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APPROACH – ANSWER: SOCIOLOGY MOCK TEST - 2528 (2024)

SECTION ‘A’
1. Write a short note on each of the following in not more than 150 words. 10x5=50
(a) Highlight the significant features of G.S Ghurye’s Indological perspective to study Indian
Society. 10
Answer:
The Indological perspective understands Indian Society through the concepts, theories and
frameworks that are closely associated with Indian Civilization. Ghurye’s Indological Approach
hovers around the study of Indian Culture and Social Structure drawing its sustenance from
Sanskritic literature base.
Significant features of G.S Ghurye’s Indological perspective:
• Book View: Ghurye believed in the significance of analyzing sacred texts, religious scriptures,
and ancient literature to comprehend the underlying principles and values that shape Indian
society. He argued that these texts provide valuable insights into the moral, social, and cultural
fabric of the society.
• Critique of Colonial Stereotypes: Ghurye challenged the colonial stereotypes that depicted
Indian society as stagnant, closed, little republics, irrational, and inferior to Western civilizations.
• Interdisciplinary Approach: Indology integrates insights from various disciplines, including
linguistics, literature, philosophy, religion, history, and archaeology. This interdisciplinary
approach allows scholars to gain a more comprehensive understanding of ancient Indian culture
by considering a range of perspectives and sources.
• Focus on Sanskrit: Early Indologists including Ghurye recognized Sanskrit as a key to unlocking
the treasures of ancient Indian literature and philosophy.
• Focus on Caste: Ghurye extensively studied the caste system, considering it a central organizing
principle of Indian society. He identified six key features of caste: segmental division, hierarchy,
restricted occupations, endogamy, and notions of purity and pollution. O
Ghurye's emphasis on understanding the historical context, studying ancient texts, and considering
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the "Hindu Social System" as a framework for analysis continues to inspire scholars and provide
valuable insights into the complexities of Indian society.
S.
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1. (b) Critique the victory narrative of land reforms in the context of Indian Society. 10
Answer:
O

The Policy of the Land Reforms got implemented with the objectives of restructuring agrarian
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relations to achieve an egalitarian social structure, eliminating exploitation in land relations, realising
the age-old goal of land to the tiller, increasing agricultural production, and infusing equality in
society.
D

Critique of the victory narrative of land reforms in the context of Indian Society:
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• Incomplete Land Redistribution: Despite aiming to dismantle landlordism and redistribute

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land to landless farmers, the actual transfer of land has been limited and uneven. Powerful
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 landlords often managed to evade redistribution through loopholes and political clout, leaving
many marginal farmers landless.
• Caste and Class Dynamics: The dominance of upper-caste and upper-class individuals in
political leadership has created a situation where the interests of these elites could not align with
the goals of land reform programs. This results in a lack of enthusiasm or commitment to
implementing redistributive policies.
• Symbolic versus Material Change: The narrative often emphasizes symbolic victories, such as
the abolition of Zamindari systems or the increase in the number of land titles issued. But poor
quality of land, fragmented, or lacking basic infrastructure, etc. makes it difficult for small farmers
to cultivate it effectively and improve their livelihoods.
• Gender inequality: While land reforms aimed for redistribution, they largely overlooked the
existing inequalities within households based on gender. Traditional patriarchal structures
meant that women, despite playing a significant role in agriculture, often lacked access to land
ownership and decision-making power.
Despite criticism, land reforms have some positive developments as well:
• According to Srinivas, in India’s villages, smaller number of big landowners occupy larger portion
of land. In other words, the caste which has larger portion of village land wields power. The big
landowners, thus, are patrons of the bulk of the poor villagers. In villages, those castes which have
larger portion of land enjoy power and prestige. However, the policy of land reforms tried to alter
this power balance thereby achieving an egalitarian social structure.
• Andre Beteille has highlighted that a number of factors including land reforms has led to change
in caste, class and power from symmetrical relation to asymmetrical one.
Continuous evaluation and adaptation of policies based on changing circumstances will be essential
for the sustained improvement of land-related issues in Indian society.

1. (c) While Dumont's work on caste in India has been influential, it has also been subject to
criticism. Discuss. 10
Answer:
Louis Dumont in ‘Homo Hierarchicus: The caste system and its implications’ has given a well
formulated theory on the caste system in India. In his seminal work, he argues that ‘values or
ideologies ‘provide the basis of social organization of any society. According to him however, the
‘values or ideologies’ of traditional societies are fundamentally different from modern western
societies, with the former emphasizing ‘collectivism’ and ‘hierarchy’ and the latter ‘individualism’
and ‘equality’.
Influential Aspects of Dumont's Work:
• Conceptual framework of hierarchy: According to Dumont, ‘collectivism and hierarchy’, are
)

the organizing principles of the ‘caste system’ in India. This hierarchy which is a ‘religious
O
ranking’ in terms of a dialectical relationship between the ‘pure’ and ‘impure’, becomes the
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basis of ‘separateness’, ‘distinction’ and division of labour’ between the different caste groups.
S.

However the value of ‘hierarchy’ also integrates the Hindu society as the different caste groups
are not just ‘hierarchically ranked’ but are also ‘mutually related’ through ‘a system of
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opposition’, as the pure is pure only in relation to the impure.

o Dumont argues that the ‘ritual hierarchy’ is a ‘pure hierarchy’, which exists independently
of economic and political power. He is of the opinion that this aspect of ‘power’ operating
O

within the framework of status–hierarchy, is unlike the class–society, of modern societies.

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The ‘pure hierarchy’ stemming from ‘religious values’ makes the caste system ‘peculiar to
Indian society.’
• Individual vs. Group: Dumont's work questioned the Western individual-centric perspective
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and highlighted the collective nature of Indian society. He argued that in Indian society, the
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group (caste) identity often takes precedence over individual identity. This insight helps us
understand how caste affiliations impact various aspects of an individual's life, including
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marriage, occupation, and social interactions.

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 • Ascriptive vs. Achievement-based status: Dumont highlighted the difference between ascribed
status and achieved status in caste societies. In ascribed status systems like the Indian caste
system, social positions are assigned at birth and are not easily changeable. Dumont's analysis
shed light on how this feature of the caste system influenced social mobility, occupation, and
inter-caste relationships.
• Symbolic significance: Dumont emphasized the symbolic significance of caste rituals and
practices. He argued that these rituals played a crucial role in maintaining the hierarchy and
reinforcing the social order. This perspective contributes to our understanding of how cultural
practices and beliefs are intertwined with the functioning of the caste system.
Critique:
• Critiques have argued that Dumont through his theory tried to develop an ‘ideal type’ of the
Hindu caste system, which he applied pan-India. This was mainly because his sources were
derived from classical Hind texts and he ignored large amount of empirical literature, which
provide graphic details of how caste system functioned at the micro–level.
• According to Dipankar Gupta, Dumont constructed the facts in such a manner that he
significantly marginalised the impact of empirical literature available to him.
• According to Mckim Marriot, the ‘ritual hierarchy ‘is indirectly influenced by political and
economic and other non-ritual hierarchies of interaction. It therefore does not correspond with
the lived reality of caste.
• According to Gerald Berreman, Dumont’s theory can be regarded as a Brahmanical
Perspective of caste, as it has been derived from Hindu texts produced by upper caste Brahmins.
He argues that he conveys a view of caste which is ‘artificial, stereotypical and idealized’.
• Dumont’s theory is based on the assumption that while modern societies of the west were
characterised by the ideas of individualism and egalitarianism, the traditional societies were
characterised by conceptions of the ‘collective’ nature of man, and the primacy of social rather
than individual goals and thus, hierarchy and inequality.
Though Dumont, stated that his intention was to solely study the ‘underlying structure of the system’
and not the way it is practiced, he nevertheless aspired to make generalisations. The ‘ideological
emphasis’ of Dumont’s approach helps in the successful analysis of a stable social situation where
there exists a consistent reciprocity between structure and culture, but it has its limitations in its
application in the backdrop of rapid social change.

1. (d) Compare and contrast Sanskritization with secularization. 10

Answer:
The term Sanskritization was introduced into Indian sociology by Prof. M. N. Srinivas. He defined it
in his “Social change in modern India (1971)”, as “a process by which a low caste or a tribe or other
group changes its customs, rituals, ideology, and a way of life in the direction of a high and frequently,
)

twice born caste.”

O
C
For example, we learn from census of India Report for 1921 that when the Ahirs (cowherds) of north
India decided to call themselves Kshatriyas, they donned the sacred thread. Sanskritization also
S.

occurs among tribal and semi tribal groups such as the Bhils of western India, the Gonds and Oraons
of central India and the Pahadis of the Himalayas.
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Sanskritization is generally accompanied by, and often results in upward mobility for the caste in
question, but mobility may also occur without Sanskritization through other processes like
O

Secularization.
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Bryan R. Wilson defined secularization as “the process whereby religious thinking, practices and
institutions lose social significance”. He writes that in secularisation process “the various social
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institutions gradually become distinct from one another and increasingly free of the matrix of
religious assumptions that had earlier informed, inspired and dominated their operation”.
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The term “secularization” implies that what was previously regarded as religious is now ceasing to
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be such, and it also implies a process of differentiation which results in the various aspects of society,
economic, political, legal and moral, becoming increasingly discrete in relation to each other.
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 SANKRITIZATION AND SECULARIZATION:
• Of the two, secularization is the more general process, affecting all Indians, while Sanskritization
affects only Hindus and tribal groups.
• Broadly, it would be true to say that secularization is more marked among the urban and
educated groups, and Sanskritization among the lower Hindu castes and tribes.
• Sankritization process promoted the sacred outlook; while Secularization promoted secular
outlook.
• Sanskritization is a process of upward mobility by a process of imitation while Secularization is
a process of upward mobility by a process of development.
• Sankritization implies mobility within the framework of caste while Secularization implies
mobility outside the framework of caste.
• While Sanskritization puts a taboo on meat-eating and consumption of alcohol, secularization
promoted meat-eating and consumption of alcohol.
Thus, apparently the process of secularization appears to be diametrically opposite to that of
Sanskritization. However, a closer look gives a totally different picture. As Srinivas says, “The spread
of Sanskrit theological ideas increased under the British rule. The development of secular
technologies like railways and communications carried Sanskritization to areas previously
inaccessible, and the spread of literacy carried it to groups very low in the caste hierarchy”.
It is necessary, however, to reiterate that one of the results of a century of Westernisation
(secularization is subsumed under westernization) is a reinterpreted Hinduism in which
Sanskritic elements are predominant.
The spread of Sanskritization is aided by mass media and by such secular processes as the increased
popularity of education and greater mobility, spatial as well as social.
The idea of the equality of all men before the law, and the abolition of untouchability, are throwing
open a culture which was the monopoly of small traditional elites to the entire body of Hindus.
The effects of some acts of legislation, such as the introduction of prohibition of the consumption of
alcoholic drinks in many states, and the banning of the sacrifice of birds and animals in Hindu temples,
are such as to make the government an unwitting but powerful agent of Sanskritization.

1. (e) Evaluate how the concept of Dominant Caste concept has been utilized in analyzing social
hierarchies? 10
Answer:
Introduction:
M.N. Srinivas defined the dominant caste as one that wields preponderant economic and political
power, and has a relatively high ritual status in the local caste hierarchy. He emphasized that
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dominance is not solely based on ritual status but on a combination of factors including numerical
O
strength, economic power, political influence, and Western education.
C
Body:
S.

Utilization in Analyzing Social Hierarchies:

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1. Moving Beyond Ritual Hierarchy:

o The concept helped shift analysis from purely ritual based hierarchies to considering
economic and political power in understanding caste dynamics.
O

o It provided a more nuanced understanding of how power operates within village social
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structures.

2. Regional Variations:
D

o André Béteille used the concept to analyze how dominant castes varied across regions,
highlighting the importance of local context in caste relations.
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3. Political Mobilization:
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o Rajni Kothari applied the concept to understand how dominant castes often led castebased
political mobilizations, shaping regional and national politics.
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 4. Land Ownership and Economic Power:
o A.M. Shah utilized the concept to analyze how land ownership patterns contributed to caste
dominance, especially in rural areas.
5. Social Change:
o The concept has been used to study processes of social change, particularly how economic
development and political reforms have affected traditional caste hierarchies.
Critiques and Limitations:
1. Oversimplification:
o Critics argue that the concept may oversimplify complex social realities by focusing on a
single dominant group.
o D.L. Sheth suggests that the concept doesn't adequately capture the multiplicity of power
relations in modern India.
2. Urban Applicability:
o The concept was primarily developed for rural contexts and may have limited applicability in
urban settings where caste dynamics are more fluid.
3. Changing Nature of Dominance:
o Dipankar Gupta argues that economic liberalization and political changes have altered the
nature of caste dominance, making the original concept less relevant.
4. Intersectionality:
o Some scholars argue that the concept doesn't adequately address how caste intersects with
other forms of social differentiation like class and gender.
5. State and Caste:
o Sudipta Kaviraj critiques the concept for not fully accounting for the role of the state in
shaping caste relations and dominance.
Recent Developments:
1. Dalit Assertion:
o Scholars like Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd have used the concept to analyze how Dalit assertion
challenges traditional caste dominance.
2. OBC Politics:
o The rise of OBC politics has led to reexaminations of how dominance operates in
contemporary Indian politics.
3. Economic Changes:
o Studies have explored how economic liberalization has affected traditional patterns of caste
dominance, particularly in rural areas.
Conclusion:
The concept of Dominant Caste has been a valuable tool in analyzing social hierarchies in India,
providing insights into how power operates beyond ritual status. However, its applicability in
contemporary India, especially in urban contexts and in light of economic and political changes, has
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been questioned.
O
C
S.

2. (a) While caste remains an important dimension of modern social life, its relevance is mostly
limited in contemporary times. Critically discuss. 20
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Answer:
Introduction:
O

The relevance of caste in contemporary Indian society is a subject of intense debate among
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sociologists and social scientists acknowledging both its diminishing traditional forms and its
adaptations to modern contexts.
D

Body:
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Arguments supporting the diminishing relevance of caste:

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1. Urbanization and Anonymity: Ashis Nandy argues that urban environments provide greater
anonymity, potentially reducing the visibility and impact of caste identities.
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 2. Economic Liberalization: Dipankar Gupta suggests that market forces and economic
liberalization have created new avenues for social mobility beyond traditional caste structures.
3. Modern Education: André Béteille points out that access to modern education has enabled
individuals to transcend castebased occupational limitations.
4. Constitutional Safeguards: Legal provisions and affirmative action policies have aimed to
reduce castebased discrimination and promote equality.
5. Changing Marriage Patterns: Increase in intercaste marriages, especially in urban areas, as
noted by Sonalde Desai.
Arguments for the continued relevance of caste:
1. Political Mobilization: Christophe Jaffrelot highlights how caste remains a significant factor in
political mobilization and voting patterns.
2. Economic Disparities: Sukhadeo Thorat and Katherine Newman demonstrate persistent
castebased economic inequalities and discrimination in the job market.
3. Social Networks: Castebased networks continue to influence social interactions, marriages, and
business relationships, as argued by Anirudh Krishna.
4. Identity and Cultural Capital: Satish Deshpande argues that upper castes have converted their
caste privilege into cultural capital, maintaining advantages in modern sectors.
5. Persistence of Discrimination: Ongoing incidents of castebased violence and discrimination,
particularly against Dalits, as documented by various human rights reports.
6. Caste in New Avatar: Surinder Jodhka suggests that caste has adapted to modern contexts,
manifesting in new forms rather than disappearing.
Critical Analysis:
1. Regional Variations: The relevance of caste varies significantly across regions and between
rural and urban areas.
2. Intersectionality: Kimberlé Crenshaw's concept of intersectionality is relevant here, as caste
intersects with class, gender, and other identities in complex ways.
3. Invisible Privilege: While overt caste discrimination may have reduced, invisible forms of caste
privilege persist, as argued by Yashica Dutt.
4. Adaptation of Caste: M.N. Srinivas's concept of "Sanskritization" shows how caste adapts and
reinvents itself in changing contexts.
Conclusion:
While modernization, urbanization, and legal measures have altered the traditional manifestations of
caste, it would be premature to claim that its relevance is mostly limited in contemporary times. Caste
continues to shape social, economic, and political realities in significant ways, albeit often in subtler
or transformed forms. A nuanced understanding recognizes both the changes in caste dynamics and
its persistent influence in Indian society.
)

2. (b) Do you think that marriage as a sacrament is losing its relevance in contemporary India?
O
Present a sociological overview. 20
C
Answer:
S.

Marriage is a legally and socially sanctioned union, usually between a man and a woman that is
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regulated by laws, rules, customs, beliefs and attitudes that prescribe the rights and duties of the
partners and accords status to their offspring.
O

The sacramental nature is evident from facts like all the rites and ceremonies should be performed
strictly for a complete marriage, that marriage is indissoluble in nature and that the ties remains even
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after the death. However, due to factors like industrialization, urbanisation, globalisation, etc.,
marriage as a sacrament is losing its value in Modern India as given below:
D

• Changing purpose of marriage:

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o Caste purity: The changing purpose of marriage in India from a focus on caste purity to the
acceptance and promotion of inter-caste marriages represents that marriage as a sacrament
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is losing its value in Modern India.

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 o Progeny: While one traditional purpose of marriage has been to procreate and raise children
(progeny), contemporary societies have seen a shift away from this as the sole or primary
purpose of marriage. For example, same sex marriages, DINK families, etc.
• New alternatives to institution of marriage: The emergence and acceptance of alternative non-
marital partnerships, such as live-in relationships, have fundamentally altered the traditional
understanding and significance of marriage as a sacred and sacramental institution.
• Commercialisation of marriage: Marriage in India has become an extravagant affair,
characterized by lavish decorations, designer clothing, elaborate venues, and expensive catering.
This shifts the focus from the solemnity of the marriage ceremony to the opulence of the
celebration.
• De-ritualisation of marriage: More than following the age-old rituals and traditions, couples
chooses to have civil marriages, which are simple, legal ceremonies without elaborate rituals.
• Secularisation of marriage: Although marriage as a sacrament is considered as indissoluble in
nature, but factors like increasing trend of divorce among Indian youth indicates that marriage is
also a legal and social contract that can be dissolved if the relationship becomes untenable.
• Changing role performance: In the sacramental nature of marriage, gender roles are historically
been defined, with men typically seen as the primary breadwinners and women primarily
responsible for household and caregiving duties. However, there has been a noticeable shift in
recent decades, where partners divide all responsibilities equally between themselves. For
example, Symmetrical Family etc.
• Breach of trust in marriages: Though marriage is a sacred covenant in India, factors like
adultery in marriages can be seen as a betrayal of that covenant. Adultery is viewed as a moral
and ethical transgression because it involves a breach of trust, commitment, and fidelity
within the marriage.
Despite this, marriage as a sacrament is still relevant and important in Modern India as given below:
• Adherence to rites and rituals: There is still strict adherence to rites and rituals in Modern
India. For example, important rituals like Kanyadan, Saptapadi, etc. are strictly performed in a
marriage which highlights that marriage is still sacramental in Modern India.
• Endogamy: According to Ghurye, endogamy still played a crucial role in preserving the identity
and social boundaries of different caste groups. By restricting marriage within the same caste,
communities aimed to maintain their distinctiveness and social cohesion.
• Traditional practices: The sacramental nature of relationships between husband and wife in
India is deeply rooted in cultural, religious, and traditional beliefs. For example, Karva Chauth
which reflects the sacramental nature of marriage is still followed in India.
While societal norms and attitudes towards marriage have evolved over time from a primarily
sacramental or religious understanding of marriage to a more contractual or secular perspective,
marriage as a sacrament continues to play a central role in the lives of many Indians, reflecting the
country's diverse cultural and religious ethos.
)

O
C
2. (c) Religious beliefs and values influence political ideologies, policymaking, and governance.
Analyze the relationship between religion and politics in contemporary India. 10
S.

Answer:
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Introduction:
Religious beliefs exert a significant influence on political ideologies and governance, shaping the
O

socio-political landscape. In contemporary India, the interplay between religion and politics is
intricate and multifaceted.
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Body:
D

Religion's Influence on Political Ideologies:

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• Majoritarian Ideologies: Hinduism, practiced by the majority, plays a significant role in shaping
political discourses. Hindutva ideologies emphasize Hindu cultural and historical dominance,
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influencing policies related to secularism, citizenship, and national identity.

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 • Minority Influence: Religious minorities like Muslims, Christians, and Sikhs also influence
political landscapes, advocating for rights, representation, and protection from discrimination.
• Secular vs. Religious Politics: The debate between secular and religious governance remains
central. While the Indian Constitution upholds secularism, some political parties incorporate
religious values into their agendas, raising concerns about potential marginalization of minority
groups.
Religion's Impact on Policymaking and Governance:
• Social Issues: Religious beliefs influence policies on issues like abortion, same-sex marriage, and
religious conversions, sparking ongoing debates and legal challenges.
• Education and Language: Policies regarding religious education in schools, the use of religious
languages in public spheres, and access to places of worship are often contested based on
religious considerations.
• Resource Allocation and Development: Allocation of resources for religious institutions,
festivals, and pilgrimage sites can generate controversies and influence regional development
priorities.
Challenges and Concerns:
• Potential for Communalism: Overemphasis on religious identities can lead to communal
tensions and polarization, posing challenges to social harmony and inclusivity.
• Misuse of Religion: Political manipulation of religious sentiments for electoral gains can breed
intolerance and hinder rational policymaking.
• Marginalization of Minorities: Policies favoring one religion over others can marginalize
minority communities and undermine the fundamental right to equality.
Navigating the complex relationship between religion and politics in India requires:
• Respect for Secularism: Upholding the constitutional principle of secularism, ensuring equal
rights and opportunities for all citizens regardless of their faith.
• Open Dialogue and Understanding: Fostering inter-faith dialogue and promoting mutual
respect for diverse religious beliefs and practices.
• Focus on Shared Values: Emphasizing commonalities like peace, justice, and human dignity
while respecting individual religious identities.
• Accountable Governance: Implementing policies that address the needs of all citizens,
addressing concerns of marginalization and ensuring transparency in decision-making.
Several scholars have offered diverse perspectives:
• Christophe Jaffrelot: Analyzes the rise of Hindu nationalism and argues that religious identity
has become a central factor in political mobilization and identity formation.
• Zoya Hasan: Examines the secular-communal divide in Indian politics, emphasizing how both
secular parties and religious groups manipulate religious sentiments for electoral gains.
)

• Torkel Brekke: Analyzes the influence of Hindu organizations on policymaking, highlighting

O
their impact on issues like education, citizenship, and environmental conservation.
C
• Yogendra Yadav: Argues that while religion plays a role in politics, it's not the sole determinant
S.

of voting behavior. Economic factors, caste affiliations, and regional identities also influence
individual political choices.
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• Ashis Nandy: Critiques the simplistic equation of Indian politics with Hindu nationalism,
emphasizing the diversity of religious experiences and expressions within Hinduism itself.
• Sujata Patel: Contests the mainstream narrative of Hindu dominance, highlighting the continued
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agency and political activism of minority communities despite facing challenges.

FN

• Feminist perspectives: Scholars like Veena Das and Nivedita Menon analyze how gender
power dynamics intersect with religious politics, highlighting the impact on women's rights and
agency.
D

• Dalit voices: Writings by Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd and Anand Teltumbde examine the
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continued marginalization of Dalit communities within the religious-political landscape and

advocate for Dalit political movements.
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 • Importance of regional variations: Scholars like Sanjay Kumar and Pratap Banu Mehta
highlight the regional contexts and specificities of Hindu-Muslim relations, challenging one-size-
fits-all narratives about nationwide religious conflict.
Conclusion:
While secular principles are enshrined in the constitution, navigating the delicate balance between
religious sentiments and governance remains a challenge. Understanding this relationship is crucial
for fostering an inclusive and diverse political landscape.

3. (a) Untouchability is not just a social problem but a denial of human rights and its eradication
requires both legal reforms and a transformation of societal attitudes. Comment. 20
Answer:
Introduction:
Untouchability, a practice rooted in the hierarchical caste system, has been a longstanding social issue
in India. Viewing untouchability solely as a social problem is insufficient; it is a violation of
fundamental human rights.
Body:
Untouchability as social problem as well as denial of human rights:
• Eleanor Zelliot: An American historian, did research on South Indian society sheds light on the
historical and cultural contexts of untouchability. Her book "Caste, Class, and Gender" offers a
nuanced understanding of how these different categories intersect in shaping the lives of Dalits.
• Geraldine Forbes: A British anthropologist, conducted extensive fieldwork among Dalit
communities in Tamil Nadu. Her book "Untouchable Family" provides a detailed ethnography of
their daily lives, social practices, and struggles for empowerment.
• Christophe Jaffrelot: A French political scientist, examines the political mobilization of Dalits
and the dynamics of caste politics in India. His book "Dr. Ambedkar and Untouchability: Analyzing
and Fighting Caste" explores Ambedkar's role in challenging the caste system and advocating for
Dalit rights.
Legal Reforms:
• Stringent enforcement of existing anti-discrimination laws is essential. Loopholes and lax
implementation must be addressed, ensuring swift and effective prosecution of offenders.
• Comprehensive legislation protecting against all forms of untouchability discrimination,
including in public spaces, education, employment, and access to resources, is necessary.
• Affirmative action programs to empower Dalit communities and address historical disadvantages
are crucial.
Transformation of Societal Attitudes:
)

O
• Challenging and dismantling the deep-rooted caste hierarchy and the cultural justifications used
C
to perpetuate untouchability is vital. Education and awareness campaigns play a key role in
S.

fostering empathy and understanding.

• Inter-caste dialogue and interaction at all levels of society can break down prejudices and build
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bridges of mutual respect.

• Promoting positive role models and celebrating the achievements of Dalit individuals can counter
negative stereotypes and inspire social change.
O

• The role of media and popular culture in shaping societal attitudes toward Dalit communities
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cannot be overstated. Responsible representation and sensitive narratives can contribute

significantly to social transformation.
• Addressing economic and social inequalities that disproportionately impact Dalit communities is
D

crucial for achieving true equality. Investments in education, healthcare, and livelihood
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opportunities are essential.

• Empowering Dalit communities to be active participants in the fight against untouchability is
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vital. Grassroots movements and community-led initiatives can drive powerful change.
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 Conclusion:
Eradicating untouchability requires a multi-pronged approach that tackles both the legal and
attitudinal underpinnings of this heinous practice. It demands sustained commitment from
governments, institutions, civil society organizations, and individuals alike.

3. (b) A. R. Desai considers religious reform movements as an expression of national awakening

due to contradictions between the old value system and new socio-economic realities. Explain.
20
Answer:
Among Indian sociologists one who has consistently advocated and applied dialectical-historical
model in his sociological studies is A. R. Desai and he followed the same in his analysis of socio-
religious reform movements in 19th century India.
SOCIO-RELIGIOUS REFORM MOVEMENTS IN INDIA:
The Brahmo Samaj: on 20 August 1828, Raja Ram Mohan Roy founded the Brahmo samaj, the
literal meaning of which is “One God Society”. He worked against irrational institutions like sati and
child marriage. He was champion of the cause of women. Through the Brahmo Samaj, he advocated
widow remarriage, divorce, civil marriage, and education for women. Inheritance of property for
women and inter-caste marriages were special programmes undertaken by the Brahmo samaj. He
was against the caste system as it put barriers in the way of growth of Indian society. Ram Mohan Roy
was essentially a democrat and humanist.
The Arya Samaj: The Arya samaj was founded in 1875 by Swami Dayananda Saraswati. Disbelief
in polytheism and image worship, opposition to castebased restrictions, child marriage, opposition
to the prohibition of sea voyages, and advocating female education and widow remarriage were
important programmes common to the followers of Brahmo Samaj and Arya samaj.
The Ramakrishna Mission: Formally, the mission was founded in May 1897 by Ramakrishna
Paramahamsa’s disciple, Narendra Dutta, who was later on known as Swami Vivekananda. The
mission has opened many schools and dispensaries, and helped the victims of natural calamities. The
mission has given top priority to the ideal of social service, both in terms of philanthropic work and
upliftment of religious and spiritual life.
The Servants of Indian Society: like other 19th century organisations for socioreligious reforms,
the servants of Indian Society undertook various welfare programmes in the early 20th century.
Gopal Krishna Gokhale, a liberal leader of the Indian National Congress, founded the society in 1905
with the aim to train “national missionaries for the service of India, and to promote by all means, the
true interests of the Indian people”.
The Theosophical Society: It was founded in 1886 by Madam H. P. Blavatsky and Colonel H. S. Olcott.
)

Later on, Mrs Annie Besant took up the leadership of the organisation to revive and strengthen
O
Hinduism, Zoroastrianism and Buddhism.
C
S.

Socio-religious reforms in British India were felt necessary due to three reasons:
TE

• The selection of texts from various commentaries on the code of Manu had not always been
enlightened;
• The reliance on law courts for interpretation had resulted in greater conservatism;
O

• The Law, as applied by the law courts and British judges, was a combination of ancient Hindu and
FN

Victorian English Conservatism.

Besides these reasons, there were several socio-cultural and economic problems which demanded
D

mass mobilisation, awakening and action against the British Raj, feudal and upper sections of society.
There was a need to attack the institutional mechanisms, which had made the society rigid and
.P

exploitative.
W

A.R. Desai considers religious reform movements as an expression of national awakening due to
contradictions between the old value system and new socioeconomic realities. The aim of these
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 movements was to revive the old religion in the context of nationalism and democracy as the cardinal
principles for the emergence of modern India.
Desai (1976) writes: “Modern society established liberty, freedom of competition, contact and
freedom of the individual to own and manipulate property at will.
Individualism was its keystone in contrast to the pre-capitalist society which was authoritarian in
character, maintained social distinctions based on birth and sex, and subordinated the individual to
caste and the joint family system. The new society demanded, as the very condition of its
development, the abolition of privileges based on birth or sex.”
The transformation of the pre-British India from feudal economy to capitalist economy was a result
of the British conquest of India. According to Desai, the introduction of new economic reforms of the
British government disrupted the old economic system that challenged traditional economic
institutions like jajmani system.
While referring to reform of traditions, he does not trace it from caste, religion or rituals. The
dialectical history of India that he presents very clearly shows that traditions have their roots in
India’s economy and production relations.
Desai thinks that when traditions are linked with economic relations, the change in the latter would
eventually change the traditions as manifested in the socio-religious reform movements of the 19th
century.
Despite merits of the dialectical approach applied by Desai in the definition of tradition, Yogendra
Singh argues that the merits are not without weaknesses. Singh remarks, “What is wrong with Desai
is that he was very profound when he applies principles of Marxism in analysing Indian situation but
fails at the level of empirical support.”
Nonetheless, A. R. Desai’s analysis on socio-religious reform movements was a trendsetter not only
for its Marxist academic orientation, but also the for the way in which it cross-fertilised sociology
with history.

3. (c) Tribes are said to have accepted ethos of caste structure and absorbed within it. Critically
analyse the changing dynamics between caste and tribe. 10
Answer:
D. N. Majumdar defines tribe as a social group with territorial affiliation, endogamous with no
specialization of functions ruled by tribal officers hereditary or otherwise, united in language or
dialect recognizing social distance with other tribes or castes.
The caste system is a social hierarchical system based on a person’s occupation and birth.
Tribe – caste continuum :
)

In India, tribes are living in

O
contact with mainstream since
C
ages. This has led sociologists give
S.

concept of tribe caste continuum .

The concept of tribe-caste
TE

continuum in India originates

with the work of Surjeet Sinha
on Bhumij tribe. Tribe caste
O

continuum means tribe and caste

FN

forms two ends of a continuum

and many categories can be
arranged in between them.
D

Constant interaction and contact

.P

between tribes and castes has led

to adoption of ethos of caste
W

structure. Various sociological studies found it.

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 Surjit Sinha in his study of Tribes of Baster found that there is very similarity of social behaviour
among lower castes and tribals.
According to N.K Bose , there are many similarities in customs between tribes and castes and they
are interdependent. Marriage within the clan is forbidden both in the tribe as well as in the caste.
According to Bailey , tribe and caste should be viewed as continuum.
G S Ghurye also considered tribes as backward hindus and supported for their complete integration
with Hindu society.
However, few thinkers view caste system and tribes as different from each other.
According to D.N Majumdar , the tribe looks upon Hindu ritualism as foreign and extra religious.
According to Herbert Risley , the convention of endogamy is not rigidly enforced in the tribe where
as such is the case in a tribe. He considered tribe caste continuum as political conquest of Hindu king.
The socio cultural process of Sanskritization and Westernization has led to tribe like caste and caste
like tribe phenomenon giving rise to tribe caste continuum.

4. (a) Though integrated and comprehensive, Yogendra Singh’s analysis of social change has been
subjected to criticisms. Elaborate. 20
Answer:
Introduction:
Yogendra Singh's work on social change in India, especially his concept of "modernization of Indian
tradition," offers a comprehensive framework for understanding India's transition to modernity.
Body:
Key aspects of Singh's analysis:
1. Modernization of Tradition: Singh argued that India's path to modernization is unique,
characterized by a synthesis of traditional and modern elements rather than a complete rupture
with the past. He observed that traditional institutions and values in India don't simply disappear
with modernization but often adapt and transform.
For example, Singh noted how the caste system, while undergoing significant changes, continued
to play a role in modern political and economic life. Similarly, he pointed out how traditional
family structures adapted to urban environments rather than being entirely replaced by nuclear
families.
This concept challenges the classical modernization theory that assumed a linear progression
from tradition to modernity. Instead, Singh proposed a more nuanced view where tradition and
)

modernity coexist and interact in complex ways. O

2. Multidimensional Approach: Singh emphasized that social change in India cannot be
C
understood through a single lens. He proposed a comprehensive framework that considers:
S.

Structural dimensions: Changes in social institutions, economic systems, and political

structures.
TE

Cultural dimensions: Transformations in values, beliefs, and cultural practices.

O

Psychological dimensions: Shifts in individual attitudes, aspirations, and cognitive orientations.

This multidimensional approach allowed Singh to capture the complexity of India's
FN

modernization process. For instance, he analyzed how economic changes (structural) interacted
with shifts in cultural values (cultural) and individual aspirations (psychological) in shaping
D

India's social transformation.

.P

3. Adaptive Response: Singh viewed India's modernization as an adaptive response to both

orthogenetic changes (internal dynamics) and heterogenetic changes external influences). He
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 argued that social change in India is not merely a result of external forces (like colonialism or
globalization) but also stems from internal processes and needs.
This concept highlights the agency of Indian society in shaping its own modernization process.
Singh showed how Indian society selectively adopted and adapted modern elements in response
to its own internal dynamics and requirements.
For example, he analyzed how the Indian nationalist movement adapted modern political ideas
to the Indian context, or how traditional art forms evolved in response to both internal creative
impulses and external influences.
Criticisms:
1. Evolutionary Bias: Critics like T.K. Oommen argue that Singh's approach has an underlying
evolutionary bias, assuming a linear progression towards modernization.
2. Neglect of Power Dynamics: Some scholars, including Dipankar Gupta, criticize Singh for not
adequately addressing power relations and conflicts in the process of social change.
3. Overemphasis on Continuity: Critics argue that Singh's focus on the continuity between
tradition and modernity may underplay the ruptures and discontinuities in India's social
transformation.
4. Irfan Ahmad contends that the terming of Islam in India as ‘heterogenetic’ or being an ‘outsider’
has been deemed problematic in several instances.
5. Homogenization of Tradition: Scholars like Satish Deshpande suggest that Singh's concept of
"Indian tradition" may oversimplify the diversity and complexity of India's cultural traditions.
6. Limited Attention to Global Factors: Some argue that Singh's analysis doesn't fully account for
the impact of globalization and transnational processes on social change in India.
7. Neglect of Subaltern Perspectives: Critics influenced by subaltern studies, such as Partha
Chatterjee, argue that Singh's approach doesn't adequately capture the experiences and agency
of marginalized groups in the process of social change.
8. Gender Blindness: Feminist scholars like Sharmila Rege point out that Singh's analysis doesn't
sufficiently address gender as a critical dimension of social change.
Conclusion:
Despite these criticisms, Singh's work remains significant for its attempt to provide a holistic
understanding of India's modernization process and its emphasis on the interplay between tradition
and modernity. Engaging with both Singh's insights and the critiques of his work can contribute to a
more nuanced and multifaceted understanding of social change in India.

4. (b) The colonial understanding of the Indian village’ reduced it to an ‘ideological-category’

distributing the native life in a way much removed from the empirical reality. Discuss. 20
Answer:
)

Introduction:
O
C
The colonial understanding of Indian villages often projected them as static, self-sufficient, and
isolated units. This perspective, shaped by colonial ideologies and administrative needs, has been
S.

criticized for creating a distorted image of rural India that failed to capture its complexity, diversity,
TE

and dynamic nature.

Body:
O

Colonial understanding of the Indian village:

FN

1. The 'Village Republic' Myth:

o Sir Charles Metcalfe's concept of Indian villages as 'little republics' presented them as
selfsufficient, unchanging entities.
D

o This view ignored the complex economic and social relationships that connected villages to
.P

wider networks.
o Bernard Cohn argued that this myth served colonial administrative purposes rather than
W

reflecting reality.
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 2. Orientalist Constructions:
o Edward Said's concept of Orientalism helps understand how colonial knowledge production
created an 'exotic' and essentialized image of Indian villages.
o This often romanticized view ignored internal conflicts, power dynamics, and social
hierarchies within villages.
3. Caste and Village:
o Colonial understanding often presented caste as a rigid, villagebased system.
o Nicholas Dirks argues that this view of caste was partly a colonial construction that
overlooked the fluidity and complexity of precolonial caste relations.
4. Economic Simplification:
o The colonial view often portrayed village economies as subsistencebased and isolated from
market forces.
o Historians like C.A. Bayly have shown that precolonial rural economies were often integrated
into wider trade networks.
5. Negation of Historical Change:
o The colonial perspective often presented villages as timeless entities, ignoring historical
changes and adaptations.
o Ranajit Guha critiqued this ahistorical view, emphasizing the need to understand rural
society in its historical context.
6. Administrative Convenience:
o David Ludden argues that the colonial concept of the village was shaped by administrative
needs, creating categories that were more useful for governance than for understanding
social reality.
7. Overlooking Diversity:
o The colonial view tended to homogenize Indian villages, overlooking the vast regional,
cultural, and economic diversity across rural India.
8. Gender Blindness:
o Feminist scholars like Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid have pointed out that colonial
understandings often rendered women's roles and experiences in village life invisible.
9. Resistance and Agency:
o The colonial view often depicted villagers as passive subjects, ignoring their agency and forms
of resistance.
o Subaltern studies scholars like Shahid Amin have highlighted the need to recover the voices
and actions of rural populations.
Conclusion:
The colonial understanding of Indian villages, while influential in shaping both administrative
practices and academic discourse, has been extensively critiqued for its reductionist and ideological
nature. Modern scholarship emphasizes the need for more nuanced, empirically grounded, and
historically sensitive approaches to understanding rural India. Recognizing the limitations of colonial
)

perspectives is crucial for developing more accurate and comprehensive understandings of Indian O
rural society, both historically and in the contemporary context.
C
S.

4. (c) Analyse the sociological interconnections between Government schemes and tribal
integration in India. 10
TE

Answer:
O

Article 46 of Part IV (“Directive Principles of State Policy”) of the Constitution enjoins upon the State
to promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the
FN

people, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. The interconnection between
government schemes and tribal integration in India is multifaceted as given below:
D

• Government schemes promoting tribal integration:

o Improved access to basic necessities: Schemes providing education, healthcare,
.P

infrastructure, and livelihood opportunities empower tribal communities, leading to greater

participation in society.
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 ✓ For example, National Scholarship Scheme For Higher Education of ST Students, Eklavya
Model Residential Schools etc.
o Reduction in social exclusion: Affirmative action policies in education and employment
create opportunities for tribal individuals to access previously closed spaces, bridging social
and economic gaps. This promotes greater integration and combat discrimination.
o Increased political participation: Empowering tribal communities through self-
governance initiatives like Panchayati Raj gives them a voice in decision-making processes
that impact their lives. This leads to increased agency and a sense of inclusion in the national
political landscape.
✓ For example, Reservation of seats for tribals through 73rd and 74th Constitutional
Amendment Acts.
• Government schemes preserving tribal identity:
o Cultural recognition and preservation: Initiatives focusing on language preservation,
traditional art forms, and land rights can validate tribal identities and foster a sense of
belonging within the national tapestry. This recognition can counter marginalization and
promote cultural exchange.
✓ For example, Scheme for Development of PVTG.
o Preservation of tribal identity: Several government schemes in India are designed to
preserve and promote the identity, culture, and well-being of tribal communities. These
initiatives aim to address historical marginalization and support the sustainable development
of tribal populations.
✓ For example, Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of
Forest Rights) Act, 2006 aims to protect the cultural and livelihood interests of tribal
communities, preserving their identity linked to traditional forest practices.
Understanding these sociological dimensions is crucial for formulating and assessing policies that
contribute to meaningful and inclusive tribal integration.

SECTION ‘B’
5. Write a short note on each of the following in not more than 150 words. 10x5=50
(a) Account for an evolution of industrial class structure in India. 10
Answer:
Industrialization in modern sense started in India during colonial rule. This give birth to industrial
class structure in India.
Before 1850 :
Before 1850’s, India had traditional handicraft industry. There was traditional division of labour
based on caste lines. There was no industrial class structure.
)

Second half of 19th century :

O
C
After 1850’s, British led Industrialization gave birth to industrial class structure. In the beginning, it
was unemployed artisans, distressed farmers who formed the major chunk of working class.
S.

The Capitalist class was basically formed by the Elite British who invested their capital in industries.
TE

The newly educated middle class formed the link between

capitalist class and working class.
O

In the 20the century, the Indian capitalist class started to

grow with the availability of capital. Also, with growth of
FN

modern industries and modern education system, there was

growth of middle class and working class.
D

Post independence, with the leadership of public sector,

.P

there was massive growth of industrial class and massive

expansion of middle class . ( Weber )
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 Features of industrial class structure in India :
• Caste affiliations
• Limited employment of women and children
• Class distinction between working class
• Geographical mobility
• Pre dominance of informal sector
• Shift from agriculture to industry
• Acceleration of social mobility
With LPG reforms during 1990’s India went for globalization which led to differentiation and
diversification of industrial class structure in favour of service sector.

5. (b) Explain the Interactional approach to study of caste in India. 10

Answer:
Introduction:
The interactional approach to the study of caste in India focuses on the dynamic and fluid aspects of
caste rather than treating it as a rigid, static system. This perspective emphasizes how caste identities
and relationships are continually created, maintained, and transformed through social interactions.
Body:
Core Concepts of the Interactional Approach:
1. Social Interactions and Everyday Practices: Caste is not just a traditional, hereditary hierarchy
but is continually reproduced through daily social interactions.
This approach looks at how individuals negotiate caste identities in various contexts, such as
workplaces, marketplaces, or public spaces.
2. Contextual and Situational Fluidity: Caste identities can change depending on the social
context. For example, one's caste identity might be more pronounced in rural settings compared
to urban settings. This perspective highlights the situational nuances of caste dynamics.
3. Symbolic and Performative Aspects: The symbols and rituals associated with caste are
significant in maintaining its structure. These can include dress codes, language, and religious
practices.
Performance in social interactions, such as the way individuals present themselves to others,
plays a role in reinforcing or challenging caste boundaries.
Key Authors and their contributions:
)

1. M. N. Srinivas: Srinivas introduced the idea that lower castes can move up the social hierarchy
O
by adopting the practices of higher castes, thus illustrating the dynamic nature of caste.
C
His ethnographic work in Indian villages provided empirical evidence of how caste operates in
S.

everyday life.
2. Andre Béteille: Béteille's work focuses on the changing patterns of caste in modern India,
TE

emphasizing that caste relations are context dependent and evolve over time.
He critiques traditional models that view caste as a fixed system, advocating instead for an
O

understanding of caste as a flexible and interactive social structure.

FN

3. Gail Omvedt: Omvedt's research on Dalit movements highlights how marginalized castes actively
resist and redefine caste identities through social and political activism.
D

She emphasizes the intersectionality of caste with other social categories like gender and class,
.P

showing the complexity of social identities in India.

4. S. M. Dube: Dube’s village studies provide insights into the microdynamics of caste interactions,
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revealing the importance of local contexts in shaping caste relations.

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 Contributions and Critiques:
1. Dynamism: This approach brings dynamism to caste studies, moving beyond static structural
analyses.
2. Empirical Grounding: It encourages detailed, ethnographic studies of caste in specific contexts.
3. Complexity: Recognizes the complexity and variability of caste relations across India.
4. Limitation: Critics argue it may underplay the enduring structural aspects of caste inequality.
5. Power Dynamics: Some suggest it doesn't adequately address power imbalances inherent in
caste relations.
Conclusion:
The interactional approach to caste focuses on its fluid, dynamic nature. Through the contributions
of scholars like M. N. Srinivas, Andre Béteille, Gail Omvedt, and S. M. Dube, this perspective highlights
how caste identities are negotiated and maintained through everyday interactions, influenced by
broader social changes and movements.

5. (c) It has been observed by I. P. Desai and other sociologists that nuclear family in India is merely
a stage in the joint family cycle. Elucidate. 10
Answer:
Family is the basic and universal social structure of human society. It fulfils needs and perform
functions which are indispensable for the continuity, integration and change in the social system.
Iravati Karve (1953) writes, “A joint family is a group of people who generally live under one roof,
who eat food cooked in one kitchen, who hold property in common, participate in common family
worship and are related to one another as some particular type of kindred.”
Karve’s definition of joint family refers to an ideal situation of family life in terms of its corporate
character. In any case, in structural terms, joint family implies living together of members of two
or more elementary families both lineally and laterally.
Traditional peasant societies everywhere in the world had a predominance of extended joint
families. The forms and functions of family have undergone adaptive changes with the changes in the
technological and economic superstructure of society.
One way to characterise this change is to associate conjugal or nuclear forms of families with
relatively modernised or industrial society and extended or joint types of families with traditional
agrarian and pre-industrial societies.
The transition from extended family-based society to nuclear family-based society is thus, in essence,
an example of structural change, since this involves systematic changes in role-structures through
process of differentiation.
)

Extended families which are the dominant pattern in India have existed side by side with nuclear
O
families. Changes are now taking place in both of these traditional family forms; this bears significant
C
relationship with the direction of social change and modernization in India.
S.

The studies concerning the distribution of family types (structurally) in India shows results which
considerably fluctuate on the basis of criteria employed for the classification of jointness. Defining
TE

jointness “with reference to residence, property and mutual obligations among the kin”, I. P. Desai
offers four categories of family types:
O

1a: husband and wife only;

FN

1b: uni-member households;

2a: husband, wife and married sons without children and other unmarried children;
D

2b: the above group with other relatives who do not add to generation depth;
.P

3: three generation groups of lineal descendants;

4: four or more than four generations of lineal descendants; under the group of nuclear family I. P.
W

Desai includes the family types 1a to 2b, and his studies shows that such families in Mahuva (a town
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 in Gujarat) constitute 61% (260 out of 423) of the total; types 3 and 4 which he defines as joint
families make the rest of the 39%.
Desai makes a distinction between the nuclearity or jointness of family types as a structural
phenomenon (lineal-collateral depth) and the degree of sentiment of jointness in each family-type
derived from “the relationships as obtaining among those living in one household and between the
relatives who are living in another household (quality of interaction pattern).”
Evaluating the structurally nuclear and joint families on the sentimental criteria of jointness he finds
that 70 families in Mahuva which are classified as nuclear on structural criteria comprise the ‘high’
category on the scale of the sentiment of jointness; 51 such nuclear families are in the ‘higher’
category and 6 families in the ‘highest’ category on the scale of sentiment of jointness.
Desai argues that excluding the 5% families where sentiment of jointness is zero, 95% of the
total sample families have sentiment of jointness ranging from ‘low’ to ‘highest’ degree in the
village of Mahuva.
Family jointness still continues to be a major sociological phenomenon in the Indian social structure,
being unaffected by the differences of religion, caste, urbanization and occupation. In Mahuva, not
only Hindus but the Jains and the Muslims have joint families.
The findings of K. M. Kapadia support the conclusions of I. P. Desai. In a comparative study of family
patterns in the Navasari town and fifteen villages from the same region with varying degrees of
urban impact, Kapadia found that joint family pattern was not only predominant but contrary to the
popular image was stronger in the towns in comparison to the villages.
The nuclear family of the West is a product of Industrial Revolution which altered the whole pattern
of economic and kinship relations. In the absence of such existential conditions nuclear families could
not have been self-supporting or self-perpetuating in an agrarian caste-ridden society like that of
India. In this context, I. P. Desai and other sociologists assert that there is no linear evolutionary
differentiation from joint to nuclear family organisation.
Dube contends that, “The traditional typology of simple, compound and extended family does not
accurately fit the forms of family organisation met with in India. At one point of time, the size and
actual composition of a family often denotes only a particular stage in its developmental cycle. Simple
families grow into extended families and then break up into simple families again.”
A wider picture of changes in the family structure in India can be gained only by comparative regional
studies (as done by Pauline M. Kolenda who has classified family types into twelve categories for
comparative evaluation).

5. (d) Citing some case studies from Indian society, expand the concept of Decentralisation of
power. 10
)

Answer:
O
Decentralization of power refers to the shifting of authority and decision-making away from a central
C
point or group towards lower levels or distributed entities within a system. It aims to give citizens or
S.

their elected representatives more power in public decision-making.

• Empowerment of local communities: Decentralization aims to empower local communities by
TE

giving them a greater say in decision-making processes.

o For example, 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment empowered local communities
O

to make decisions on issues like sanitation, water management, livelihood development etc.
• Social inclusion: Decentralization can address social inequalities by providing marginalized
FN

groups with opportunities to participate in decision-making processes.

o For example, through decentralized planning, Kudumbashree empowers women at the
D

grassroots level to actively participate in decision-making related to local development

projects.
.P

• Cultural preservation and identity: Decentralization ensures preservation of cultural diversity

and local identities. By giving communities control over their affairs, it helps safeguard
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indigenous practices, languages, and traditions.

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 o For example, Forest Rights Act (FRA) recognizes the customary rights of tribal
communities over forest resources, giving them greater control over their traditional ways of
life and conservation practices.
• Conflict Resolution and Social Stability: Decentralization contributes to conflict resolution by
allowing communities to address their grievances locally. When power is distributed, it may
reduce tensions and foster a more stable social environment, as communities have the autonomy
to resolve disputes in ways that align with their values.
Thus, the decentralization of power in Indian society holds profound sociological significance by
fostering empowerment, participatory democracy, social inclusion, cultural preservation, and
contributes to the building of a more responsive, equitable, and socially cohesive society.

5. (e) Meenakshi Mukherjee observes that social conformity has always been more obligatory for a
woman than for a man. Discuss. 10
Answer:
In contemporary India, gender-based consciousness has its origin in the emergence of middle classes
and their problems. Four aspects have been studied in detail in the context of gender-related
problems:
• Production
• Reproduction
• Sexuality
• Socialisation of children
In India’s context, men generally dominate in all the four aspects, though women shoulder major
responsibilities in these spheres. Male supremacy emanates from caste, class, patriarchy, and
sexuality of the male.
Andre Beteille (1974) makes some valuable observations about the position of women in peasant
families. He asks: “How are we to view families in which men work in the fields but women are by
custom debarred from such work?”. This is found among the families of upper castes.
The status of the family within the community is one thing and the status of individual members
within the family is quite another. There is an elaborate sex-based division of labour in rural
families.
Beteille comments upon the process of change in the status of women in the context of manual
labour. He very rightly states: “Women are first withdrawn from wage employment on the forms of
others. They are then withdrawn from family farm. Finally, the men either withdraw from work, or
change their role from cultivator to supervisor.” Thus, the burden to carry the status of family falls
disproportionately on women.
)

The expression of woman’s identity independent of man is ideologically possible but practically
O
impossible. In this context Meenakshi Mukherjee observes that social conformity has always been
C
more obligatory for a woman than for a man.
S.

Generally, a woman’s identity tends to be defined by herself as well by others in terms of her
relationship with men as a daughter, a wife, a mother etc and not as a person. This was also true of
TE

women in Europe of nineteenth century.

According to Feminist scholars a woman bows down to her husband’s desires even if she is
O

unwilling to do so. She does not have ‘gender justice’ or equality with man. Whenever a woman has
FN

expressed her identity as a person, she has been put to a lot of hardship. Dowry harassment and
bride-burning have sprung up as violence against women. M. N. Srinivas terms dowry as modern-
day sati.
D

Tulsi Patel writes that women consider it as a sin to prohibit their husbands from sexuality therefore
.P

most women go for unwanted pregnancy. Most of them lose their life during childbirth, their health
crumbles but still, they accept patriarchal convention, forgetting their entitlements.
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 Uma Chakravarti argues that the establishment of private property and the need to have caste
purity required subordination of women and strict control over their mobility and sexuality.
Female sexuality was channelled into legitimate motherhood within a controlled structure of
reproduction to ensure patrilineal succession.
Meenakshi Mukherjee in her books Jane Austen and Re-reading Jane Austen analysed the works
of Jane Austen and her contemporaries from a feminist perspective. They deal with the idea of
breaking the shackles of patriarchy and a tension between “rebellion and conformity.”
Meenakshi Mukherjee has inspired many Indian sociologists to explore female subjectivity in
order to establish an identity, one that doesn’t confirm with the popular notions of society. It is
necessary to have empathy for studying the position of women. For a scientific understanding of their
problems, the device of ‘role-taking’ needs to adopted.

6. (a) Discuss the impact of legal reforms on family structures in India, with a focus on changes in
inheritance laws, property rights, and marital legislations. 20
Answer:
Introduction:
Legal reforms play a crucial role in shaping family structures, influencing aspects such as inheritance
laws, property rights, and marital legislations. The transformation brought about by these reforms
reflects the evolving societal norms and values.
Body:
Inheritance and Property Laws:
Hindu Succession Act (HSA) 1956: Prior to the HSA, daughters had limited inheritance rights in
ancestral property. The act granted equal inheritance rights to all children, regardless of gender,
significantly altering traditional patrilineal inheritance patterns.
Coparcener rights for daughters: Amendment to HSA in 2005 granted daughters coparcener rights
in ancestral property, further strengthening their economic independence and potentially delaying
marriage or influencing inheritance-based family decisions.
Hindu Married Women's Right to Property Act (HMWP) 1937: This act granted Hindu women the
right to own and manage their own property, acquired before or during marriage.
Marital Legislations:
Hindu Marriage Act (HMA) 1955: Introduced monogamy, minimum age for marriage, and grounds
for divorce such as cruelty and adultery.
Special Marriage Act (SMA) 1954: Enables inter-caste and inter-religious marriages, challenging
)

traditional endogamy norms and potentially leading to more diverse family structures and increased
O
social mobility.
C
Impact on Family Structures:
S.

Increased agency and bargaining power for women: Improved inheritance and property rights,
along with greater freedom in marriage, have empowered women within families, potentially leading
TE

to changes in decision-making dynamics and gender roles.

Nuclear family structure becoming more common: With increased economic independence and
O

changing social norms, nuclear families (parents and children) might become more prevalent,
FN

particularly in urban areas, though extended families remain important support systems.
Impact on fertility rates: Improved women's education and economic opportunities, coupled with
smaller family sizes due to reduced dependence on sons for inheritance, might contribute to declining
D

fertility rates.
.P

Increased social mobility: Inter-caste marriage options through SMA could lead to more diverse
family structures and challenge traditional social hierarchies.
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 Important Considerations:
Uneven impact: These reforms don't impact all communities equally. Gender gaps in property
ownership and educational attainment persist, and customary laws in non-Hindu communities might
differ.
Social context: Changes in family structures are also influenced by factors like urbanization,
education levels, and socio-economic mobility.
Ongoing evolution: Family structures in India are continuously evolving, and the long-term impacts
of these legal reforms are still unfolding.
Scholarly views in this regard:
Radhika Coomaraswamy: Analyzes how the HSA empowered women by providing them economic
security and challenging their dependence on sons. This, she argues, led to smaller families and
increased autonomy in family decision-making.
I.P. Desai: Views legal reforms like the HMA as catalysts for social change, weakening patriarchal
structures and promoting individual rights within marriage. He credits them with the rise of nuclear
families and increased social mobility.
Martha Nussbaum: Emphasizes the importance of legal reforms in promoting gender equality and
human rights. She argues that access to property and inheritance rights for women is crucial for their
empowerment and well-being within families.
T.K. Oommen: Argues that while legal reforms offer increased rights for women, their
implementation remains uneven, particularly in rural areas. He emphasizes the need for social
mobilization and attitudinal change alongside legal frameworks.
Veena Das: Contests the simplistic narrative of family transformation due to legal reforms. She
highlights the complex interplay of caste, class, and regional variations in shaping family structures,
arguing that reforms might impact different communities differently.
J.P. Singh Uberoi: Raises concerns about the potential unintended consequences of reforms, such as
increased family discord over inheritance disputes or exploitation of legal loopholes by dominant
groups. He calls for ongoing evaluation of reforms and their actual impact on family dynamics.
Suggestions:
Impact on specific communities: Scholars like Zoya Hasan and G.N. Devy highlight the need to
examine the impact of reforms on various religious and tribal communities, where customary laws
might differ from national legislation.
Importance of local context: Studies by Ashish Nandy and others emphasize the role of local social
and cultural contexts in shaping the interpretations and implementations of legal reforms,
influencing their actual impact on family structures.
)

Need for intersectional analysis: Scholars like Ratna Kapur and Uma Chakravarti call for an
O
intersectional approach that considers how factors like caste, class, and gender interact with legal
C
reforms, shaping their impact on diverse families.
S.

Conclusion:
TE

Legal reforms have demonstrably influenced family structures in India, particularly by empowering
women and increasing individual autonomy in marriage and property ownership. Continued
research and monitoring are crucial to understand these dynamic changes and ensure legal
O

frameworks effectively promote gender equality and family well-being.

FN

6. (b) British rule produced radical and lasting changes in Indian society and culture. Examine the
D

statement in the light of M.N. Srinivas’s concept of westernization. 20

.P

Answer:
W

British rule produced radical and lasting changes in the Indian society and culture. The British
brought with them new technology, institutions, knowledge, beliefs, and values. It is in this context,
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 M.N. Srinivas, introduced the term “Westernisation” mainly to explain the changes that have taken
place in the Indian society and culture due to Western contact through the British rule.
According to M.N. Srinivas, “Westernisation” refers to “the changes brought about in the Indian
society and culture as a result of over 150 years of British rule and the term subsumes changes
occurring at different levels – technology, institutions, ideology and values.”
The process of Westernization of caste-system in India began with the efforts of missionaries to
convert as many Indians as possible into Christianity and coming of East India Company in India first
to trade and later on to increase its political power in India. East India Company successfully
established ‘British Imperial Rule’ in India by 1858.
M.N. Srinivas used the term “Westernisation” to describe the changes that a non-western country
had undergone as a result of prolonged contact with the western one. It implies, according to Srinivas,
“certain value preferences”, which in turn subsumes several values, such as “humanitarianism”. It
implies an active concern for the welfare of all human beings irrespective of caste, economic position,
religion, age and sex.
Westernisation not only includes the introduction of new institutions, but also fundamental changes
in old institutions. For example, India had schools long before the arrival SANSKRITISATION,
MODERNISATION AND WESTERNISATION of the British, but they were different from the British
introduced schools. Other institutions such as army, civil service and law courts were also similarly
affected.
WESTERNIZATION: CHANGES IN INDIAN SOCIETY AND CULTURE-
• Opened up the doors of the knowledge – Modern education opened up the doors of the knowledge
flourished in Europe after Renaissance movement of Middle Ages. It had widened the mental
horizons of Indian intelligentsia.
• Education for all – During second half of the nineteenth century, British government in India
opened the doors of education to all the sections of Indian society, irrespective of caste or
creed. Still, very few amongst the general public could avail the advantages of formal modern
education. Education remained confined within a small section of society.
• Highlighted evil practices – Modern education had highlighted the evil practices and weaknesses
developed into the system like rigidity and harshness of many social customs and practices
prevalent at that time for the weaker sections of the society i.e. untouchability and inhuman
treatment to women, Sati, Polygamy, child marriage etc. prevalent at that time.
• Attracted attention of social reformers – Modern education had attracted the attention of
intellectuals and social reformers towards real issues evils caused by ignorance, irrationality of
rituals and superstitions created by some selfish people to entangle the ignorant and poor masses.
They suggested remedies for social, political and economic ills of the country. As a result of such
efforts, it led to the abolition of Sati System and slavery. Female infanticide practice lowered
to a great extent.
)

• Realization of the worth of liberty and freedom – It equipped national leaders with intellectual
O
tools with which they fought the oppressive British Raj. Indians realized the worth of liberty and
C
freedom. They got exposure to the philosophies of thinkers like Locke, Mill, Rousseau, Voltaire,
Spencer and Burke etc. They understood the reasons and impact of English, French, American
S.

revolutions.
TE

Westernization: Critical Analysis

• The concepts of Sanskritization and Westernisation primarily analyse social change in
O

“cultural” and not in “structural” terms. This denoted that these terms have limited range of
application and use.
FN

• Srinivas’s model explains the process of social change only in India which is based on the caste
system. It is not useful for other societies.
D

• Though Srinivas claimed that the concept of Westernisation is “ethically neutral”, it is not really
so. The Western model which Srinivas has eulogised has its own contradiction. Mention can be
.P

made of the facts of Western life such as racial prejudice, colour segregation and exploitive
nature of the Western economy, etc. These facts contradict humanitarian ideals or rational
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outlook on life.
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 • It is also commented that the Western model which Srinivas has eulogised has its own
contradiction. The western model sometimes conveys values that are contrary to the ones
referred by Srinivas. In this context, mention can be made of the facts of Western life such as
racial prejudice, colour segregation, and exploitative nature of Western economy, etc. These facts
contradict humanitarian ideals or rational outlook on life.
Daniel Lerner has raised some objections to the use of Westernisation as conceived by Srinivas:
• It is too local label and the model which is imitated may not be western country; but Russia.
• One of the results of prolonged contact with the west is the rise of the elite class whose attitude
towards the West is ambivalent is not invariably true. In this context, Lerner refers to the appeal
of Communism in non-western countries.
• Westernisation in one area or level of behaviour does not result in Westernisation in another
related area or level.
• While there are certain common elements in Westernisation, yet each represent a particular
variant of a common culture and significant difference exists between one country and another.
The westernization of India produced in Indians an urge to change their traditional society, but in
the course of time it came to occupy a secondary place beside the even more powerful, in fact
almost elemental, urge to freedom. In a country segmented along the lines of religion, caste,
language and region, heightened national self-awareness necessarily implied heightened self-
awareness at every level of social structure from the highest to the lowest – the one could not be had
without the other.

6. (c) “It is not politics that gets caste ridden; it is caste that gets politicized.” Comment. 10
Answer:
Introduction:
Rajni Kothari, with the given statement encapsulates a critical insight into the relationship between
caste and politics in India. The statement suggests that caste, as a fundamental social institution in
India, shapes political processes rather than politics creating caste divisions.
Body:
This view emphasizes the deep-rooted nature of caste in Indian society and its ability to adapt
to and influence modern political structures.
1. Preexisting Social Structure:
o Caste predates modern political institutions in India.
o M.N. Srinivas argued that caste has been a fundamental organizing principle of Indian society
for centuries.
2. Mobilization of Caste Identities:
)

o Political parties often mobilize preexisting caste identities for electoral gains.
O
o Christophe Jaffrelot has shown how castebased mobilization has been a key strategy in
C
Indian electoral politics.
S.

3. Caste as a Resource:
o Dipankar Gupta suggests that caste acts as a resource that individuals and groups can
TE

mobilize for political and economic advantages.

4. Democratization of Caste:
o Yogendra Yadav argues that democratic politics has led to a "democratization of caste,"
O

where caste groups compete for power and resources through the electoral process.
FN

5. Castebased Political Parties:

o The emergence of castebased political parties (e.g., BSP, SP) demonstrates how caste
identities shape political organization.
D

6. Voting Patterns:
o Several studies, including those by Pradeep Chhibber, have shown how caste affiliations
.P

significantly influence voting behavior in India.

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 7. Reservation Politics:
o The politics of reservations for SCs, STs, and OBCs illustrates how caste considerations shape
major policy decisions.
8. Adaptation of Caste:
o Suraj Yengde argues that caste has shown remarkable adaptability, finding new expressions
in modern political and economic systems.
Critical Perspectives:
1. Oversimplification: Suhas Palshikar argue that this view might oversimplify the complex
relationship between caste and politics. He suggests that politics also shapes and redefines caste
identities.
2. Neglect of Other Factors: This perspective might underplay the role of other factors like class,
religion, and region in shaping Indian politics.
3. Change Over Time: Some scholars argue that the relationship between caste and politics has
evolved, with economic factors gaining more prominence in recent times.
4. UrbanRural Divide: The influence of caste on politics may vary between urban and rural
contexts, a nuance this statement doesn't capture.
Conclusion:
This perspective underscores the importance of understanding caste not just as a social or cultural
phenomenon, but as a critical factor in India's political landscape. It challenges simplistic notions of
modernization and suggests that traditional social structures continue to play a significant role in
shaping India's democratic processes.

7. (a) “While a caste struggled for a higher position for itself in the local hierarchy, it resented the
efforts of others, in particular the lower castes to move up”. Examine the nature of inter-caste
struggle for mobility in the context of this statement. 20
Answer:
Caste is undoubtedly an all-India phenomenon in the sense that there are everywhere hereditary,
endogamous groups which form a hierarchy, and that each of these groups has a traditional
association with one or two occupations. Everywhere there are Brahmins, Untouchables,
peasant, artisans, trading and service castes and so are inter-caste conflicts.
William Rowe mentions that when, in 1936, the Noniyas (“low” caste of salt-makers now employed
in digging wells, tanks and roads, and in making t iles and bricks) of Senapur village in eastern Uttar
Pradesh donned en masse the sacred thread (striving for ritual mobility) the affronted Kshatriya
landlords beat the Noniyas, tore off the sacred threads and imposed a collective fine on the
caste.
We learn from Census of India Report for 1921 that when the Ahirs (cowherds) of North India
)

O
decided to call themselves Kshatriyas and donned the sacred thread, their action roused the wrath of
the dominant higher castes. In North Bihar, for instance, the higher caste Rajputs and Bhumihar
C
Brahmins tried to prevent the Ahirs from assuming the symbols of twice-born status, this
S.

resulted in violence and resort to law courts.

TE

According to Hutton, In December 1930 the Kallar in Ramnad propounded eight prohibitions the
disregard of which led to the use of violence by Kallar against the exterior Harijan castes, whose
huts were fired, whose granaries and property were destroyed, and whose livestock was looted.
O

Mobility aspirations became interwoven with pre-existing rivalries between local castes; this had
FN

the effect of further intensifying the rivalries. In this context, the urge to be a step ahead of one’s
structural neighbours must be distinguished from a general movement towards equality. While a
caste struggled for a higher position for itself in the local hierarchy it resented the efforts of others,
D

in particular lower castes, to move up.

.P

M. N. Srinivas summed up this attitude as, “I am equal to those who think of themselves as my betters,
I am better than those who regard themselves as my equals, and how dare my inferiors claim equality
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with me.”
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 G. D. Berreman’s account of the situation in the Himalayan village of Sirkanda is probably true of
large areas of India: “In Sirkanda those low caste people who spoke most piously against high-caste
abuses were likely to be equally abusive to their caste inferiors. However, no low caste was
encountered whose members did not seriously question its place in the hierarchy.”
Caste riots are frequent in areas where economic deprivations have been reported. The upper castes
have waged a class war against Harijans. Dalits/Harijans have been attacked and murdered, their
womenfolk raped and put to indignities by the upper caste landlord families.
The intermediate castes have ascended in the class hierarchy, but they are struggling against the
upper castes, socially and culturally. These castes have been benefitted by land reforms and adult
franchise more than other caste groups. The Brahmanas have lost their traditional dominance mainly
because of the emergence of the numerically preponderant middle castes.
Sociologists like A. Beteille, M. N. Srinivas, A. R. Desai, Edmund Leach look into caste conflict as
lower caste attempt for social mobility. Conflict is the foundation to social change. The reason for
conflict is desire for space in social life by a group of people which is challenged by another group.
The attitude of the upper castes has always been to consolidate and maintain their high social status.
The intermediate and lower castes feel deprived and exploited It is thus this attempt of ‘assertion’ of
high caste people which creates caste conflicts. The best examples of these caste conflicts due to
exploitation, economic grievances and deprivation are found in Bihar. Brahmins, Bhumihars, Rajputs
and Kayasht has have always been In conflict with upper backwards like Yadavs, Kurmis and Koeries,
and lower backwards like Dhanuk, Kumbhar, Lohar, Telli, Kahar, etc. Many caste carnages had taken
place in Bihar out of rivalry.
According to Beteille, in the past caste conflict in India was identity centric conflict, now it is slowly
moving towards interest focused conflict.
F.G Bailey in study of Bissipara found caste conflict between different caste group in search of both
ritual and secular superiority.
According to S.C. Dube, green revolution and resultant economic affluence of farmers in Western
Uttar Pradesh, Punjab and Haryana gave rise to consolidation of intermediary castes in North India.
This consolidation of castes and their search for power led to caste conflict in few cases.
Caste and caste conflict are still prevalent; However, nature, form and genesis of caste and caste
conflict have changed. Presence of caste and caste conflict is a testimony to the fact that there is a
contrast between traditional cultural perceptions and modern values of equality and justice.
But implicit in the general struggle of castes for upward movement is the idea of equality. It is
true that the peasant who says he is as good as the Brahmin resents the Harijan’s claim that he is as
good as the peasant and the Brahmin, but in the long run both the higher castes have to accept it.
Currently, clashes between high castes and assertive Harijans, are reported from different parts of
the country, but this is part of the process of translating rights given in the constitution to
)

Harijans into the reality at the village level.

O
C
S.

7. (b) Religious minority groups in India encounter numerous challenges, encompassing declining
population trends and identity-related crises that warrant critical examination and discussion.
TE

Elaborate. 20
Answer:
O

Introduction:
FN

Religious minority groups in India, including Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, and others,
face various challenges in contemporary times. These challenges range from demographic concerns
D

to issues of identity and social integration, reflecting broader socio-political dynamics in the country.
.P

Challenges faced by religious minorities in India:

1. Demographic Trends: Some religious minorities, particularly Parsis and Jains, face declining
W

population trends. Factors include low fertility rates, out-migration, and in some cases,
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 conversion to other religions. T.K. Oommen notes that these trends can lead to concerns about
cultural preservation and community survival.
2. Identity Crisis: Religious minorities often grapple with maintaining their distinct identities while
integrating into the broader national fabric. Ashis Nandy argues that the pressure to conform to
a majoritarian national identity can create psychological and cultural tensions for minority
groups.
3. Socio-Economic Marginalization: The Sachar Committee Report (2006) highlighted the
socio-economic disadvantages faced by Muslim communities in India. Similar challenges are
observed among other minority groups, particularly in areas of education and employment.
4. Political Representation: Zoya Hasan points out the underrepresentation of religious
minorities in political institutions and decision-making processes. This lack of representation can
lead to feelings of political marginalization and exclusion.
5. Security Concerns: Incidents of communal violence and targeted attacks have raised security
concerns among minority communities. Paul R. Brass has extensively studied the dynamics of
communal violence in India and its impact on minority groups.
6. Legal and Constitutional Challenges: Debates around personal laws and the Uniform Civil Code
have implications for religious minorities' cultural practices. Flavia Agnes discusses how these
legal debates intersect with issues of gender and minority rights.
7. Education and Cultural Preservation: Minority educational institutions face challenges in
maintaining their character while adhering to national educational policies. The struggle to
preserve language, customs, and religious practices in a rapidly changing social environment.
8. Media Representation and Stereotyping: Arvind Rajagopal discusses how media
representations often stereotype minority communities, contributing to misconceptions and
prejudices.
9. Inter-community Relations: Tensions between majority and minority communities, as well as
among different minority groups, pose challenges to social harmony. Ashutosh Varshney's work
on ethnic conflict and civic life provides insights into these dynamics.
10. Global and Transnational Influences: International events and geopolitical tensions
sometimes impact the perception and treatment of religious minorities in India. Christophe
Jaffrelot examines how global events influence domestic politics and inter-community relations
in India.
Critical Examination:
1. Diversity Within Minorities: It's crucial to recognize the diversity within minority groups.
Challenges and experiences can vary significantly based on factors like region, class, and sect.
2. Intersectionality: The challenges faced by religious minorities often intersect with other forms
of marginalization based on caste, class, and gender.
3. Historical Context: Understanding these challenges requires considering the historical context
of minority-majority relations in India, including the legacy of partition.
4. Policy Implications: Addressing these challenges involves complex policy considerations,
)

balancing minority rights with national integration goals. O

5. Changing Nature of Secularism: Debates around secularism and its interpretation in the Indian
C
context have implications for how minority issues are addressed.
S.

Conclusion:
Addressing these issues requires a nuanced approach that recognizes the diversity of experiences
TE

within minority communities, the complexity of identity politics, and the need for inclusive policies.
It also calls for ongoing dialogue and research to better understand and address the evolving nature
O

of these challenges in a rapidly changing India.

FN
D
.P
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7. (c) Provide a sociological overview of changes in consumption pattern of middle class in India.
10
Answer:
Introduction:
The consumption patterns of India's middle class have undergone significant transformations,
especially since economic liberalization in 1991. These changes reflect broader shifts in economic
policies, globalization, urbanization, and cultural values, offering insights into evolving social
dynamics and aspirations in contemporary India.
Body:
Key changes and their sociological implications:
1. Rise of Consumerism:
o Leela Fernandes notes the emergence of a "new middle class" characterized by consumerist
lifestyles.
o Shift from savings-oriented to consumption-oriented behaviors.
o Reflects changing values and aspirations, moving away from traditional notions of frugality.
2. Globalization of Tastes:
o Increased exposure to global brands and lifestyles.
o Arjun Appadurai's concept of "mediascapes" helps explain how global media influences
local consumption desires.
o Hybridization of consumption, blending global and local elements.
3. Technology and Digital Consumption:
o Rapid adoption of smartphones, internet, and digital services.
o Rohit Varman examines how digital platforms are reshaping consumption practices and
social interactions.
o Emergence of new forms of social capital tied to digital literacy and access.
4. Changing Food Habits:
o Shift towards packaged and convenience foods.
o Increasing popularity of eating out and "foodie" culture.
o Tulasi Srinivas analyzes how these changes reflect broader social and cultural
transformations.
5. Fashion and Personal Appearance:
o Greater emphasis on branded clothing and personal grooming.
o Liechty's work on middle-class culture shows how fashion becomes a marker of social status
and modernity.
6. Education as Consumption:
o Growing investment in private education and coaching classes.
o Craig Jeffrey examines how education becomes a site of middle-class status production and
aspiration.
)

7. Leisure and Entertainment:

O
C
o Increased spending on travel, movies, and other forms of entertainment.
o Emergence of malls as spaces of consumption and socialization.
S.

o Christiane Brosius analyzes how these new consumption spaces shape urban experiences
and identities.
TE

Sociological Perspectives:
O

1. Class Identity Formation: Satish Deshpande argues that consumption plays a crucial role in
middle-class identity formation in post-liberalization India.
FN

2. Generational Differences: Significant differences in consumption patterns between older and

younger middle-class individuals. Reflects intergenerational tensions and changing value
systems.
D

3. Gender Dynamics: Henrike Donner examines how changing consumption patterns intersect
.P

with gender roles and identities in middle-class families.

4. Environmental Implications: Growing concern about the environmental impact of increased
W

consumption. Emergence of "green consumerism" among certain segments.

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 5. Inequality and Exclusion: While reflecting growing prosperity, changing consumption patterns
also highlight persistent inequalities and the exclusion of lower-income groups.
Conclusion:
The changing consumption patterns of India's middle class reflect complex social, economic, and
cultural transformations. While these changes indicate growing prosperity and global integration,
they also raise questions about sustainability, inequality, and the nature of social change in a rapidly
developing society. Understanding these patterns is crucial for grasping the dynamics of social
stratification, cultural change, and economic development in India.

8. (a) How did A R Desai integrate Marxist theories into his analysis of Indian social structures and
class relations? 20
Answer:
Introduction:
A R Desai, a prominent Indian sociologist, made notable contributions by integrating Marxist theories
into his analysis of Indian social structures and class relations. His work reflects a nuanced
understanding of the intersection between Marxism and the complex socio-economic fabric of India.
Body:
Class Analysis in Agrarian Context:
Land Relations: Desai delved into the agrarian landscape, examining the class dynamics within the
context of landownership and relations of production.
Marxist Lens: He applied Marxist concepts like the mode of production and relations of production to
elucidate the exploitative nature of landlord-peasant relationships.
Capitalism and Industrialization:
Emergence of Capitalism: Desai explored the transition of Indian society toward capitalism,
emphasizing the role of industrialization and the capitalist class.
Marxist Critique: He applied Marxist critiques of capitalism to analyze the emergence of bourgeoisie
and proletariat in the Indian industrial scenario.
Caste-Class Intersection:
Caste as a Social Structure: Desai examined the intricate relationship between caste and class,
acknowledging the multi-layered nature of Indian society.
Marxist Framework: He integrated Marxist perspectives to analyze how caste divisions intersect with
class relations, emphasizing the role of economic structures in perpetuating social hierarchies.
)

Peasant Movements and Class Struggles:

O
C
According to him, agrarian policy of the ruling class has been to eliminate parasitic, absentee
intermediaries in the form of various categories of zamindars and absentee landlords and to create
S.

in their place classes of agricultural capitalists, rich farmers and viable middle peasant proprietors
directly linked to the state.
TE

Marxist Framework: As a result, there have been created sharp differentiations among the peasants,
and the condition of small and marginal farmers and agricultural laborers has deteriorated.
O

Critique of Capitalist Development:

FN

Uneven Development: Desai critically examined the uneven development under capitalism,
highlighting regional disparities and their implications for class relations.
D

Marxist Lens: He applied Marxist critiques of uneven development to scrutinize the impact on
.P

different social classes.

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 State and Society: Democratic rights:
Marxist Lens: Desai classified democratic rights into three categories, One, the rights of the
bourgeoisie property relations, which include the right to hold property, right to employ wage labour
etc.
Second, the rights which are also termed civil liberties and are the product of the bourgeoisie
revolution. They include freedom of speech, habeas corpus petition, freedom of press, public secular
education, etc.
Third, like the bourgeoisie rights, there are the rights of the proletariat which include the right to
picket, strike and organize.
The second and third categories of rights are increasingly repudiated by the state to intensify the
generation of surplus value and capital accumulation.
Critique of A R Desai’s Approach:
• Marxist scholars who argue that Desai’s analysis lacked depth and was too simplistic and thus
wasn’t capable of understanding the complexities that structure the Indian experience of
capitalism and the nature of protests against it (Patel,).
• His work is also criticized for not having a theoretical perspective to assess and examine the
intersection of class and caste nor its interactions with gender, ethnicity or language.
• It also does not conceptualize any theoretical foundation for examining the complexities inherent
in identity formation within the sub-continent. His theory of identity was based on the simple
proposition that exploitative experiences need to be made visible in order to understand the
exploitative processes.
• K. Balgopal (1986), questioned Desai’s triangular classification of the agrarian classes (rich
peasants, middle farmers, and landlords). He also questions the division of struggle into pre-
Green revolution and Post-Green revolution periods, considering that the Green Revolution was
not introduced in many parts of the country.
• In Social Background of Indian nationalism, Desai argues that pre-colonial India did not have
private property and that the village was self-sufficient, autocratic and unprogressive. This builds
a very static and stagnant view of society that existed in pre-colonial India.
• According to eminent sociologist Sujata Patel, Desai’s theories have not paved the way for new
theoretical articulations on themes that he explored such as class and the labouring poor, nation
and nationalism, development, state policies, etc. His theories could not engage with the
complexities that modernity brought up in the context of the Indian sub-continent.
Conclusion:
A R Desai's integration of Marxist theories into the analysis of Indian social structures and class
relations demonstrates a nuanced approach. By applying Marxist frameworks to the specificities of
the Indian context, Desai enriched sociological understanding, providing valuable insights into the
)

complexities of class dynamics in India.

O
C
8. (b) Annihilation of caste is not merely a socio-political goal but requires a radical rethinking of
S.

religious principles. Discuss. 20

TE

Answer:
Introduction:
O

The annihilation of caste is a multifaceted challenge that necessitates a profound reconsideration of

FN

religious principles, acknowledging their role in perpetuating caste-based discrimination.

Body:
D

Caste and Hinduism:

.P

Regardless of its origins, caste became deeply entrenched in Hindu religious texts and practices, often
justified through concepts like karma, dharma, and reincarnation.
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 Scriptural justifications: Texts like the Manusmriti, while not universally accepted as infallible,
provided justifications for caste hierarchies, assigning specific occupations, duties, and ritual purity
levels to different castes. This religious validation further solidified the caste system.
Throughout history, various Hindu thinkers, saints, and movements challenged the caste system
based on their interpretations of core Hindu principles like equality before God, the universal Self
(Atman), and the oneness of humanity. Reform movements like those led by Bhakti saints and social
reformers like Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Swami Vivekananda emphasized universal brotherhood and
condemned caste discrimination.
Advocating for the annihilation of caste necessitates rethinking how religion interacts with
the caste system. This could involve:
• Critically examining scriptures: Reinterpreting religious texts like the Manusmriti through a
lens of social justice and human equality, highlighting passages that promote inclusivity and
condemning those that justify discrimination.
• Emphasizing core principles: Refocusing on core Hindu values like ahimsa (non-violence),
karuna (compassion), and moksha (liberation) as guiding principles for dismantling caste
hierarchies and promoting social harmony.
• Challenging rituals and practices: Reassessing religious rituals and practices that perpetuate
caste distinctions, such as exclusion from temples or denial of priestly roles based on caste.
• Promoting inter-caste dialogue through dining and marriage: Fostering open and respectful
dialogue between different castes within Hindu communities to address historical injustices and
build bridges of understanding possible through marriages between different castes.
Difficulties and complexities involved in such a radical rethinking:
• Resistance from vested interests: Those who benefit from the existing caste hierarchy might
resist reforms, making it a long and arduous process.
• Diversity within Hinduism: Hinduism encompasses a vast spectrum of beliefs and practices, and
imposing a singular interpretation on caste could be counterproductive.
• Secular concerns: Some might argue that religion shouldn't be used to address social issues,
advocating for purely secular solutions to caste discrimination.
Several scholars views on the necessity of a radical rethinking of religious principles for caste
annihilation vary:
• Gail Omvedt: Argues that the caste system is not intrinsic to Hinduism but was grafted onto it
later. She emphasizes the need to reclaim core Hindu values like inclusivity and compassion to
dismantle caste structures.
• Christopher I. Fuller: Analyzes how traditional interpretations of karma and dharma perpetuate
caste hierarchies. He advocates for recasting these concepts to promote social justice and
individual empowerment.
• Arvind Sharma: Suggests that emphasizing the concept of bhakti (devotion) can provide a
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spiritual pathway towards overcoming caste divisions and fostering universal brotherhood.
O
•
C
Jyotirmaya Sharma: Argues that Hinduism's inherent diversity makes it difficult to impose a
singular interpretation on caste and its relationship to religion. He promotes inter-caste dialogue
S.

and contextual understanding within different Hindu traditions.

• Romila Thapar: Emphasizes the historical and political aspects of caste, suggesting that focusing
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solely on religious reform might be insufficient. She calls for broader societal and economic
reforms to address the root causes of caste discrimination.
O

• Makarand Paranjape: While acknowledging the need for critical reflection on caste within
Hinduism, he cautions against rejecting traditional scriptures entirely. He suggests a balanced
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approach that draws on both ancient wisdom and contemporary social concerns.
• Feminist perspectives: Scholars like Uma Chakravarti and Radhika Coomaraswamy examine
how caste and gender intertwined in Hindu society, further marginalizing women from lower
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castes. They call for an intersectional approach that addresses both caste and gender oppression.
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• Dalit voices: Writings by Dalit scholars like B.R. Ambedkar and Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd
challenge casteist interpretations of Hindu texts and advocate for a radical reconstruction of
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religious narratives to ensure Dalit liberation.

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 • Importance of praxis: Several scholars, including Deepak Sarma and Anand Teltumbde,
emphasize the need to move beyond theoretical discussions and engage in concrete actions such
as promoting inclusive rituals, supporting inter-caste marriages, and advocating for Dalit
representation within religious institutions.
Conclusion:
Annihilating caste requires a multi-pronged approach that tackles it not just as a socio-political issue
but also as one deeply intertwined with religious beliefs and practices. This necessitates a courageous
and nuanced reevaluation of religious principles, prioritizing core values like equality, compassion,
and justice.

8. (c) Write in detail about Iravati Karve’s comparative analysis of kinship system in four cultural
zones of India. 10
Answer:
The system of kinship, that is, the way in which relations between individuals and groups are
organised, occupies a central place in all human societies. Radcliffe-Brown (1964) insisted on study
of a kinship system as a f ield of rights and obligations and saw it as a part of social structure.
In its commonest definition, kinship is simply the relations between ‘kin’, i.e., persons related by real,
putative or fictive consanguinity as stated by Fox. Iravati Karve (1953) undertakes a comparative
analysis of four cultural zones with a view to trace out something like a regional pattern of social
behaviour.
KINSHIP IN NORTH INDIA:
• In north India, there are
o terms for blood relations
o terms for affinal relations.
There are primary terms for three generations of immediate relations and terms for one
generation are not exchangeable for those of another generation.
• The northern zone consists of the areas of the Sindhi, Punjabi, Pahari, Bihari, Bengali, Asami
and Nepali. In these areas, caste endogamy, clan exogamy, and incest taboo regarding sexual
relations between primary kins are strictly observed.
• The rule of sasan is key to all marriage alliances, that is, a person must not marry in his Patri-
family and must avoid marriage with sapinda kin. Gotras in the old Brahminic sense of the word
are exogamous units.
• There are at least four basic features of kinship in north India:
o territoriality,
)

o genealogy,
O
o incest taboos, and
C
o local exogamy.
S.

Considerations of caste status tend to restrict the area of endogamy. Cognatic prohibitions and
local exogamy are strictly adhered to in marriage alliances.
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• Four-gotra (sasan) rule, that is, avoidance of the gotras of the father, mother, grandmother,
maternal grandmother is generally practiced among Brahmanas and other upper castes in north
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India.
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KINSHIP IN CENTRAL INDIA:

• The central zone comprises the linguistic regions of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh,
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Chhattisgarh, Gujarat and Kathiawad, Maharashtra and Orissa. All the languages in the
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region are of Sankritic origin, and therefore, they have affinity to the northern zone.
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 • But there are pockets of Dravidian languages in this zone. There is also some impact of eastern
zone. Tribal people have their unique and somewhat different situation compared to other
people in the region.
• Cross-cousin marriages are prevalent which are not witnessed in the northern zone. Cross-
cousins are children of siblings of opposite sex, parallel cousins are children of the siblings of the
same sex.
• Many castes are divided into exogamous clans like the north zone.
• In some castes exogamous clans are arranged in a hypergamous hierarchy. However, none of
these features are found all over the zone.
• In Rajasthan, for example, Jats follow two-gotra exogamy along with village exogamy; Banias
practice four-gotra rule; and Rajputs have hypergamous clans, and feudal status is an important
consideration in marriage alliances.
• In Kathiawad and Gujarat one finds a mix of peculiar local customs and northern practices. Some
castes allow cross-cousin marriages, others allowed marriages once a year, and some others
permitted once every four, five, nine or twelve years.
• Karve observes that Maharashtra is an area where Sanskritic northern traits and the
Dravidian southern traits almost hold a balance with perhaps a slight dominance of the
former.
Marathas have as many as 96 clans. Among these, there are concentric circles of mobility and
status. Ethnically, there is no homogeneity. There are Panchkula, a cluster of five clans, then there
are seven clans, and all are hypergamous divisions.
• The tribal people in orissa like Gonds, Oraons and Konds speak Dravidian languages, and their
kinship system can be equated with that of the Dravidianspeaking people.
KINSHIP IN SOUTH INDIA:
• There are five regions in the southern zone consisting of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil
Nadu, Kerala and the regions of mixed languages and people. The southern zone presents a very
complicated pattern of kinship system and family organisation.
• Here, patrilineal and patrilocal systems dominate. However, some sections have matrilineal
and matrilocal systems, and they possess features of both types of kinship organisation.
• In Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and among some castes of Malabar, patrilineal and
patrilocal joint families dominate ad in the northern zone.
• The Nayars, the Tiyans, some Moplas in Malabar region and the Bants in Kanara district have
matrilineal and matrilocal family, and it is called tharawad. It consists of a woman, her brothers,
and sisters, her own and her sister’s sons and daughters.
• In the southern zone there is the system of caste endogamy and clan exogamy similar to the
northern system.
• In northern zone village exogamy is a widely accepted norm. But, in southern zone, there are
)

inter-marrying clans in the same village. Gonds do not observe village exogamy.
O
• The southern zone has its peculiar features which are quite different from that of the northern
C
part of India. Preferential marriages with elder sister’s daughter, father’s sister’s daughter, and
with mother’s brother’s daughter are particularly prevalent in the southern zone.
S.

• Comparing the southern kinship system with the northern one we can mention that there is no
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distinction between the family of birth and the family of marriage in the south whereas such
a distinction is clear in northern India.
• In the north, terms for blood relatives and affinal ones are clear, whereas in the south many terms
O

do not indicate this distinction clearly.

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For example, Phupha-Phuphi for father’s sister’s husband and father’s sister and Mama-Mami
for mother’s brother and his wife are used in the north, whereas in the south Attai is used for
both Phuphi and Mami. Mama is used for both Phupha and Mama.
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• There does not seem to be any clear-cut classification of kin on the principle of generation at all
in the southern terminology. In south zone all the relatives are arranged according to whether
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they are older or younger than ego(self) without any reference to generation. Age, and not
generation, is the main consideration in the southern kinship system.
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 KINSHIP IN EASTERN INDIA:
• The eastern zone is not compact and geographically it is not contiguous like other zones. The main
communities are Korku, Assamese, Saka, Semang and Khasi.
• All the people speaking Mundari languages have patrilineal and patrilocal families. The Ho
and Santhal have the practice of cross-cousin marriages.
• The Ho and Munda have separate dormitories for bachelors and maidens and they indulge in
pre-marital sexual relationships. All these people are divided into exogamous totemistic clans.
A person must marry outside of the clan and also outside the circle of near relations like first
cousins.
• Money is given for procuring a bride. Service by the would-be-husband in girl’s father’s house is
also considered as bride price.
• After marriage one establishes his separate household, but may keep his younger brother and
widowed mother, etc., along with him in his newly established house. The Mundari people thus
differ from rest of India in not having joint family.
• The Khasi of Assam are matrilineal people like Nayars, but are quite different from them. The
Nayars have matrilineal joint family and husbands are only occasional visitors. The Khasis have
joint family with common worship and common graveyard, but the husband and wife live
together in a house of their own.
• Khasi bride enjoys great amount of freedom. After divorce children are handed over to her. The
Khasis have clan exogamy. Marriages of parallel cousins are not allowed. Cross-cousin marriage
is also quite rare.
Kinship continues to be a basic principle of social organisation and mobilisation on the one hand
and division and dissension on the other.
)

O
C
S.
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O
FN
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