/reduce subjunctive form lahayn or with special
endings. The negation particle is má in main clauses and aan in
subclauses.
98
INFLECTED NEGATIVE CONDITIONAL FORMS
The tense/mood vowel is /ee/ throughout the paradigm and all forms end
in /n/.
99
§ 11.11 The imperative mood
The imperative singular form has no ending. It is therefore equivalent to
the stem of the verb.
In most imperative forms, the high tone is on the second to last vowel
position.
Conjugation 1
Conjugation 3. The vowel stem is used in the singular and the consonant
stem in the plural. The final /a/ of the vowel stem changes to /o/ in the
imperative, since it becomes word final. 15 Contrary to the general rule, the
high tone in the singular form is on the final vowel position.
The same type of alternation is found in feminine nouns like hoóyo mother, hooyáda the
15
mother, with /o/ in word final position, but /a/ when a suffix is added.
100
Conjugation 1 verbs ending in –aab-aa (m.), –ow-daa (f.), as well as
conjugation 3 verbs ending in –aad-aa (m.), –aa-taa (f.), have a singular
imperative form ending in –ów.
In the plural, the suffix –a is added, just like in the imperative. This suffix
is always added to the longer singular form.
Also like in the imperative, the high tone goes on the second to last vowel
position of the full forms. The high tone remains in the same vowel
position in the alternative, shorter forms.
CONJUGATION 1
CONJUGATION 2
CONJUGATION 3
101
§ 11.12 Sound changes
In the tables below, only the present tense forms are given, but of course,
exactly the same alternations also occur in the past tense.
Conjugation 1
This group mainly contains verbs with stems that end in a consonant. The
infinitive ends in –i. Verbal nouns ends in –íd (–da). Many verbs in the 1st
conjugation also have verbal nouns ending with –ís (–ta).
102
(b) If the stem ends in /d, y, w, kh, q, c, x, h, ´/, a following /t/ becomes /d/,
just like in different suffixes added to nouns. See § 4.1.
progr. boód-ayaa
fut. boód-i doonaa
103
(c) In addition to the /t/ > /d/ change, when the stem ends in /c, h, x, ´/ only
preceded by a short /a/ and an initial consonant, the /a/ changes to /i/
before another /i/, i.e., before the endings in the infinitive and the verbal
noun.
ba’aa is destroyed,
ba’daa, bá’ayaa, bí’i, bá’!, bá’a!, bi’íd –da
kacaa gets up, rises
kacdaa, kácayaa, kíci, kác!, káca!, kicíd –da
naxaa becomes afraid
naxdaa, náxayaa, níxi, náx!, náxa!, nixíd –da
104
(d) The /t/ of the suffixes merges with a preceding /l/ in the stem. The
result is /sh/. Certain verbs with an /a/ in a monosyllabic stem changes /a/
→ /e/ before an /i/.
yeelaa makes
yeeshaa, yeelayaa, yeeli, yéel!, yeéla!, yeelíd –da
105
(e) The /t/ of the suffixes merges with a preceding /dh/ in the stem. The
result is a long /dhdh/. This is not reflected in the spelling, however, since
the letter sequence <dh> is never doubled.
Such forms with non-initial /dh/ occur mainly in the north-west. In the
nort-east, the centre and the south, /dh/ has usually been replaced by /r/,
which does not lead to any sound alternations.
106
(f) If the stem ends in /k/ or /m/, this consonant alternates with /g/ and /n/
if it is not followed by a vowel. With the exception of a few borrowed
words, the phonemes /k/ and /m/ always need to be followed by a vowel.
salaamaa greets
salaantaa, salaamayaa, salaami, saláan!, salaáma!, salaamíd –da
107
(g) If the stem ends in two consonants, they must be separated by an
inserted vowel when they are not immediately followed by a vowel in the
ending. Usually, it is the vowel already present in the stem that is copied.
The reasons for these alternations are that a sequence of two consonants
cannot occur word finally, only inside words between vowels, and a
sequence of three consonants is never possible.
108
(h) Some verbs exhibit both vowel insertion and consonant alternation.
The inserted vowel in the last verb is unexpected, since it is not a copy of
the vowel in the root.
fahmaa understands
fahantaa, fáhmayaa, fáhmi, fáhan!, fáhma!, fahmíd –da
maqlaa hears
maqashaa, máqlayaa, máqli, máqal!, máqla!, maqlíd –da
This type of sound changes also occur in all anticausative verbs derived
with the suffix /m/. See § 11.14.8.
109
(i) If the stem ends in /aab/, an alternation with /ow/ occurs before endings
beginning with a consonant.
The diphthong <ow> may also – but less often – be spelled <aw>.
bilawdaa, bilaw!, magacawdaa, magacaw!, illawdaa, illaw!
Many other verbs that end in /aab/ have a less complex inflectional forms
according to the pattern in (a) above, e.g. jawaabaa, jawaabtaa answers.
110
Conjugation 2
This conjugation contains mainly verbs with a stem ending in /i/ or /ee/.
When the ending begins with a vowel, the consonant /y/ is inserted as a
buffer between the vowel of the stem and that in the suffix.
(a) A /t/ in the ending changes to /s/ after the vowel /i/. Between vowels
the /n/ in the 1st person plural ending becomes /nn/.
kariyaa cooks
karisaa, karínayaa, karín doonaa, kári!, karíya!, karín –ta
111
(b) A final long /ee/ in the stem changes to the diphthong /ey/ when the
ending begins with a consonant. The spelling with <ay> is more common.
A /t/ in the ending changes to /s/ after /y/.
112
(c) A handful of verbs with stems ending in a vowel exhibit a variation
between conjugation 1 and 2.
According to conjugation 2 we find the alternation /t/ > /s/ after /i/.
According to conjugation 1 we find the alternation /t/ > /d/ after /i/.
113
Conjugation 3
This group contains mainly verbs with stems ending in /t/. As a beginner
it is easy to mistake such masculine 3rd person singular forms for feminine
forms. This /t/ is used to derive new verbs, especially autobenefactive16
verbs, from other verbs or nouns.
Verbs in conjugation 3 have two different inflectional stems, one when the
ending begins with a vowel and another when the ending begins with a
consonant.
Before an ending that begins with a consonant, the stem ends in a vowel
and that stem is therefore called the vowel stem.
Before an ending that begins with a vowel, the stem ends in a consonant
and that stem is therefore called the consonant stem.
Notice that the 1st person plural always ends in –nnaa in conjugation 3.
Autobenefactive verbs express actions that have some positive effect for the person carrying
16
114
(a) In the most basic cases, the consonant stem ends in /t/ whereas the
vowel stem ends in /a/.
bartaa learns
barataa, baránayaa, barán, baró!, bárta!, barásho –da
doortaa chooses, elects
doorataa, dooránayaa, doorán, dooró, doórta, doorásho –da
nastaa rests, relaxes
nasataa, nasánayaa, nasán, nasó!, násta!, nasásho –da
taabtaa touches
taabataa, taabánayaa, taabán, taabó!, taábta!, taabásho –da
115
(b) After the consonants /d, y, w, c, h, x, kh, q, ´/, the stem final /t/ is
replaced by /d/. See § 4.1.
progr. booqá-nayaa
fut. booqá-n doonaa
116
(c) Many verbs in conjugation 3 have a consonant stem ending in /ad/,
whereas the vowel stem just ends in /a/. This always happens after a
cluster of two consonants, as well as after certain single consonants such
as /k/ and /sh/.
progr. gahsá-nayaa
fut. gashá-n doonaa
bogsadaa recovers
bogsataa, bogsánayaa, bogsán, bogsó!, bogsáda!, bogsásho –da
daawadaa watches
daawataa, daawánayaa, daawán, daawó!, daawáda, daawásho –da
dhaansadaa fetches water
dhaansataa, dhaansánayaa, dhaansán, dhaansó!, dhaansáda,
dhaansásho –da
eryadaa chases
eryataa, eryánayaa, eryán, eryó!, eryáda!, eryásho –da
karsadaa cooks for oneself
karsataa, karsánayaa, karsán, karsó!, karsáda, karsásho –da
kaydsadaa keeps, stores
kaydsataa, kaydsánayaa, kaydsán, kaydsó!, kaydsáda, kaydsásho –da
117
tabcadaa earns money for a certain purpose
tabcataa, tabcánayaa, tabcán, tabcó!, tabcáda!, tabcásho –da
tukadaa prays
tukataa, tukánayaa, tukán, tukó!, tukáda, tukásho –da
progr. dhalá-nayaa
fut. dhalá-n doonaa
dabaashaa swims
dhabaalataa, dhabaalánayaa, dabaalán doonaa, dabaaló!, dabaásha!,
dabaalásho –da
118
(e) A few verbs in conjugation 3 have a /t/ preceded by a vowel in the
consonant stem. In such verbs the vowel stem ends in /da/.
progr. qaadá-nayaa
fut. qaadá-n doonaa
119
(f) A few verbs in conjugation 3 have a consonant stem that in the north-
west ends in /dhdh/ [dh:], whereas in the south and east it ends in /rt/ (and
inflects in the most basic way). The intense pronunciation of /dhdh/ [dh:]
is of course not reflected by the spelling. The vowel stem ends in /dha/ in
the north-west and in /ra/ in the south and east.
120
(g) Two verbs have a vowel stem ending with /o/ instead of /a/.
121
(h) Several verbs in conjugation 3 have a consonant stem ending in /aad/,
whereas the vowel stem just ends in /aa/. This mainly happens in verbs
that are derived from adjectives. The stem in the imperative singular ends
in /ow/. These verbs have two verbal nouns. One ends in –nsho is
masculine, the other ends in –n (like in the 2nd conjugaiton) and is
feminine.
progr. dhammaá-nayaa
fut. dhammaá-n doonaa
This verb is derived from the adjective dhan whole, all, which has the
stem /dhamm/.
og aware
ogaadaa becomes aware, finds out
ogaataa, ogaánayaa, ogaán, ogów!, ogaáda!, ogaán –ta/ogaánsho –ha
122
§ 11.13 Irregular verbs
Somali has six irregular verbs. They are partly inflected through prefixes
and partly through suffixes. The two most irregular verbs are yahay is and
leeyahay has. The other four are yaallaa lies, yaqaannaa knows, yimaaddaa
comes, and yiraahdaa says.
yahay is
The verb yahay does not have progressive forms. It also does not have
present subjunctive forms in the way other verbs do. Instead, there are
three different forms for different functions.
IMPERATIVE be!
2 sg. ahów 2 pl. ahaáda
123
PRESENT “SUBJUNCTIVE” IN SUBCLAUSES WITH A SUBJECT WORD
These forms are identical to the ordinary present tense forms used in
main clauses.
The same forms (except those ending in –een) are also commonly
used after waa in must, ought to.
124
PRESENT am/are/is small REDUCED PRESENT
1 sg. yar ahay 1 pl. yaryar nahay yar
2 sg. yar tahay 2 pl. yaryar tihiin (all persons)
3 sg. m. yar yahay 3 pl. yaryar yihiin yari
3 sg. f. yar tahay (subject marked)
IMPERATIVE be small!
2 sg. yarów 2 pl. yaraáda
All the forms in the tables above that are written as two separate words
may equally well be written jointly, as a single word. Both ways of writing
are almost equally common. Although, for some special cases involving
sound changes see § 4.1.1.
125
§ 11.13.2a The use of yahay ‘is’
(i) If the predicative complement is a noun, no present tense verb
corresponding to English is/are is necessary. The particle waa indicates
that the clause is a statement.
(iii) The reduced verb form ah, used with a focused subject, is omitted
after an adjective. The symbol is used to represent the omitted verb.
jiraa exists, dwells, is present. This verb is mainly used to express the
existence of something, as opposed to its non-existence. A place is often
expressed in clauses with this verb. The place is usually expressed without
any preposition before the verb.
126
Itoobiya waxa jira hal milyan oo carruur ah oo cudurka HIV uu
agoon ka dhigay. In Ethiopia there are one million children that the HIV
disease has made into orphans.
joogaa stands, stays, is located, is present. This verb is mainly used when
stating the place where a living being can be found. It is mostly used
without any preposition referring to the place, but la with is used when
referring to company.
yaallaa is positioned, lies, is situated. This verb is mainly used when stating
the place where an object is located. It is mostly used with the preposition
ku to refer to a position inside a room or space, but without a preposition
when referring to a position on a surface.
127
leeyahay has
This verb has developed from a combination of the adjectival root leh
owning, having and the verb yahay is. It doesn’t have progressive forms,
nor does it have present subjunctive forms in the way other verbs do.
Instead, there are three different forms for different functions.
IMPERATIVE be!
2 sg. lahów 2 pl. lahaáda
128
PRESENT “SUBJUNCTIVE” IN SUBCLAUSES WITH A SUBJECT WORD
These forms are identical to the ordinary present tense forms used in
main clauses.
The same forms (except those ending in –een) are also commonly
used after waa in must, ought to.
haystaa, haysataa – is used to express that you have something with you;
you have it, you are holding it or you are using it, but you are not
necessarily the owner of it.
129
yaallaa lies, is
This verb has no progressive forms.
2 PL.
taallaan (coll. taalliin)
3 PL.
yaallaan (coll. yaalliin)
aallay 1 SG. / iil / iillay
taallay2 SG. / tiil / tiillay
yaallay3 SG.M. / yiil / yiillay
taallay3 SG.F. / tiil / tiillay
1 PL.
naalnay / naallay / niil / niilnay / niillay
2 PL.
taalleen / tiilleen
PAST
3 PL.
yaalleen / yiilleen
INFINITIVE oolli
IMPERATIVE not used
1 SG. aallo / aal
PRES. SUBJUNCTIVE
130
yaqaannaa knows
This verb has no progressive forms.
1 SG.
aqaannaa / aqaan
2 SG.
taqaannaa / taqaan
3 SG.M.
yaqaannaa / yaqaan
3 SG.F.
taqaannaa / taqaan
1 PL.
naqaannaa / naqaan
PRESENT
2 PL.
taqaannaan (coll. taqaanniin)
3 PL.
yaqaannaan (coll. yaqaanniin)
1 SG.
aqaannay / iqiin / iqiinnay
2 SG.
taqaannay / tiqiin / tiqiinnay
3 SG.M.
yaqaannay / yiqiin / yiqiinnay
3 SG.F.
taqaannay / tiqiin / tiqiinnay
1 PL.
naqaannay / niqiin / niqiinnay
2 PL.
taqaanneen / tiqiinneen
PAST
3 PL.
yaqaanneen / yiqiinneen
INFINITIVE aqoon
IMPERATIVE not used, replaced by ogow, ogaáda
1 SG. aqaanno / aqaan
PRES. SUBJUNCTIVE
131
yimaaddaa comes
1 SG.
imaaddaa
2 SG.
timaaddaa
3 SG.M.
yimaaddaa
3 SG.F.
timaaddaa
1 PL.
nimaadnaa
PRESENT
2 PL.
timaaddaan
3 PL.
yimaaddaan
imid 1 SG. / imi (imaadday)
timid 2 SG. / timi (timaadday)
yimid 3 SG.M.
/ yimi (yimaadday)
timid 3 SG.F.
/ timi (timaadday)
nimid 1 PL. / nimi (nimaadnay)
2 PL.
timaaddeen
PAST
3 PL.
yimaaddeen
IMPERATIVE kaálay, kaaláyaN / imów, imaádaS
INFINITIVE imánN / imaánS
PROGRESSIVE imánayaaN / imaánayaaS
1 SG. imaaddo
PRES. SUBJUNCTIVE
2 SG. timaaddo
3 SG.M. yimaaddo
3 SG.F. timaaddo
1 PL. nimaadno
2 PL. timaaddáan
3 PL. yimaaddáan
PAST & RED. iman(in)N / imaan(in)S
SUBJUNCTIVE
132
yiraahdaa says
This irregular verb has developed parallel regular forms, thus giving rise
to the completely regular verb dhahaa says.
133
§ 11.14 Formation of verbs
A verb and a noun often have exactly the same stem. It is then difficult to
say which is derived from the other.
134
They denote an action that causes the object of the verb to gain the quality
in question.
wasákh –da filth wasakheeyaa, wasakhaysaa sb. makes sth. dirty, pollutes
fudúd easy fududeeyaa, fududaysaa sb. makes sth. easy, simplifies
kulúl hot kululeeyaa, kululaysaa sb. heats sth.
yár small yareeyaa, yaraysaa sb. makes sth. small, reduces
135
Notice that in some verbs the /i/ of the suffix affects sounds in the root.
If a root with only one syllabe ends in /x/, /c/ or / ’/, a preceding /a/ tends
to change to /i/.
In a few other verb roots with only one syllabe, /a/ changes to /e/.
/g/ and/q/ change into /j/ before the causative suffix /i/.
In a few verbs /l/ also changes into /j/ before the causative –i.
When this suffix is added to a noun, the verb describes the state into which
the object noun changes as a result of the action that is carried out by the
subject of the verb.
136
kuláyl -ka heat kulayliyaa, kulaylisaa heats something
nadíif -ka cleanliness nadiifiyaa, nadiifisaa cleans something
qábow -ga coldness qaboojiyaa, qaboojisaa cools something
qaýb -ta part qaybiyaa, qaybisaa divides something
bilaabaa, bilowdaa sb. starts sth., begins with sth., begins to do sth.
bilaabmaa, bilaabantaa sth. starts, begins
137
dhaawacaa sb. hurts sb. else
dhaawacmaa sb. is hurt
Notice that the feminine form of the basic verb and the masculine form of
the autobenefactive verb are often identical.
Some verbs also contain an /s/ before the autobenefactive /t/. This gives
verbs ending in –staa after a vowel, and –sadaa after a consonant.
An /l/ in the root merges with the /s/ and gives /sh/.
138
kaaliyaa, kaalisaa supports, helps
/kaal/+/s/+/t/+/aa/ > /kaal/+/sadaa/ >
kaashadaa, kaashataa gets support, gets help
139
§ 12. Phrases and word order
A typical Somali clause consists of three kinds of phrases:
– NOUN PHRASES (NP),
– A PARTICLE PHRASE (PP),
– A VERB PHRASE (VP).
The order of these phrases is quite free. It depends mostly on the order in
which the speaker wishes to present the information. There is only one
strict rule for the order of phrases:
The particle phrase must occur somewhere before the verb phrase.
Noun phrases may however occur anywhere in a clause. That gives us the
following phrase order template:
Determiners are endings that are added directly to the head noun.
140
qoys, qoyska (a) family, the family
qoyskayga, qoyskaaga my family, your family
qoyskan, qoyskaas this family, that family
qoyskee which family
qoyskaygaas that family of mine
qoyskaagee which family of yours
Nouns as modifiers
(a) In Somali, the owner of an object may simply be placed after the owned
object. The owned object is generally in the definite form.
141
(d) When the construction describes a close family relation or friend, only
the construction with the possessive ending is used.
Adjectives as modifiers
Adjectives as modifiers follow after the noun that they modify.
17 There is an interesting structural similarity between English beauty-full and qurúx badan.
142
subclause. However, the verb forms are obligatorily contracted with the
preceding adjective and they just appear as the suffixes –aa/–ayd. The root
ah‒ systematically disappears after adjectives.
Relative clauses are discussed in more detail in § 15.3. The verb forms used
in subordinate clauses are discussed in § 15.1.
Two types of relative subclauses are exceptionally common and they are
therefore pointed out in the following two sections.
143
nín Soomaáli ah a Somali man, a Somali
man Somali being
gabár dhallinyaró ah a teenage girl, a teenager
girl youth being
shaáti bulúug ah a blue shirt
shirt blue.thing being
Agreement in definiteness
When a noun is used as a modifier of another noun, including when
connected by verb forms such as ah being, that is, leh having, that has, with,
or adjective such as, e.g., badán much, wéyn big, or yár small, both nouns
in the phrase must be either indefinite or definite. In other words, the two
nouns must agree in definiteness.
maalínta Jimcáha ah
the.day the.Friday being
(on) Friday
144
Also when the head noun has a demonstrative or possessive determiner
suffix, the modifier noun has to be definite.
In simple noun + noun constructions, both nouns are usually definite, but
other combinations do occur less frequently.
145
toddobá nácnac ah (seven.items candy being) seven pieces of candy
sáddex carruúr ah (three.items children being) three children
The same is true for the question word ímmisa? how many?, how much?
(b) It is also common to add a noun that is typically used for counting the
kind of objects in question. A very general such word is xábbo seed, which
is used in a similar way to English pieces, units before a great variety of
words.
Since the head noun sáddex/áfar now has two modifiers following each
other, the connector oo has to be added between the two modifiers. See
§ 12.1.10.
(c) When some kind of measure precedes a noun denoting a substance, the
substance is again followed by the reduced verb form ah being.
(a) If the head noun is indefinite, the conjunction oo and is typically used
before the second, third etc. modifier.
Numerals are nouns and function as the head of their noun phrase.
146
labá gabdhood oo walaaló ah two sisters (lit. two girl siblings)
two.items girls and siblings being
sáddex wiil oo walaaló ah three brothers (lit. three boy siblings)
three.items boys and siblings being
labá waxtar oo kale two other benefits
two.items benefits and other
sáddex kun oo qof three thousand people
three.items thousand and person
(b) If the head noun is definite, the conjunction ee is typically used before
the second, third etc. modifier.
(c) Also the conjunction oo is sometimes used after definite head nouns. It
then introduces a modifier that is only parenthetical. The modifier very
often expresses something that is only valid temporarily, in a specific
situation.
It may also express that something is not crucial in order to identify what
the head noun is referring to. if so, one should be able to add by the way
before the modifier in the English translation.
We already know this animal from the previous context. That it has now
been slaughtered is just mentioned as parenthetical information.
147
Fadumo has written this short text about/concerning (by the way) her new
friend.
The conjunctions oo and ee are also used in exactly the same way to
connect relative clauses to their head nouns.
148
More than two nouns in a phrase
When, in a sequence of several nouns, each noun modifies the
immediately preceding noun, no conjunction is needed. The result is
sometimes a quite long series of nouns. Such phrases may usually be
translated into English by inserting of between the nouns, but other
solutions are often more elegant.
However, if two subsequent modifier nouns are referring back to the same
head noun, one of the conjunctions oo and ee must be used before the
second one, as discussed in the preceding section.
149
maalín maalmáha ká mid ah
day the.days of one being
one day of the days = one of those days
Such a preposition does not have a high tone since it actually serves as a
prefix in a derived, complex noun. Therefore the prepositon is sometimes
also written together with the verbal noun, but usually it is not.
waxba nothing
150
For the reinforcing function, the most idiomatic translations may vary
quite a bit. In affirmative declarative clauses it may correspond to also, all,
every.
151
§ 12.2 The verb phrase
The verb phrase constitutes the predicate part of a clause. In addition to
the finite verb, the following words are also maximally included in the
verb phrase:
The word order within the verb phrase is fixed according to the above list.
The elements 1‒7a are obligatorily contracted into one word. In these
contractions certain sound changes occur. See § 5.2.
152
Prepositions
Somali and English prepositions are not used in the same way, but they
still have very much in common. The difference is that English has a large
number of prepositions, and they are mainly used before nouns, whereas
Somali has only four genuine prepostions, expressing four very basic
meanings, and these four prepositions must be placed in the predicate
phrase, normally before a verb or an adjective. They indicate the kind of
relationship that holds between this verb or adjective and a noun or noun
phrase. This makes perfect sense, since prepositions serve to connect two
other words and express their relationship to each other. To put the
preposition before one of those words (the noun) in English really isn’t
more “natural” than to put it before the other word (the verb) in Somali.
153
Wáxa aynu guryáha kú cunnaa cuntó kala duwan.
In the homes we eat different (kinds of) food.
The negator má
The negator má follows directly after possible object pronouns and
prepositions, and they all merge into one word.
Viewpoint particles
The basic function of the particle soó is to express motion towards the place
where the subject of the clause is located.
Examples
The basic function of the particle sií is to express motion away from the place
where the subject of the clause is located.
Examples
154
This motion is not always concrete. It may also refer to time and other
phenomena that may be perceived as moving closer or moving away in an
abstract way, e.g. the expression soó socdá coming, following, next.
The particle soó is often also used to express the completion of an action.
Distribution particles
kala, wada
Examples
Position particles
A dozen or so nouns have developed into particles that can occur in the
verb phrase in order to describe the place or position where the action is
carried out.
155
§ 12.3 The particle phrase
Every simple Somali clause contains a special word that determines what
kind of clause it is, e.g. a statement, question, request, wish or possibility,
and also if the clause is affirmative or negative. These little words are
called SENTENCE PARTICLES. Together with a subject pronoun they
constitute the particle phrase.
Sentence particles
(a) Sentence particles expressing TYPE OF CLAUSE:
Add examples!
156
há expresses wishes and indirect commands in the 3rd person.
This particle always has a high tone.
ayáa / báa express that the noun phrase immediately preceding the
particle is focused. Ayaa and baa are synonymous and
mutually exchangeable, although ayaa is often perceived as
a bit more formal, and baa as somewhat more colloquial.
wáxa / waxáa express that the noun phrase at the end of the clause is
focused.
Depending on the context, you would you give slightly more emphasis to
different words in English.
The focus particles báa / ayáa are optional after the interrogative suffix ‒
eé. One could say that the suffix ‒eé itself is able to expresses focus.
Example
The focus particles báa / ayáa are obligatorily contracted with the
interrogative pronouns ayó? who? and maxaý? what?, giving the focused
forms yáa? who? (FOC) and maxáa? what? (FOC).
Example
157
Short subject pronouns
The following subject pronouns occur in the particle phrase. See § 9.1.
aan I / we
aad you
uu he / it
ay she / it / they
aannu we (excluding you)
aynu we (including you)
aydin you (pl.)
NB!
La one occurs at the beginning of the verb phrase.
Example
The short subject pronoun has to be used even if there is also a long subject
pronoun in the clause.
Anigu waa aan weyn ahay, adiguna waa aad yar tahay.
I am big and you are little.
158
(b) In questions and negative clauses, the short subject pronouns are
optional.
Example
(c) If the predicate contains no verb, i.e. only a noun phrase, short subject
pronouns are never used.
(d) In clauses with the particle waa, the 3rd person short subject pronouns
uu he, it and ay she, it, they are often omitted if the predicate consists of an
adjective plus the verb yahay/tahay/yihiin is, are.
(e) In other clauses with the particle waa, the 3rd person short subject
pronouns are also sometimes omitted, thus putting more emphasis on the
verb itself.
(f) The short subject pronouns are also optional whenever a subject noun
phrase occurs between the particle phrase and the verb phrase.
Example
159
§ 13. Simple clauses
A Somali simple clause or main clause normally contains a particle phrase
and a verb phrase.
One or more noun phrases may occur anywhere in the clause, sometimes
also between the particle phrase and the verb phrase.
Besides the fact that the particle phrase always precedes the verb phrase,
there are no simple rules for the order of the phrases in a clause. The order
depends on how one chooses to structure and present the information. It
is common to start with facts that are already familiar and finish with new
information.
Subjects
In clauses where the subject is not focused, it has to be grammatically
marked with a subject ending.
If the subject is not focused there is normally also a short subject pronoun
in the particle phrase.
It is only the last word in the subject noun phrase that is marked. It is
marked by tone and/or the endings –u, –i, –aa in the following ways.
160
Wíilkaygu waa macállin. My son is a teacher.
Hooyáda reérku waa Cambará. The mother of the family is Ambara.
Notice that nouns with a base form ending in –aha have a subject form
ending in –uhu.
(b) The high tone is missing on the last (or only) morpheme of the subject.
(c) Adjectives take the ending –i. The high tone on the stem of the adjective
disappears.
(d) Pronouns and corresponding suffixes not ending in –a take the ending
–i. A high tone on the morpheme preceding ‒i usually disappears.
(e) Feminine nouns with an indefinite form that ends in a consonant often
take the ending –i, especially in a more formal style.
With proper nouns this ending is less frequent than with common nouns.
161
(f) Verb forms not inflected for person and ending in a consonant (ah being,
leh having, as well as subjunctive forms ending in –n) take the suffix –i.
(g) Verb forms ending in a short –a/–o take the long vowel ending –aa in
a subject noun phrase.
Wiilka jiifaa wuu bukaa. The boy that is lying down is ill.
Sideé baa ay dádka sawirráda ká muuqdaa ú isticmaalaan biyáha?
How do the people showing in the pictures use the water?
(h) In the adjective kasta each, every, the final vowel also becomes –aa when
it refers to a subject.
(i) Short possessive endings take over the high tone from the preceding
morpheme, hence these endings are not affected by the rule in (b) above.
Predicate agreement
If a clause contains a subject noun phrase, the short subject pronoun and
the predicate verb must agree with it in grammatical number, and in the
singular also in gender. In some cases, however, there is a discrepancy
between the grammatical form of the subject and its meaning. The most
common case is collective nouns which are grammatically singular, but
162
have a ”plural” meaning, e.g. carruur children, dumar women, qoys family,
etc. The verb and the short subject pronoun, which are always in the same
form, may then be either in the singular or in the plural. In the following
example, the subject is a feminine singular collective noun, followed by a
plural subject pronoun and verb in the first clause, and by a feminine
singular subject pronoun and verb in the second clause.
There are also instances where a word’s grammatical gender and biolo-
gical sex do not coincide, e.g. xaas (m.) wife, sac (m.) cow. If the noun
denotes a human being, the biological sex generally determines the form
of the short subject pronoun and the verb, whereas if the noun denotes an
animal, the word’s grammatical gender takes precedence.
In clauses with the focus particle waxa where the subject comes after the
verb, the verb may agree with either the real subject or with the focus
particle wáxa, which is originally a definite masculine noun meaning the
thing.
163
Focused subjects
If the subject noun phrase of a clause is focused,
1) the subject phrase is not marked with a subject ending,
2) there is no short subject pronoun,
3) the predicate verb appears in the reduced form (see § 11.9).
A focused subject may also occur at the end of the clause. It is then focused
with the particle waxa(a). Such clauses are often translated in the passive.
Objects
In Somali there is no formal difference between object noun phrases and
adverbial noun phrases. If one still wishes to make this distinction, it has
to be based on either the meaning of the phrases or on the presence of an
associated preposition in the verb phrase. Noun phrases that are
164
associated with a preposition may then be regarded as adverbial phrases,
whereas noun phrases that are directly associated with the verb, without
a preposition, are considered object noun phrases.
165
Adverbials
Noun phrases that are associated with a preposition are referred to as
adverbials. The preposition is always found in the verb phrase, and from
there it refers to one of the noun phrases in the clause. Which noun phrase
it points to can only be inferred from the context.
Wáxa aynu <> guryáha <> kú cunnaa <> cuntó kala duwan.
In the homes we eat DIFFERENT KINDS OF FOOD.
Example
166
Xaawó ayaa ú keentay kíldhi sháah ah iyo kóob.
HAWO brought him/her a tea kettle and a cup.
167
To express manner, the preposition ú is very often used together with the
noun si manner, way, corresponding to English in a … way or in a … manner.
Sometimes the noun hab manner, method, order is used instead of si.
Laba-labo u shaqeeya.
Work in pairs.
168
Carruúrtaydu áad baa ay ú fiicán tahay.
my.children high.degree FOC they to good are
My children are VERY good.
Ú fiirsó nínka.
Look at the man.
ú baahán yahay is needy of, is in need of, has need for, needs
ú ég yahay is similar to
169
Xasan wáxa uu kú nóol yahay Boosaasó.
Hassan lives in Bosaso.
170
Kalluunka waxaa lagu qallajinayaa qorraxda.
the.fish FOC one.in is.drying the.sun
They are drying the fish in the SUN (i.e. using the sun).
(iii) Circumstance
171
§ 13.1.5c The preposition ka
Somali also has the demonstrative pronoun ka the, this. See § 9.2.3.
(ii) Material: of
Ka hadal sawirrada.
Talk about the pictures.
172
Hodan waxa ay wax ka qortay xeebta.
Hodan wrote something about the coast.
Ká jawáab su'aaláhan.
Answer these questions.
173
Waxa uu la socdaa saaxiibkiis.
He walks together with his friend.
174
Waan ka dul boodi karaa. I can jump over it.
Igama dul boodi kartid. You can’t jump over me.
Which of the three forms is chosen depends on the gender and number of
the noun that the ”position noun” refers to.
175
§ 13.1.5h Recipient or indirect object
Most verbs express a recipient or indirect object through the proposition
u to, for, but a few verbs take two objects without any preposition, e.g.
baraa teaches sth. to sb., introduces sb. to sb., siiyaa gives sth. to sb. or gives sb.
sth. tusaa shows sth. to sb. or shows sb. sth., and weydiiyaa asks sb. sth.
Diinka iyo xaaskiisu <> waxay <> tageen <> guriga Maroodiga.
The turtle and his wife went to Elephant’s house.
A few verbs that take an object, such as saaraa puts, are also accompanied
by an adverbial of place without any preposition.
176
Cumar <> cawska <> ayuu <> saarayaa <> saqafka.
Omar puts GRASS on the roof.
Noun phrases that express time and refer to the past most often take the
demonstrative ending ‒kii/‒tii.
gaar ahaan, dhab ahaan, tusaale ahaan, qiyaas ahaan, run ahaan etc.
177
Vocatives
Many languages have special grammatical forms expressing that a word
or a phrase is used in order to address a person (or even a thing). In Somali
this function is expressed by a high tone on the initial vowel position.
Vocative phrases can also be formed with suffixes. At the end of a phrase
with a feminine singular head noun, the ending –ey is added after a
consonant and only –y after –o/–a. The vocative ending for phrases with a
masculine head noun is –ow. There is one high tone on these vocative
endings and one also on the head noun itself.
These endings may be written with a long or a short vowel, i.e. –ey/–eey,
–ay/–aay, –oy/–ooy, –ow/-oow. If one is very emotional, even more than
two vowels may sometimes be written.
There are also longer endings that are mostly added to common nouns.
The ending –yahow is used for masculine singular nouns as well as all
plural nouns, whereas –yahay is used for feminine singular nouns. These
longer endings do not have any high tone.
shimbiró birds
shimbiráyahow! hey, birds!
Notice that the plural morpheme /o/ changes to /a/ before the long
vocative ending.
178
§ 13.2 Declarative clauses
(a) A declarative clause with no focused noun or noun phrase must
contain the particle waa. Normally, there is also a short subject pronoun.
This particle phrase normally goes right before the verb phrase.
(b) A declarative clause with focus on one of the noun phrases contains
one of the three focus particles baa, ayaa or waxa(a).
If the focused noun phrase goes before the verb phrase, baa or ayáa is used
and the particle occurs immediately after the focused noun phrase.
If the focused noun phrase occurs at the end of the clause, the particle
wáxa/waxáa is used and the particle phrase occurs before the verb phrase.
179
(a) If the predicative complement does not contain a noun, but just an
adjective, the adjective goes in the verb phrase, immediately before the
verb yahay is. The short subject pronoun is often omitted.
This type of clause lacks a verb phrase and a short subject pronoun.
Instead, the particle waa relates to and has a fixed position relative to the
noun phrase that functions as the predicate part of the clause, also called
the predicative complement.
It is also possible, however, to use a full clause with the verb yahay, tahay
is and a focus particle that focuses the predicative complement.
180
(b) If the subject is focused and the predicate complement is an adjective,
the reduced form ah being is omitted in the present tense.
Comparison
When two items are compared, the words like or as are often used in
English. In Somali the noun sida the way, the manner is most often used as
the head of a noun phrase. This noun phrase often becomes a predicative
complement.
Examples
181
§ 13.3 Questions
Two of the wh-words are obligatorily contracted with the following focus
particle into one word.
Yaa ay siisay hooyo hilibkii? WHO did mother give the meat to?
As always, the short subject pronoun can of course be contracted with the
focus particle in a more casual style. Notice especially the irregular form
muxúu WHAT … he? < maxaý + baa / ayaa + uu.
If the focused wh-word phrase is also the subject of the clause, there will
of course not be any short subject pronoun and the verb will be in its
reduced form. The form ah being is omitted after an adjective.
182
Maxáa ká duwán ?
WHAT is different (than …)?
After the pronoun kee/tee? which? and nouns with this ending, the focus
particle baa or ayaa is often contracted with the focuse question word. In
clauses where such focused question words are the subject, there is no
short subject pronoun and the verb is used in its reduced form.
Examples
Yes/no questions
In a question that requires yes or no for an answer, the sentence type
particle ma 18 is used together with the ordinary forms of the verb. The
short subject pronoun is optional.
18A similar particle exists in many other languages, such as Arabic (hal), Finnish (-ko/-kö),
French (est-ce que), Persian (āyā), Polish (czy) and Russian (li), but in most languages it is not
obligatory, whereas it is obligatory in Somali.
183
The question particle ma has a high tone if the following phrase doesn’t
have a high tone. This is particularly the case for the simple aspect of verbs
and the object pronouns.
Má <> i aragtaa?
Do you see me?
Adígu <> má <> tahay <> hooyáday?
Are you my mother?
The question particle ma does not have a high tone if the following phrase
has a high tone. This is particularly the case for the progressive and
habitual aspect of verbs, as well as for prepositions and nouns.
Many yes/no questions also contain a focus particle alongside the question
particle ma. This is especially frequent with the verb to be.
If ayáa is used instead, ma goes after the focused noun or noun phrase
and ma + ayáa is contracted into miyáa.
184
Maxamed ma macállin baa?
= Maxamed macállin miyáa?
Is Mohamed a teacher?
Without focus, the verb yahay is functions just like any other verb.
If mise is used between clauses, the first clause contains the question
particle ma, whereas the second clause is a declarative clause with the
particle waa.
185
§ 13.4 Commands
Commands are mainly expressed by the imperative form of the verb.
186
§ 13.5 Negative clauses
In negative declarative clauses the sentence type particle má not is used. It
always has a high tone. The verb is in the subjunctive. See § 11.10. The
short subject pronouns are not obligatory, but are frequently used by
some.
Negative questions
Questions usually contain a focused noun phrase. When negation and
noun phrase focus occur in the same clause, the negator aan not must be
used together with the verb in the reduced subjunctive form ending in –
n/–in/–nin.
There are two negations, ma and aan. Ma is a sentence particle, and replaces waa.
Aan is not a sentence particle, and it can be added in sentences that already contain a sentence
particle, e.g. a focus particle. It is also used in subclauses, since a subclause can never contain
a sentence particle.
And finally, both are often used together in main clauses in the past tense, as in the example
above.
Negative progressive (see 11.10.1) either negation + progr. subj. OR inf. + neg. progr. aux.
187
§ 14. Coordination
There are three words in Somali that correspond to English and, namely
iyo, oo and –na.
(a) The conjunction iyo and is used between nouns or noun phrases.
Most subclauses begin with a noun. This means that subclauses are noun
phrases and such subclauses are therefore joined by iyo.
Example
Examples
(b) Noun modifiers (adjectives, adjective phrases and relative clauses) are
connected with either oo or ee. In most instances oo is used to connect
modifiers of indefinite nouns, whereas ee is used with defininte nouns.
For more details see §
exempel med ee
(c) The conjunction oo and is used between two verbs or verb phrases.
188
Oo can also be used between full main clauses or fragments of main
clauses, as long as there is a predicate verb in the fragment that follows.
ariga uu raaco waxay ka kooban yihiin riyo iyo ido oo wuxuu soo
daajiyaa guriga agtiisa. Markaii duhurka la gaaro ayaa waxaa loo
geeyaa cunto iyo biyo. Markay qorraxdu dhacdo ayuu ariga guriga
ku soo celiyaa. Habeenkii geedi waxaa loo lisaa caano oo wuxuu
jecelyahay caanaha lo’da iyo geela,
(d) The conjunction –na and is used between main clauses. It is attached
to the first phrase of the second clause.
189
Shaqadaydu ma aha in aan dilo ama dhaawaco.
My job is not to kill or injure.
If mise is used between clauses, the first clause contains the question
particle ma, whereas the second clause is a declarative clause with the
particle waa.
If you are not expected to make a choice, ama is also used in questions.
Digaagad ayaa biyaha ku dhex jirta ee waa in aad noo soo gurmataa.
There is a hen down in the water, so you must come and help us.
190
corresponds fairly well to English but. Before a negative clause, though,
English usually doesn’t have any conjunction at all.
The conjunction –se is added to the first phrase of the second clause. It
puts less emphasis on the contrast than do laakiín and balsé.
191
Waxa uu xidhán yahay dhár fudud waáyo waa xílli kulul.
He is dressed in LIGHT CLOTHES since it is a warm season.
192
§ 15. Subordinate clauses
A Somali subordinate clause can straightforwardly be identified by its
lack of a sentence particle. Only main clauses contain sentence particles.
Notice that imperative clauses are main clauses even though they don’t
contain any sentence particle.
193
Only past tense events are expressed by the ordinary past tense since the
verb describes a real event.
Saaka markii aan dugsiga ku soo socday waxa aan arkay shimbir
aad u qurux badan.
This morning when I walked to school I saw a very beautiful bird.
Notice that the present “subjunctive” forms of yahay is and leeyahay has
used in subclauses with a subject word are identical to the ordinary
present tense forms used in main clauses.
(b) In positive subclauses that do not contain any subject word the
ordinary reduced verb forms are used. Such subclauses are relative
clauses where the subject of the verb is equal to the head noun of the
relative clause. The head noun is not part of the relative clause itself, but
belongs to the main clause.
20Often, a verb in a relative clause like this may be omitted in English if it does not really
contribute anything to the meaning that is not evident from the context. The reason for this
syntactic difference between the two languages is that a preposition may connect two nouns
in English, whereas in Somali prepositions always connect a verb (or adjective) and a noun.
194
(c) Negative subclauses always contain verbs in the reduced subjunctive
form, which leads to a lack of distinction between present and past tense.
The temporal interpretation must depend on the context.
The use of the reduced subjunctive form is due to the two simultaneous
cues for the subjunctive: subclause and negation.
Past tense in a subclause often means that the event of the subclause
preceded the event in the main clause, which will often correspond to the
past perfect tense in English.
195
Marka ay dugsiga tagayaan iyo marka ay ka imanayaanba way is
raacaan. Both when they are going to school and when they are coming
(back) from (it) they accompany each other.
On the other hand, the simple present tense means that the action in the
subclause has come to an end before the action in the main clause starts.
Often both present and past tense may be used in English.
196
§ 15.2 Ín clauses
The only frequent subjunction in Somali is ín that.
Example
197
And my job is to heal, it is not to kill or injure (lit. …that I heal, it is not
that I kill or injure).
One possible explanation for this variation could be that this construction
is not straightforwardly felt to be a subclause, since there isn’t much of a
main clause preceding it.
198
§ 15.3 Relative clauses
English relative clauses typically begin with a relative word such as that,
who, which, where etc.
The short subject pronoun may also occur before the verb, and it may be
omitted if there is a subject noun phrase in the subclause.
(a) The conjunction ee is typically used before the second (third etc.)
modifier after a definite head noun.
199
Maxáa uu ahaa dhárka cusub ee Faadumó loó iibiyay?
What are the new clothes that one bought for Faduma?
Booqó iláha biyáha ee kú dhów dúgsigaaga.
Visit the water sources that are close to your school.
Magaców cuntáda kala duwán ee sáwirka ká muuqata.
Give the names of the different kinds of food shown in the picture.
(b) The conjunction oo is typically used before the second (third etc.)
modifier after an indefinite head noun.
(c) After proper nouns and personal pronouns, oo must always be used,
also before the first modifier.
This use of oo indicates that the relative clause is parenthetical and not
necessary in order to identify the person or object referred to by the head
noun. This kind of relative clause often gives information that is only
relevant in a specific situation. See also § 15.4.6.
200
Sáwir gúriga reer-guuraága iyo árigii oo xeraysan.
The use of this subject marker is not very widespread in colloquial Somali,
and it is therefore frequently lacking in writing as well.
English headings, titles and captions may also contain a relative clause
with a verb, but often they just contain a noun phrase followed by a
preposition phrase. That kind of structure is impossible in Somali, since
201
prepositions can only be used if followed by a verb. That is why relative
clauses are more frequent in Somali than in English.
The noun the moment does the same job as the subjunction when. To use
nouns as connecting words between clauses in this manner is extremely
common in Somali. Actually, subjunctions are quite scarce, with the
exception of the very frequent subjunction ín that and a few others
borrowed from Arabic.
Temporal clauses
The most common subordinator word introducing temporal subclauses is
the noun marka / markii the moment. It corresponds to English when.
202
The form marka is mainly used for general reference and with reference
to the present and the future, whereas the form markii is mainly used with
reference to a specific occasion in the past.
203
ilaa until (a subjunction of Arabic origin)
Conditional clauses
The most common subordinator word in conditional subclauses is the
noun haddií the occasion. It corresponds to English if.
Haddií aad erayó iskú darto waxa aad héli doontaa weér.
If you put words together you will get a clause.
Maxáa aad samaýn lahayd haddií aad lá socón lahayd Maxámed iyó
Núur maalíntaas? What would you have done if you had been
accompanying Mahamed and Nur that day?
If the situation is perceived as general but still not very probable, with a
possible reference to the future, only the main clause is in the conditional
whereas the subcluase is in the present subjunctive. The corresponding
English subclause is usually in the past tense.
204
Maxaa ugu habboon ee aad samayn lahayd haddii aad aragto guri
dab qabsaday. What’s the most suitable thing that you would do if you
saw a house that had caught fire?
Final subclauses
The verb in final subclauses is normally in the simple present subjunctive.
(a) Final subclauses are mostly introduced by the noun si manner, way,
accompanied by the preposition ú in (a way) in the verb phrase of the
subclause. This construction corresponds to the English subjunctional
phrases in order to and so that.
Concessive clauses
Concessive subclauses are introduced by the subordinator phrase in kasta
oo, corresponding to English even though. The contracted form in kastoo
or inkastoo is also very frequent.
205
Axmed waa yimid in kasta oo uu soo daahay.
Ahmed came, even though he was late.
Causal clauses
Causes are usually not expressed by subordinate clauses in Somali.
Instead, the conjunctional phrase sababta oo ah / sababtoo ah the reason
being, corresponding to English since, because, is most often used. It is
followed by a complete main clause containing a sentence particle.
Circumstantial clauses
A special type of relative clause is used to express different kinds of
circumstances. A long personal pronoun, a name, and sometimes a
common noun with a definite determiner, is followed by the conjunction
oo and a relative clause. This type of construction may express time,
manner, reason etc. and the interpretation depends only on the context.
206
TIME:
MANNER:
CONDITION:
Comparative clauses
Subclauses that express a comparison are usually introduced by the noun
sida as.
207
§ 15.5 English indirect questions
English indirect questions are generally introduced by the same question
word as the corresponding direct question, e.g., when, where, how, what.
In Somali, question words are mostly formed through the addition of the
interrogative suffix –ee to various nouns. In “indirect questions” the same
noun is used, but in the plain definite form, without the interrogative
suffix –ee.
xaggee? – xagga
maxay? – waxa
It is especially important to notice that wáxa the thing isn’t always a focus
particle. Sometimes it is a definite noun used to introduce an object
subclause in the same way as English what.
208
§ 15.6 Direct speech as object clause
Direct speech may occur as the object of a verb in a main clause. Both
clauses are then main clauses and will contain sentence particles. It is very
common for the dominant clause to contain a focus particle pointing to the
object clause.
The negator word aan not usually accomppanies the short subject
pronoun, either before it (more common in the north), or after it (more
common in the south). A long vowel in the second element, be it the
negator or the pronoun, is shortened. The buffer consonant /s/ is inserted
after the pronouns uu he and ay she; they before the negator. Cf. § 5.2.6.
209
§ 16. Colloquial Somali
Everyday, casual Somali, both spoken and written, exhibits many smaller
and larger differences compared to the norms that are most commonly
applied in public written communication, i.e., what one may call
standardised written Somali or simply standard Somali.
It is important not to forget that standard Somali also exhibits quite a bit
of variation within the standard, as discussed earlier in this grammar.
There are, however, many other phenomena that fall outside the generally
applied written norm or standard, which are still very common in
everyday, casual Somali. Some of those traits will be presented below.
Word forms that you usually don’t see in writing will be marked with C
for colloquial.
Contractions
When there is a variation at hand between uncontracted and contracted
items, the contracted ones are generally preferred in colloquial Somali.
The focus particles baa/ayaa are left out and the subject pronoun is
attached to the focused noun or noun phrase.
Assimilation of /n/
In verbs, the 1st person plural /n/ is assimilated to a preceding /l/, /r/
210
waan hadallaaC for waa aan hadalnaa we speak
waan furrayC for waa aan furnay we opened
§ 16.2 Inflection
Gender of nouns
Some nouns exhibit variation in gender in some regions.
STANDARD COLLOQUIAL/REGIONAL
arrín -ta matter árrin -ka
gúddi -ga committee guddí -da
maalín -ta day maálin -ka
211
roóti -gaS bread rootí -da
roodhí -daN bread
Sabtí -da Saturday Sábti -ga
Determiner endings
The short possessive ending –kiis/–tiis is often further shortened to –
kii/–tii or –kiC/–tiC.
Verb inflection
212
§ 16.2.4b 1 p. sing. negative present subjunctive
1st person singular negative present subjunctive ends in –i in southern
colloquial Somali instead of the standard form that ends in –o.
Examples
§ 16.3 Syntax
Lack of subclause nagator aan not, typical in Benaadir.
No subject case
In a colloquial style, the grammatical subject marking is often not used,
especially in the south.
Examples
213
Focus by subject pronoun
In colloquial Somali, the focus particle baa/ayaa very commonly
disappears between a preceding noun phrase and a following short
subject pronoun. The subject pronoun is contracted with the preceding
noun phrase. This construction is a very frequent way of expressing focus
in colloquial Somali.
Examples
Examples
214