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Not Yet Game Over: A Reappraisal of Video Game

Jiow Hee Jhee

Lye Qin Ting

Kenneth Woo
Singapore Institute of Technology
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Abstract
The rapid expansion of video gaming in an internet-using society has brought on a renewed
focus on the phenomenon of video game addiction. Despite this focus, there remains a crucial
absence of consensus over the diagnostic criteria of video game addiction. Currently both
psychological and behavioral interventions regard screen time as an indicator of video game
addiction. However, these interventions are challenged by substantial literature that increasingly
regard time to not be a predictor of addiction. To build onto the work that has been done, this
paper argues that time is an inadequate criterion in which to ascertain video game addiction,
proposing that a physiological-based criteria be used in conjunction with contextualized
understandings of video game dynamics to approach video game addiction. This realignment is
all the more pressing as video games begin a transition from a leisure activity to its current
orientation as a viable career option.

Author Keywords

Addiction; Video Games; Screen Time

Introduction

The phenomenon of video game addiction is one that plagues a segment of the internet-using
society. Through barometers assessing psychological inclinations, social life exposure, gaming
habits and an assortment of other factors, many have been claimed to be suffering from this
condition (Király, Nagygyörgy, Griffiths, & Demetrovics, 2014; Shaffer et al., 2004).
Problematically, however, whilst research and treatment efforts have been earnest and varied
(see Byun et al., 2009; C. Ferguson, Coulson, & Barnett, 2011; Griffiths, 2008b; Liu, 2014;
Sepehr & Head, 2013; Starcevic & Aboujaoude, 2016; Young, Pistner, O'Mara, & Buchanan,
1999), there remains an absence of consensus over diagnostic criteria of video game addiction
2

(Hellman, Schoenmakers, Nordstrom, & Van Holst, 2013; Király et al., 2014). The definitional
lacuna notwithstanding, psychological and behavioral interventions have also consistently
regarded screen time as an indicator of video game addiction (see Charlton, 2002; Chiu, Lee, &
Huang, 2004; Lin, Hsu, Wu, & Chang, 2013; Simmons, 2008). Yet, such intervention tactics
flies in the face of literature that are increasingly critical of time as a predictor of video game
addiction (see Cummings & Vandewater, 2007; C. Ferguson et al., 2011; Gentile, 2011; Groves
et al., 2015). In tandem with these studies, this paper argues that the temporal is an inadequate
criterion for ascertaining video game addiction. The stance rests on the manner of which video
games have transitioned from its initial purpose of leisure to its current orientation as a viable
career option (Author et al., 2017). It is proposed instead that a physiological-based criteria and
contextualized understandings of game dynamics are adopted when approaching video game
addiction. Beginning with a brief insight into the history of video game addiction, the paper
addresses the evolvements in the video gaming sphere that have impacted perspectives on the
sector. It then proceeds to explore existing debates of video games and their pathological usage.
The paper lastly concludes by reiterating that physiological complications resulting from
compulsive gaming habits should also be considered when ascertaining if an individual suffers
from video game addiction.

History of Video Gaming Addiction

The early 1970s witnessed video games in its infancy, when gaming machines and home-gaming
consoles were first introduced (Kowert & Quandt, 2016). From Pong and Space Invaders to
sports games such as Table Tennis and Hockey, commercial video games laid the groundwork
for the cultivation of the eventual multi-billion-dollar industry (Norman, 2017). According to
Green and Kaufman (2015), the United States game industry reportedly raked in an approximate
$20.77 billion in 2012; with over 50% of Americans playing video games in 2013. As of 2017,
the prevalence of video games has spread to 65% of American homes; with consumer spending
standing at $30.4 billion in 2016 (Entertainment Software Assocation, 2017). Such figures
contrast sharply with those of the late 1990s, when a mere 30% of Americans played video
games (Balter, 2000).
It is unsurprising that video game addiction became a sequela of video game consumption
(Kowert & Quandt, 2016). When reports of ‘Space Invasion obsession’ and ‘computer catatonia’
surfaced in the early 1980s, the public concern it drew inadvertently paved a newfound path for
scholarly research (Rössler, 2017). It was Soper and Miller, as cited in Rössler (2017, p. 205)
whose works first alluded to the term ‘video game addiction’. Since then, the theoretical footpath
many academics have trodden upon were wide and various. While early studies examined video
games through a generic lens, those embarked on after the 2000s scrutinized the effects of (a)
online and Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Game (MMORPG) games (Granic,
Lobel, & Engels, 2014; Király et al., 2014; Kowert & Quandt, 2016); (b) the detriments and
benefits of video game playing (C. J. Ferguson, 2007; Lobel, Engels, Stone, Burk, & Granic,
2017; Prot, Anderson, Gentile, Brown, & Swing, 2014); and (c) its relation to violence,
aggression, and real life mass killing incidents (Birkland & Lawrence, 2009; C. J. Ferguson,
Bowman, & Kowert, 2017; Markey, Markey, & French, 2014).
Regardless of the vast amount of literature, the definition of ‘video game addiction’ remains in
murky waters (Hellman et al., 2013; Király et al., 2014). As Rosen, Cheever, and Carrier (2015)
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remarks, the general public’s conception of video game addiction is a subsection of Internet
Gaming Disorder. This framework is derived specifically from the pioneering work of Young et
al. (1999). Of Internet addiction subtypes, Computer Addiction was listed as one subdivision,
characterized by an individual’s excessive game playing (Young et al., 1999). The highly
influential piece successively shaped many studies, regardless of roots in psychology (Bélanger-
Lejars, 2015), academia or policy (C. Ferguson et al., 2011). The extent to which it remains
relevant to contemporary times, therefore, is an aspect that this paper endeavors to verify.

Problematising Video Game “Addiction”

Taking the cue from scholars such as Király et al. (2014) and Granic et al. (2014), the term
‘video game’ is used as an umbrella term to represent the myriad of games, both online and
offline, that can be played across devices (laptops, gaming consoles, mobile phones etc.) with
varying levels of player-engagement. As it is not the aim of this paper to partake in the discourse
of terminology, this paper too shall use ‘video game(s)’ to represent different manifestations of
the cyber-gaming playground.
‘Addiction’, contrastingly, is commonly comprehended in the psychological context (Hellman et
al., 2013). In the works of Peele (1985), addiction revolves around the core elements of
tolerance, withdrawal and craving, where over-dependence on a stimulus exacts substantial
hardship on the individual upon discontinuation. A similar conceptualization was also used by
Byun et al. (2009), where addiction is tied to socio-functional impairments resulting from an
individual’s overuse of a stimulus. A significant milestone of video game addiction literature
features its inclusion into the 2013 Internet Gaming Disorder in the fifth edition of the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-V) (Petry et al., 2014). It was a
decision propelled by the multiple similarities shared between gaming disorders and gambling
addiction (Bélanger-Lejars, 2015; Kuss & Griffiths, 2012). A point of variance that distinguishes
video gaming addiction from its gambling counterpart lies in how ‘addiction’ is oft loosely used
to denote excessive behaviors for the former, as opposed to the drug-like psychological struggle
faced by the latter (Hellman et al., 2013). This contrast thus makes it imperative to be mindful
that what is excessive is not the same as addiction; especially with ‘addiction’ carrying
insinuations of mental health issues (Starcevic & Aboujaoude, 2016). Hence, the need for a clear
delineation and conceptualization of the ‘addiction’ terminology discharges a primary obligation
for academics and medical professionals alike to recalibrate current understandings of ‘video
game addiction’.

Video Games and Violence

Violence is undoubtedly one of the central tenets in the discourse of video game addiction
(Anderson, 2016; C. J. Ferguson, 2007; Markey et al., 2014). Specifically, violent video games
came under intense academic and public scrutiny in the chaos ensuring from the Columbine
School shooting incident (Birkland & Lawrence, 2009). Some believe that continuous play of
violent video games contributes to the accumulation of violence and aggression within players
(Brunborg, Mentzoni, & Frøyland, 2014), thus resulting in a transference of violent
characteristics from the cyber terrain to the physical one (Anderson, 2016). Fanning the sparks of
concern were also several other incidences that the news media have repeatedly linked video
games to. Several other landmark school shootings and incidences include those of the notorious
4

April 1999 Columbine Shooting (Birkland & Lawrence, 2009), the 2007 Virginia Tech
University Shooting (Markey et al., 2014), followed by the infamous killing perpetrated by
Anders Breivik in Norway, 2011 (Meloy, Habermeyer, & Guldimann, 2015) as well as the
December 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School Shooting in Newtown, Connecticut (Fox &
DeLateur, 2013).
With violence portrayed as a significant harm of video games, a whole host of other issues were
gradually presented as being equally worrisome. These include emotional desensitization
(Carnegey, Anderson, & Bushman, 2007), diminished prosocial and empathetic behavior, mood
disorders such as depression and anxiety (Brunborg et al., 2014; Lobel et al., 2017), impeded
decision-making abilities with hostility as a default response mechanism (Prot et al., 2014) and
reduced attention span and self-control (Lobel et al., 2017; Prot et al., 2014). Still, causality
between violent video games and violent behavior is debatable (Brunborg et al., 2014; Lobel et
al., 2017).
As Kowert and Quandt (2016) critically reminds, it is inherently problematic to assume that
video gamers are passive recipients of video gaming content when in fact, behavioral
development is a multifactorial process. At this juncture, it is also imperative to inject that not all
video games are violent (Gentile, 2003). Though common-sensical, this is a point that is
frequently banished to the background whenever discussions on violence in video games take
place. Games subsumed under the non-violent genre include Candy Crush, Farmville, Tetris,
Super Mario and sports-themed games such as Wii Sports. Purposes of leisure aside, video
games have also been roped into education in the form of Edutainment (Egenfeldt-Nielsen,
Smith, & Tosca, 2016) and even as a modern alternative to conventional sports via Exergames
(Peng, Lin, & Crouse, 2011). In acknowledging that non-violent video games also exist, it
reinforces the notion that those who fall prey to video game addiction may hail from any genre
of game whereby violence is not a prerequisite (Bostan, 2016). More importantly, such
perspectives equalize the scale of detriments by reflecting that players too, can be recipients of
benefits brought by video games.

Benefits of Video Games

With the proliferation of the video game industry, studies and observations have, and are still
providing evidence of the benefits of video gaming. Prensky (2006), for example, writes that
video games aid players in learning essential life skills through play, whilst also improving upon
their hand-eye coordination and prioritizing abilities during exposure to multiple stimulants
(similar to the cyber playground, Peterson (2013)), in extension, advanced that video games help
with elements of socialization, cognitive development and skills, as well as spatial visualization
abilities. Kowert and Quandt (2016) too observed that video games fostered stronger social
bonds to family and peers, therein supporting overall emotional contentment.
Aside from personal advantages, other studies also addressed the inclusion of video games into
the education sector (Gentile, 2011). Apart from piquing students’ interest in learning, games
were found to develop better problem-solving skills (Suziedelyte, 2015, cited in De Queirós &
Pinto, 2017). Relatedly, video games are also instating their place in the medical field, where
simulation games help train medical practitioners on a level that mimic real-life scenarios (De
Freitas, Ott, Popescu, & Stanescu, 2013; Granic et al., 2014; Rosser et al., 2007). The same is
5

also integrated in trainings for military and governmental personnel (Susi, Johannesson, &
Backlund, 2007). Hence, the adjacent argument of the video game debate presents the pros of
video gaming in terms of cognitive, motivational, emotional and (pro) social developments of
which gamers and non-gamers alike stand to gain from.

Approaching through Dis-functions

Information gleaned from texts suggest that video game addiction is commonly delineated via
impairments to daily life functions (C. Ferguson et al., 2011; King, Delfabbro, Griffiths, &
Gradisar, 2011). It is reified through deteriorated physical health, worsened emotional wellbeing,
limited social life and academic/career non-performance are well-known consequences of
pathological gaming (Griffiths & Meredith, 2009; Groves et al., 2015; King et al., 2011; Kowert
& Quandt, 2016; Kuss & Griffiths, 2012; Petry et al., 2014). Wolf (2012) spotlights specifically
that psychologists frequently use the duration of play, quality of sleep, professional or academic
(non)performance, as well as (the lack of ) social life as markers of video game addiction. Due to
the compulsion to engage in video games, players often sacrifice sleep, thus neglecting their
physical health and destabilizing patterns of work-life balance. When attention is excessively
invested into video games, the gaming arena becomes so central to the individual such that other
aspects such as social life and academic performance takes a nosedive (Groves et al., 2015; Kuss
& Griffiths, 2012; Liu, 2014; Petry et al., 2014; Sussman, 2017).
As Anderson, Gentile, and Buckley (2007) finds, there is a sturdy chain that links screen time to
poorer academic performance. Gentile et al. in 2004, (as cited in Jordan & Romer, 2014) terms
this as the displacement hypothesis, where time that was originally meant for study is now used
for gaming instead. Subsequently, as pathological gaming habits and a preoccupation with games
begin to take root, overall academic performance declines while problematic conduct climbs.
This may surface through shortened attention span, reduced impulse control, truancy (Kowert &
Quandt, 2016), skipping homework in favor of playing video games (Gentile et al., 2009 as cited
in Jordan & Romer, 2014) and poorer reading and writing capabilities (Weis & Cerankosky,
2010). Gradually, the importance of scholastic achievements becomes displaced by gaming
conquests.
Similarly, pathological gaming has been argued to have a diminishing effect on physical social
life (Liu, 2014; Sussman, 2017). McEwan (2015) names this phenomenon as cocooning – where
online social interaction displaces physical interaction, a phenomenon especially prevalent
among individuals that struggle with offline relationships. For Oliver and Raney (2014),
immersive video games have the propensity to immerse gamers so fully in the cyberworld that
physical social life ceases to be important. In this sense, there is a breakdown of social
interaction and communication with peers and family in favor of online social interaction. As
pathological gamers distance themselves from physical interaction, more severe implications
arise, as opportunities for the development of social skills, knowledge of behavioral norms and
communication methods dwindle to the point that real-time communication becomes a hurdle
(Kowert, 2015). Therefore, the ripple effect of consequences blossoming from excessive video
game consumption is what fuels many worries and condemnation of video games amongst
parents.
6

Social Life through Computer Mediated Communications (CMC)

The prior section has been prudent to underscore that physical social life is vulnerable to the
negative effects of pathological gaming. This is because in the current technologically-advanced
era, online communication is a norm for many societies (Arnett, 2007). Channels such as emails
and instant text messaging are used to supplement traditional forms of communication, and it is
precisely due to this supplementary effect that many view online mediated communication as
beneficial to social life. In the aspect of video games, Steinkuehler and Williams (2006) found
that gaming chat rooms could either be private and restricted to selected players, or open to the
public. The content of the chat rooms featured everything from information on completing the
games, to strategizing, or even personal opinions on politics and art (Steinkuehler & Williams,
2006).
In this vein, video games do encourage social interaction in its own way, as gaming chat rooms
not only facilitate informational exchange, but also boost social capital to stitch the virtual to the
real world and vice versa. Bringing it a step further, Cole and Griffiths (2007) found that nearly
43% of online friends meet in real-life, while EmBrick, Wright, and Lukacs (2012) reported that
video games were used as a common channel by undergraduates to bond with each other. The
strength of video games as a channel for establishing social capital could also be seen in the
works of Goldstein et al. in 1997 (as cited in Kunstler & Daly, 2010) and Silton (2014), where
elderlies in nursing homes and children with Autism Spectrum Disorder, respectively, all
managed to craft their unique form of communication through video games.
A particularly interesting point worthy of exploration is what Cole and Griffiths (2007) cites as
the disinhibition effect, which explores how some gamers find security in the anonymity of
gaming to help strengthen their cyber social lives. For these individuals, they feel at ease when
communicating with others on the online sphere, and this cyber contact compensates for their
lack of offline relationships (McEwan, 2015). Against this backdrop, therefore, it is not difficult
to comprehend why Király et al. (2014) argues that video gaming and social life are not mutually
exclusive. Instead, it would be negligent to simply restrain understandings of ‘social life’ to
conventional ideas revolving around the physical because cyber social life possesses an influence
strong enough for it to transcend into the physical world.

Measurement Apparatuses of Video Game Addiction

One of the most widely-used scales for the evaluation of video game addiction is the Nine-item
short-form Internet Gaming Disorder Scale (thereafter IGDS-SF9) (Pontes & Griffiths, 2015).
This psychometric assessment tool imposes the condition that an individual must fulfil a
minimum of five of the nine criteria, in addition to having his or her life being significantly
hindered by their gaming patterns (Pontes, Király, Demetrovics, & Griffiths, 2014). The nine
criteria listed are: (1) Preoccupation: a fixation with online games; (2) Tolerance: gradual
increase in playing duration to attain existing personal gratification; (3) Withdrawal: the onset of
frustration and negative emotions as a result of non-play; (4) Persistence: the inability to
consciously keep oneself away from video games; (5) Escape: the adjustment to alternative
forms of mental states or conduct to east the distress inflicted by withdrawal symptoms; (6)
Problems: the obsessive continuance with gameplay despite knowledge of ramifications; (7)
Deception: keeping one’s thirst for gaming a secret from others; (8) Displacement: deterioration
7

of daily routine and lifestyle by gaming; (9) Conflict: the stage when gaming has become
significantly detrimental to one’s social relationships, personal life, career opportunities and
various other aspects (Lemmens, Valkenburg, & Gentile, 2015; Pontes et al., 2014).
Comparably, there are also (Griffiths, 2008a) ownother methodologiesy:, tthe Game Addiction
Scale proposed by Lemmens, Valkenburg, and Peter (2009) and the Problematic Online Game
Use (POGU) Scale introduced by Haagsma, Caplan, Peters, and Pieters (2013). Considering that
each study has its set of strengths and weaknesses, it was found that conceptualizations of each
study’s measurements and indicators differ from others’. Király, Griffiths, and Demetrovics
(2015), for instance, critiqued that the IGDS-SF9 scale was unsuitable for its purpose because its
theoretical infrastructure was created by superimposing the diagnostic framework of gambling
and substance abuse, based on a study from China. In doing so, the authors argue, it inherently
assumes that addictions are comparable while disregarding unique contextual factors (Király et
al., 2015). Findings from Stavropoulos et al. (2017) reflected that in different countries and
cultural contexts, levels of ‘addiction’ severity differed even when same scores were obtained.
For the POGU scale, M. G. Kim and Kim (2010) identified from their overview a key
shortcoming that found the POGU incapable of being administered in different cultural contexts
or to adults with gaming pathologies.

The Inaccuracy of Using Time as a Measure

From its onset, gaming addiction has been synonymous with the idea of excessive gaming
duration. The use of time as an indicator of video game addiction can be found in many texts
(Charlton, 2002; Chiu et al., 2004; Griffiths, 2008a; Király et al., 2015; Lin et al., 2013;
Simmons, 2008), to the extent that time has become a common factor running across the
abovementioned studies. While there is a certain truth to the idea that game addicts engage in
large amounts of screen time (Király et al., 2015; Király et al., 2014), it certainly does not render
valid the use of time as a factor to pinpoint video game addiction.
The tunnel vision of using time as a measure, as Gentile (2009) argues, is inaccurate and
unsuitable an apparatus for measuring diagnosing video gaming addiction. The fundamental
argument made was simply – ‘The amount of time spent playing is not a criterion for
pathological video-game use, just as how much one drinks is not criterion for alcohol
dependence.’ (Gentile, 2009, p. 600). This means that video gamers cannot be unquestionably
diagnosed as a ‘video game addict’ based simply on the duration of gameplay because if so, then
all players that have hit that particular temporal threshold would all be classified as ‘video game
addicts’. Where those with a profession in video games are concerned, then, it would be
unreasonable to label them as ‘game addicts’ considering that their consumption of video games
are within their job scopes. By specifically extracting the duration of gameplay, its weightage in
directing conceptions of game addiction destabilizes the objectivity of many measurement tools,
thereby compounding the risk of obtaining invalid results and over-diagnosis (C. Ferguson et al.,
2011; Petry et al., 2014).
On a separate line of argument, there is also a need to account for Media Multitasking – the way
in which an individual is concurrently occupied with two or more forms of media (Foehr, 2006).
It is a common occurrence in everyday life, as exemplified by people listening to music while
surfing the Internet, or watching videos while chatting online. In video games such as Starcraft,
8

gamers strategize their battles while deploying avatars to acquire more resources (Granic et al.,
2014), all the while being engaged in chat rooms or listening to their favorite songs. Media
multitasking has been found to equip gamers with better strategizing abilities, hand-eye
coordination, negotiation, adaptability, reactiveness, working memory and overall cognition
(Baniqued et al., 2014; Murphy, 2009; Susi et al., 2007).
While there are studies arguing that video games do not allow for multitasking due to the amount
of concentration required (Anguera & Gazzaley, 2015; Cotton, Shank, & Anderson, 2014), this
paper contends that the ability to multitask is contingent on the type of game and how immersive
it is. This standpoint parallels that of Granic et al. (2014), whom posited that the more casual the
game, the easier it is to multitask. Unlike real-time strategy games, casual games are less intense
and mentally engaging, thus tuning down the amount of focus needed. The Sims, Halo, FIFA,
Farmville, Candy Crush and Hay Day are some examples of games that provide an affordance
for media multitasking (Knautz & Baran, 2016).

An Impetus for Changing Current Perspectives: Transitions in Perspectives of VG

As one of the forces propelling renewed perspectives on video games, new careers related to
video gaming surfaced following the proliferation of the video gaming sector. Though specialists
in the field of programming, design, animation, acoustics, illustration, scripts and graphics are
quintessential in the production of video games (Cohendet & Simon, 2007; Crosby, 2000;
Ruggill, McAllister, Nichols, & Kaufamn, 2017), it was those professions that raked in an
income via video gaming that caught the most attention; the very same careers that were
previously perceived as unconventional and non-practical (Author et al., 2017).
Professional gamers (thereafter pro-gamers), for one, is a career aspiration for many video
gamers (Li, 2016; Taylor, 2012). Pro-gamers participate in competitive video game tournaments
of which spectatorship is an integral component (Hollist, 2015). Fame and success in the pro-
gaming scene are reserved for those who can conquer the onerous competition and power
through its short-lived glory (Jin, 2010). Yet, once a pro-gamer’s reputation has been solidified,
earnings from tournament winnings, branding, advertising, ambassadorship and streaming
activities are integral in sustaining the career (Hamilton et al., 2012, as cited in Edge, 2013). This
is especially true for gamers of countries such as South Korea, Japan, China, the United States
and certain parts of Europe where video games have earned recognition as a legitimate ‘sport’ in
its own right (Edge, 2013; Hollist, 2015; Jin, 2010; Tan, 2017).
In these countries, pro-gamers train hard for the sole aim of winning international gaming
competitions such as the World Cyber Games competition (S. H. Kim & Thomas, 2015) and the
Cyberathlete Professional League (Mora & Héas, 2003). As S. H. Kim and Thomas (2015),
gather, 2015 alone saw pro-gaming as a US$0.26 billion market. Singapore has begun to set its
sights on the burgeoning e-Sports market, playing host to the Vainglory World Championship, a
mobile game competition with a prize pool of S$191,000 (Hio, 2017b). Winners of such
tournaments were also observed to enjoy celebrity status and improved social seating within their
respective cultures (Edge, 2013; Jin, 2010; Li, 2016; Taylor, 2012). This is the case for South
Korean pro-gamer, Yo-Hwan Lim, who at one point had 650,000 fans (Jin, 2010), which not
only vouches for his popularity, but also the social benefits brought by this vocation. In
9

Singapore, several local players have also enjoyed increased earnings and benefits from
participating in such tournaments, such as Amos Ker, who estimated that he has earned S$7,000
from Vainglory competitions (Hio, 2017c). Local gaming teams like Chaos Theory have also set
up a pro-gaming team that enjoys full employment benefits such as regular paychecks and
medical benefits (Hio, 2017a, 2017d). Organizations such as the Singapore Cybersports &
Online Gaming Association (SCOGA) have conducted classes on e-sports and livestreaming,
enjoying healthy enrolments in these classes since its inception (Hio, 2017d). As such, it is plain
to see why the pro-gaming scene holds such great allure.
In a Singapore-based study conducted by Author et al. (2017), it was discovered that vocations
as a game-designer were more readily accepted by parents and children than those as a
YouTuber or pro-gamer. Even as a job that is more active behind-the-scenes, game designers
form a key pillar in the entire creation process of video games (Liming & Vilorio, 2011). Such
sentiments arose from the perspective that skills in game-design were considerably more
transferable and less restricted to the sole mechanics of game playing (Author et al., 2017). The
same was echoed by Lee and Lin (2011); Liming and Vilorio (2011); Weststar (2015).
Even for supposedly ‘addicted’ gamers, there is still hope for them in finding a job outside of the
video gaming archipelago. Working on the same theme of ‘transferable skills’, SCOGA (2017)
and Kingmaker Consultancy (2017) both adopt a strength-based approach in engaging ‘addicted
gamers’. In this sense, specific skills that clients exhibit during gaming are specially honed so
that the same skills can be applied in a (non-video-gaming) workplace setting. In one successful
episode, SCOGA saw one of their gamers capitalize on his quick reactivity and responses. It
ultimately led to his success as a stock broker even without the relevant educational
qualifications. In sum, all these works help reshape the contours of what positions in the video
game industry entails, and how past perspectives are slowly, but surely being replaced by fresh
ideas.

The Physiological & Contextualized Approach

Shaffer et al. (2004) offers a compelling argument for the cruciality of revising
conceptualizations of ‘addiction’ by spotlighting how readily the public diagnoses certain
conducts as ‘addictions’ via a narrow focus on risk factors and deviant behaviors. The salience of
calling for such a revision has implications not only for future research efforts, but treatment
pathways as well (sSee Byun et al., 2009; Griffiths & Meredith, 2009; Groves et al., 2015; King
et al., 2011). It reasons to say that pathological video gaming, like most other activities, imposes
physiological tolls when done excessively (Griffiths, Kuss, & King, 2012). Yet, physical
complications resulting from frequent, compulsive gameplay seem to be often disregarded in the
assessment of video game addiction. By catering a segment of video game addiction theories to
the physiological, this paper falls upon the position taken by Groves et al. (2015), where ‘video
game addiction’ should also be determine based on the infliction of clinically significant
impairment(s) to one’s daily lifestyle.
Physiological issues arising from addictive gameplay do not veer far from Smith (1997) insight
into Computer Related Syndrome. It includes disruptions to sleep, appetite, hygiene (Király et al.,
2014) to optical issues such as deteriorating vision, eye dryness and fatigue (Smith, 1997), to
10

more severe conditions of Carpal Tunnel Syndrome, migraines (Griffiths, 2008a) and spinal
issues resulting from poor posture and prolonged sitting (Hiltscher & Scholz, 2017).
Where physiological conditions are related, the type and dynamics of the games played would
also be an essential factor to consider – contextualized approach. Essentially, as Gentile (2011)
suggests, video games and the phenomenon of addiction must be considered in a wholesome and
contextualized manner. Simply put, the individual addicted to playing computer or Virtual
Reality video games would very likely suffer from a differing degree of health issues as
compared to those who are compulsively playing mobile or console-based games (Hiltscher &
Scholz, 2017; Ramos, James, & Bear-Lehman, 2005). In light of all these factors, it argues to say
that the physiological issues stemming from compulsive video gaming should be given more, if
not equal, consideration as those of its functional counterpart. This notion is made even more
pressing particularly because the treatment of such medical conditions are more often than not,
relegated to the sidelines of video game addiction treatments.

Conclusion

To conclude, this paper has sought to address two key issues. Firstly, the use of time as an
indicator of video game addiction was contended against the backdrop of evolvements in media-
usage. As a result of Media Multitasking (Foehr, 2006), Computer Mediated Communication
(Arnett, 2007) and a growing acceptance and uptake of careers in video gaming (Author et al.,
2017), the ways in which time used to be allocated solely for video games are now stretched to
include a variety of other activities and purposes. Consequently, this means that pervious
method(s) designed for measuring ‘time spent on playing video games’ can no longer be applied
to contemporary contexts without incurring significant risk of over-diagnosis (C. Ferguson et al.,
2011; Petry et al., 2014). The second issue focused on the proposition that physiological
conditions to be taken into account in future assessments of ‘video game addiction’. Putting
aside concerns over dysfunctions in daily routines inflicted by pathological gaming patterns, this
writing has additionally asserted that physiological harms should also be incorporated in future
assessments of video game addiction. Physiological harms would be a replacement of the
temporal indicator as it is a factor more fitting and easily-assessed to deduce if one’s gaming
tendencies has reached a scale where it is detriment to the self. Stitching these two themes
together, the paper hopes that better assessment tools meant for diagnosing video game
addictions can be better formulated to suit the contextualized and ever-changing trends of the
video-game dimension.
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References