POLITICAL SCIENCE NOTES

Syllabus:

1. Federalism and its working

2. Centre-State Relations and Tensions

3. Demand for State Autonomy

4. Emerging Trends in Indian Federalism

5. Election Commission

6. Electoral Process, its Defects and Reforms

7. Voting Behaviour

8. Problem of Defections

9. Features of the Indian Party System

10. National Political Parties

11. Regional Political Parties

12. Interest and Pressure Groups

13. Caste and Indian Politics’

14. Religion and Indian Politics

16. Regionalism and Indian Politics

17. Politics of Reservation

FEDERALISM AND ITS WORKING

Answer. The constitution of India very clearly distributes the Power between the centre and the states. There are three
lists of power between the centre and the states, given in the Constitution:

1. The Union List. There are 97 subjects in the union list, only union government can make laws on these subjects. The
main subjects are-Railways, Post and Telegraph, Coinage and currency, Defence and Foreign Affairs. Laws framed on
these subjects are enforced in all states and on all citizens only.

2. The State List. These are 66 subjects in this list. The state government can make laws on them. The main subjects
are-Law and Order, Police, Agriculture, Irrigation and Public works. The state legislature frames laws on these subjects.

3. The Concurrent List. There are 47 subjects in the concurrent list. On these subjects both the centre and the states
can make laws. But if the two laws are contradictory, the laws of the centre prevail.

The Residuary powers have been given to the centre under the Constitution.

Q. 2. Mention main Federal features of Indian Constitution.

Answer. Following are the main features of Indian Federation-

1. Division of Powers. The Constitution distributes power between the Union government and State government. There
are three lists of powers in the Constitution: 1. Union List, 2. State List and 3. Concurrent List.

2. Written Constitution. Indian Constitution is written. Indian Constitution consists of 395 Articles and 12 Schedules.

3. Rigid Constitution. The Constitution of India is also a rigid one.

4. Supremacy of the Constitution. Indian Constitution is Supreme. The Central and the State governments in India have
to act in accordance with the Constitution. The power of judicial review is given to the Supreme Court and High Courts
to maintain the supremacy of the Constitution.

Q. 3. Mention main unitary features of Indian Constitution.

Or

Find out two unitary features of Indian Constitution.

(M.D.U. 2019)

Answer. Following are some of the unitary features of the Constitution of India:

1. Centre is very Strong. The Indian Constitution has distributed the powers between the Centre and the States in such
a way that Centre had become stronger than States.

2. No Separate Constitution of the States. In India no State has its own Constitution. There is only one Constitution for
India.

3. Single Citizenship. Normally there is a double citizenship in a Federal State like the U.S.A. But in India there is single
citizenship, i.e. all the citizens of all the States are equally good citizens of India.

4. Change the boundaries of States. The Constitution of India empowers the Parliament to change the boundaries of
the existing States or create new States or change the name of the States on the recommendation of the President.
Q. 4. Explain the reasons for making the Centre very strong.

Answer. The reasons which impelled the founding fathers to opt for a strong Centre were the following:

1. Security of the country. Security of the country could only be maintained if the Centre was strong. It was but natural
for the framers of our Constitution to keep the security point in view.

2. Presence of disintegrating forces. Not only was India to be saved from external aggression, it was also to be saved
from disintegrating forces working within the country itself.

3. Problem of National Integration. The British has ruled over India through the policy of 'Divide and Rule'. They
succeeded to a great extent in encouraging communalism, Casteism, Linguism and regionalism. In addition thereto, at
the time India got independence, the princely States were given the option either to join India or Pakistan or even
remain independent. The independence of such a large number of States, 565 in the Indian Territory, would have
posed a very difficult problem. They had got to be integrated into India. All this could be achieved only if the Centre
was powerful.

4. Development and Modernisation of India. After India became free, she was to make political development and
introduce modernisation. These targets could only be achieved if the people give up their narrow loyalties to caste,
religion, family, etc. and instead become integrated into one nation. Modernisation means new values, better standard
of living, and better means of political participation and so on. All this could be achieved if the Centre was sufficiently
strong.

Q. 5. Why India is called a 'Quasi Federal State'?

(K.U.K. 2018)

Ans. India, in reality, is neither a purely federal nor a purely unitary State. The Indian Constitution contains such
provisions as provide it a federal form. For example, a written, rigid and supreme Constitution, dual administration,
division of powers between the Centre and the States. the provision of the supreme and independent Judiciary and the
existence of bicameral Parliament make it a federal State, while the division of powers made in the favour of the
Centre, the power of the Parliament to legislate even on the subjects in State List, the appointment and dismissal of
the Governors by the President, dependence of the States on the Centre, and the provision of imposing the President's
Rule in States are such provisions as give the Indian State a unitary nature. That is why India is called a 'Quasi Federal
State'.

Q. 6. Explain two features of federal Govt.

(M.D.U. 2019)

Answer.

1. Written Constitution. A written constitution is essential in a federation in the sense that both the centre and the
states should be definite about their sphere of action.

2. Division of Powers. The powers of the government in a federation are distributed between the centre and the states.

LONG ANSWER TYPE QUESTIONS

Q. 1. Explain the nature of Indian Federalism.

(K.U.K. 2018)

Or
"The constitution of India is Federal in character but is designed to become unitary in the times of emergency.

(C.D.L.U. 2016)

Answer. The most controversial issue of the Indian Constitution is the nature of federation. The Constitution of India
establishes a federal system of Government in the country. But the federal system of Government in India has come
under severe criticism at so many hands. Many people are the view-point that the Constitution of India is only federal
in form but it is unitary in spirit. The Constitution creates a federal polity but the word federation is not used anywhere
in the Constitution. Art. 1 described India as a Union of States. Dr. Ambedkar, Chairman of the Drafting Committee
explained to the Constituent Assembly, "It will be noticed that The Committee has used the terms "Union' instead of
'Federation'. Nothing much turns on the name but the committee has preferred to follow the language of the Preamble
to the British North America Act, 1867 and considered that there are advantages in describing India as a Union
although its constitution may be federal in character." In describing India 'Union of States' framers of the Constitution
meant two things-First, that federalism in India is the result of an agreement among the Units and Second that the
constituent units of Indian federation had no right to succeed from it. The administration has been organized in such a
way that the units of federation cannot exercise their powers independently and they are merely reduced to
administrative territories of the union. The American Constitution established the federal system of Government in
U.S.A. first of all. In America the units enjoy more powers as compared to the Central Government. In Switzerland also
the Cantonal Governments are more powerful than the Central Government. But knowing all this the Indian
Constitution allotted more powers to the Union Government and the states were given an insignificant position. Dr.
Basu is of the opinion that, "The Constitution of India is neither purely federal, nor purely unitary, but is combination of
both." In the words of K.C. Wheare, "The Indian Constitution establishes a system of Government which is at the most
quasi-federal and revolutionary in character; a unitary State with subsidiary federal features rather than a federal
State with Unitary features." Inspite of the fact that constitutional experts have expressed different views regarding
the nature of federation, but the fact in Indian Constitution is federal in form with a strong centre. In order to
understand the real nature of the federation it is essential to know the federal features as well as unitary elements in
the Indian Constitution.

FEDERAL FEATURES OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION

Scholars like C.H. Alexandrowics, Paul H. Appleby, D.D. Basu, believe that India is a true federal state. T.T.
Krishnamachari maintained that "The concept of this Constitution is undoubtedly federal." Similarly N.V. Gadgil
declared. "It doubt whether there is a single individual here or outside, or a party here or outside, which has stood for
or even stands for a completely unitary state." Alexandrowics holds that "India is undoubtedly a federation in which
the attributes of sovereignty are shared between the Centre and the States." Paul H. Appleby calls it "extremely
federal."

The following are the federal features of the Constitution:

1. Supremacy of the Constitution. The most important condition of a federation is that the Constitution should be
supreme. Supremacy of the Constitution has been realised in the Indian Political System. It is the Constitution of India
which is the supreme law of the land. Both the Centre and the States derive their powers from the Constitution. It is
very clearly laid down in the Constitution that no organ of State can go beyond its area of authority. The government
at the State and Central level work within the sphere of powers given to them by the Constitution.

2. Written Constitution. The Constitution of India is written and rigid. It is the lengthiest Constitution in the world
having 395 Articles with 12 Schedules containing about 90,000 words. The Supreme Court in the case of A. Gopalan
v/s the State of Madras (1950), observed: "In contrast to the American Constitution, the Indian Constitution is a very
detailed one. The Constitution itself provides in minute details the legislative powers of the Parliament and the State
Legislatures."

3. Rigid Constitution. The Constitution of India is also a rigid one. Some provisions of the Constitution can be amended
by absolute majority and 2/3 majority of the members present and voting in both the houses separately. But if the
amendment is concerned with the articles mentioned in the Article 368, the approval of 50% of the states will be
required in addition to the above written process in the Parliament.
4. Division of Powers. The very object for which a federation is formed involves the division of powers between the
Centre and the States. The Indian federal system incorporates three lists of subject in Schedule VII for the division of
authority between the Centre and States the Union List, the State List, and the Concurrent List. The Union List has 97
subjects of national importance, such as those of defence, war and peace, atomic energy, currency and coinage,
railway, posts and telegraphs, preventive detention, citizenship, foreign trade, inter-state trade and commerce, ports,
airways, national industries and highways, etc. The State List has 66 subjects of local importance such as public order,
police, administration of justice, local-self Government, jails, public health and sanitation, land, forests, agriculture,
irrigation and fisheries, etc. The Concurrent List has 47 subjects, such as those of marriage, divorce, adoption,
succession, civil and criminal law, economic and social planning, trade unions, labour welfare, planning, newspapers
and legal and medical professions, education, etc. Both the Centre and States are empowered to make laws on the
subjects contained in the Concurrent List. However, in case of conflict between the Union Law and State Law, the law
of the Centre will prevail and stand.

5. Independent and Impartial Judiciary. The basic requirement of federation to work effectively is the existence of an
independent and impartial judiciary. The judiciary is to work as a watchdog of the federal structure. The judiciary is
entrusted with the job of interpreting the provisions and words of the Constitution and acting as an umpire between
the national government and States or between the States themselves in cases of disputes on cases of constitutional
importance. The Constitution of India provides for the Supreme Court with its original jurisdiction to settle the disputes
between the Centre and the States themselves. It has been empowered to interpret the provisions and words of the
Constitution and give a decision that is final.

6. Bicameral Legislature. A federal state, as a rule, provides for bicameral legislature. The Lower House gives
representation to the nation while the Upper House protects the interest of the component units of the federal state.
The Senate of U.S.A. has on it two representatives from each state. The Constitution of India also establishes bicameral
legislature the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. The Lok Sabha gives representation to the entire nation. The Rajya Sabha
is composed of representatives of the States on the basis of population in each State.

7. Dual Polity. India has two governments functioning at two different levels-the national or the federal government on
the one side, and the government of each component state, on the other. The state government draws its authority
not from the federal government but from the Constitution of India, the same source from which the federal
government draws its powers.

Reasons for adopting Federal Structure:

The founding fathers of the Constitution preferred federal constitutional structure because of certain factors. These
were:

1. India is a vast country whose different parts are at different stages of development due to difference in climate and
conditions. Kerala has the highest percentage of literacy. Punjab has a network of canals to provide for easy means of
irrigation. Rajasthan has no such means. Some States have an extremely hot climate while others extremely cold. Still
others have a temperate climate. Some States produce wheat, others rice, still others sugarcane and so on. Some
States have no natural resources while some produce minerals, other different types of natural resources. Naturally
different States require different approaches for their development. This could be achieved only in a federal structure
where a State Government could promote its own regional requirements.

2. It would have been very difficult to rule over such a vast country from one centre. As Justice P.N. Sapru said: "Our
founding fathers wisely did not establish for this country a completely unitary sovereignty among various units
composing it. Any such attempt would have completely broken down as India is too vast a country to be governed as a
completely unitary State."

3. Only a federal structure could assure Minorities, especially the Muslims, their due place in India. The Muslims, in the
words of Dr. Mohd. Iqbal looked upon themselves as 'a distinct political entity'. Secondly, though in a minority, the
Muslims had their majority in certain parts of the country. Only through federalism could they aspire to realise their
aspirations. It was only through federalism that the Indian Muslims could integrate themselves in the Indian polity
while enjoying autonomy in areas where they are in majority. According to Sir Mohd. Iqbal, "The Muslims demand
federation because it is pre-eminently a solution of India's most difficult problem, the communal problem........... The
unity of India must be sought not in the negation but in the harmony and co-operation of the many."

4. Another important factor which made India go for federation was that the foundation of federalism had since been
laid down by the Government of India Act, 1935. The new Constitution was thus obliged to go in for federal structure.
The Indian Constitution in its federal aspect is very much influenced by that Act.
UNITARY FEATURES OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION

Even in spite of the fact that the Constitution adopted a federal structure, certain eminent authorities such as Prof.
Jennings, Allen Gladhill, K.M. Munshi, Prof. Wheare, K. Santhanam etc. argue that Indian Constitution has established a
centralised system of government. Even the Supreme Court in the State of West Bengal v/s Union of India observed
that the Constitution is "not true to any traditional pattern of federation". Dr. P.P. Gajendragadkar, a former Chief
Justice of India, gave the opinion that though the Constitution "Partakes of some of the characteristics of federal
structure, it cannot be said to be federal in the true sense of the term." K.C. Wheare, an authority on constitutionalism,
classified our Constitutional as quasi-federal. S.P. Aiyar, however, challenges this view. He holds that, "Either a
Constitution is federal or it is not. It is illogical to speak of degrees of federation." According to him, if there is no
constitutional autonomy of the States, it is clearly unitary. He is of the opinion that, "The Indian Constitution which is
like that of South Africa, may be described as a 'Union Constitution' if necessary, but it should never be called quasi-
federal."

The following are the unitary features of the Constitution:

1. Union of States. The founding fathers of the Constitution preferred to use the word 'Union of States' instead of
'Federation'. This explains that the framers of our Constitution were keener to see India as a Union rather than a
federation. However, Dr. Ambedkar, the Chairman of the Draft Committee, while explaining it said, "Nothing turns
upon a name." The word Union has been used for Federal as well as Unitary States. This word has been used to depict
U.S.A. But no one can deny that she is a federal country.

2. Parliament's Power to change the Name and Boundary of a State. Article 3 empowers the Union Parliament to alter
the boundaries of State or to create new States by splitting or merging existing States or parts of the existing States.
Since this action does not imply amendmestere Constitution, a bare majority is needed. For altering the boundaries of
States, the Centre has merely to consult the States concerned but is not obliged to obtain their concurrence. The
formation of Andhra in 1953 and subsequently of Maharashtra and Gujarat etc. were the result of this power conferred
upon the Centre. Article 3 in this way confers a life and death power in the hands of the Centre over the States. In
federal countries like the U.S.A., Switzerland and Australia the boundaries of the component units cannot be changed
without their concurrence. This is why Bombwall remarks that, "While India is, like the United states, an indestructible
Union; unlike the latter, it is not composed of indestructible States."

3. Governor as an Agent of Centre. The provision for the appointment of the Governor of a State by the President was
introduced not only for providing a link between the Centre and the States but also with a view to prevent the
emergence of separatist tendencies. The members in the Constituent Assembly asserted differently about the role of
the Governor. So the precise role he was to play remained undefined. But taking everything into account, Governor is
an agent of the Centre. He remains in office during the pleasure of the President and can reserve for the consideration
of the President the bills passed by the State Legislature. This power has, however been rarely used and "the States
can by speaking in the name of the State list, make it almost impossible as practical political matter for the President
to exercise his power of review to the detriment of State legislation."

However, during the coalition era, the non-Congress governments allege that the Governors are furthering the
interests of the Congress Party that was in power at the Centre.

4. Intervention in State Subjects. Even during normal time, if Rajya Sabha passes a resolution by 2/3rd majority of its
members present and voting that a subject in the State List has assumed national importance, the Parliament will
become empowered to make law on that subject. This resolution will however, remain in force for one year only. This
period can be prolonged for one year at a time by a subsequent resolution and so on. There is no limit on the number
of times the resolution may be passed. It may continue for any number of years.

5. Centre as Protector of Constitution. The real nature of our Constitution is quite clear in Article 355. It lays down that
the "Government in every State shall be carried on in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution". Centre has
as such been made the Protector of the Constitution.

6. Major and important Legislative Powers with the Centre. The Constitution made the Centre perhaps the strongest in
any federal System. Consequently, the Centre has got the major share of the legislative powers. All the important
subjects are included in the Central List. It has 9 subjects. In addition there to, there are 47 subjects on the Concurrent
List. The parliament empowered to make laws on subjects enumerated in the Union List and the Concurrent List.

7. Emergency Provisions of the Constitution. Above everything else the three types of Emergencies envisaged under
Article 352, 356 and 360 respectively demonstrate the over-riding power of the Centre over the autonomy of the
State. A proclamation of Emergency under Article 352 when there is danger to the security of India has the chance of
bringing about a cancellation of the federal division of powers. In that event the executive powers of the Central
Government extend over States in all matters and confers upon Parliament the power to make law on emergence at
the time of failure of Constitutional machinery as provided under Article 356 is far more important The Union Executive
has the power, subsequent to approval by Parliament, to dismiss the State Council of Ministers and to dissolve or
suspend the State Legislature. A proclamation of Emergency at the time of financial crisis can be made under Article
360. It empowers the President to limit fiscal independence of States.

8. Financial Dependence of States on the Union. In a federation, the resources of revenue are also distributed between
the Centre and the federating units in a way to allow the units sufficient amount of autonomy in the financial sphere
also. But, in India the resources allocated to the States are far from satisfactory. The States have to depend upon the
Centre. One, who wields power over the purse, wields power in other respects also. In this way, the Centre is in a
position to control the policies and administration of States.

9. Unequal Representation to States in the Rajya Sabha. The Upper House in a federation has equal representation to
ensure equality to States. But, in India, representation to States in the Rajya Sabha is on the basis of population. This
goes against the principle of equality.

10. Absence of Separate Constitutions. In federal countries such as U.S.A. and Switzerland the federating units have
their own Constitutions. This ensures their independence in local matters. But, in India we have only one Constitution
for the Centre and the States.

11. Absence of Double Citizenship. A federation confers double citizenship accordingly; every American is a citizen of
his own State and that of U.S.A. In India, on the other hand, there is only one citizenship. Whether we are Bengalis or
Punjabis we have only one Indian citizenship. This is against the spirit of federalism where a balance between the local
and central interest has to be achieved.

12. United Judiciary. In a federal country like the U.S.A., there is dual system of judiciary- one for the States and the
second for the Centre. In India, on the other hand, we have only one unified system of judiciary in which Supreme
Court stands at the top. Moreover, there is also a single Civil and Criminal Code for the whole of the country. It clearly
established the unitary character of our Constitution.

13. All India Administrative Services. Another provision that goes towards unitary features is the existence of common
All India Administrative Services. The important services like the Indian Administrative Service, the Indian Police
Service, and the Indian Foreign Service etc. are on the cadre of the Centre but they hold key position in the State
administration. Being on the cadre of the Centre, they are appointed by the Centre and are responsible to it. This
makes the position of the Centre strong as its men administer matters in the States.

14. Unified Audit and Accounts Services. The finances of the States are accounted and audited by the Comptroller and
Auditor General of India. He is appointed by the President. He appoints Accountant General in respect of each State to
check and audit their accounts. This also leads to the centralisation.

15. Unified Election Commission. Another typical example of the unitary feature of our Constitution is the unified
character of the Election Commission. It is also appointed by the President. It conducts election to the Parliament and
State legislature also. The State Government have no say in its appointment.

16. Centre can send Armed Forces to maintain law and order in a State. With the introduction of the 42nd Amendment,
the Centre has got the power to send armed or police force to any State to deal with grave law and order situation.
Such a force will act on the orders of the Central Government. The parliament may, by law, define the powers,
functions and liabilities of the members of such force. However, through the 44th Amendment, this provision has been
deleted.

17. Role of Finance Commission. The Constitution of India provides for the appointment of a Finance Commission by
the President after every five years. It will make suitable recommendations for distribution and allocation of revenues
between the Union and the States as also to determine the conditions for giving grants in-aid to the States out of the
Union funds. It is only the Union Government which appoints members of the Commission and no nominee of the State
is included in it. Consequently, the interests of the States are not protected. This is indeed a serious drawback against
which the States have been raising their voice from time to time.

18. Role of Constitutional Amendment. The 42nd Amendment upset the federal system and strengthened the
dominance of the Union Government. Certain subjects such as education, forests, protection of wild animals etc. have
been transferred from the State List to the Concurrent List upon which Central Government can make laws.

19. Extra-Constitutional Factors. In addition to these provisions, there are certain extra-constitutional factors that have
led to centralisation.

Reasons for making the Centre Strong:

In this way, we find that the founding fathers of the Constitution, while opting for a federal structure, made the Centre
very strong. They could make the Centre weak only at the risk of national unity. They were quite aware of the fact that
whenever the centre became weak, India was invaded.

The reasons which impelled the founding fathers to opt for a strong Centre were the following:

1. Security of the Country. Security of the country could only be maintained if the Centre was strong. It should be
borne in mind that our Constitution was framed under the dark shadow of Pakistani incursion into Kashmir. At the time
our Constitution was in the process of formation Pakistan attacked Kashmir. It was but natural for the framers of our
Constitution to keep the security point in view.

2. Presence of disintegrating Forces. Not only was India to be saved from external aggression, it was also to be saved
from disintegrating forces working within the country itself. At the time our Constitution was being framed, the
Communists set up a parallel Government in Telangana by inciting the farmers to grab the land they were tilling.
Similarly, the Nizam of Hyderabad was not willing to integrate with India. In that case, it would have become Pakistan
within India itself. The Muslim Razakars had taken law in their hands and were threatening the majority population.
The fathers of our Constitution could never ignore such factors as could be dealt with only by strong Centre.

3. Problem of National Integration. The British had ruled over India through the policy of 'Divide and Rule' under which
they made Muslims as the favourite citizens. They had inserted communal element in the politics of India. They
wanted to draw a line of difference between the Hindus and Harijans also. They succeeded to a great extent in
encouraging communalism, casteism, linguism and regionalism. In addition thereto, at the time India got
independence, the princely States were given the option either to join India or Pakistan or even remain independent.
The independence of such a large number of States, 565 in the Indian Territory, would have posed a very difficult
problem. They had got to be integrated into India. All this could be achieved only if the Centre was powerful.

4. Development and Modernisation of India. After India became free, she was to make political development and
introduce modernisation. These targets could only be achieved if the people give up their narrow loyalties to caste,
religion, family, etc. and instead become integrated into one nation. Modernisation means new values, better standard
of living, and better means of political participation and so on. All this could be achieved if the Centre was sufficiently
strong.

5. Place of India in the International field. Free India was to make a place in the international field also. The framers
were well aware of the responsibilities which free India had to undertake in the international field. The establishment
of the UNO and the emergence of various new independent and sovereign States in Asia and Africa were the issues
that presented big challenges. They called for unified and centralised action on the part of India. Moreover, rivalry
between the Super Powers also posed a big challenge for infant India. All these challenges could only be met if the
Centre was sufficiently strong.

6. Historical Experience. The founding fathers of the Indian Constitution could ignore the historical experience only at
the cost of national interests. The historical experience has been that India was attacked whenever Centre became
weak.

7. Tendency Towards Centralisation all over the World. The Indian Constitution was framed at the time when the
general tendency all over the world was in favour of centralisation. Even in federal countries such as the USA and
Australia, national governments are becoming more powerful at the cost of the Units.

Real Position:
 In this way, there is no dearth of points to support either of the two extremes that the Indian Constitution is federal or
unitary. However, we should bear in mind that in view of certain pressing reasons, as summed up by Jawaharlal Nehru,
"We are unanimously of the view that it would be injurious to the interests of the country to provide for a weak central
authority which could be incapable of assuring peace, of co-ordinating vital matters of a common concern and of
speaking effectively for the whole country in the international sphere."

(a) Working in Federal Spirit. Nevertheless, we find in actual practice that our Constitution has worked quite in a
federal spirit even though there was dominance of one party-the Congress.

(b) Federalism in accordance with Modern Times. The claim that the Constitution of India establishes a federation
cannot be rejected. The jurists who speak of the Constitution as 'quasi-federal', fedro-unitary despite of federal facade
are in fact guided by the orthodox definition of federalism popularised by Dicey, Freeman and K.C. Wheare. Wheare
lays emphasis on the perfect independence of the federating units. Gopalaswami Ayyingar is of the opinion that not
even one of the existing federal unions "will be found to conform to the actual term" of their definitions. Even P. Aiyar
was compelled to say that neither the United States nor Canada nor Australia can be said to conform to this principle.
A.H. Birch believes that 'the tremendous growth of concurrent powers in the last part of the nineteenth century and
during this century has brought about an over-lapping of governmental functions so that it is difficult to see the
various levels of Government restricted to its own spheres".

Conclusion:

There is no denying the fact that the fathers of our Constitution succeeded in reconciling the powerful central authority
with the strength of regional feelings. They could ignore only at the risk of national unity the centrifugal and disruptive
tendencies at work in the country. Moreover, the spirit, the age in which our Constitution was framed, clearly stood for
centralisation in federalism throughout the world. The countries like the U.S.A., Australia and Canada which are known
for their federalism are leaning towards centralism. It was but natural for the fathers of our Constitution to gain from
their experience.

CENTRE-STATE RELATIONS AND TENSIONS

Answer. The Constitution of India very clearly distributes the legislative powers between the Centre and the States.
There are three lists of powers given in the Constitution Union list, State list and Concurrent list.

1. Union List. There are 97 subjects and Parliament can make laws on these subjects.

2. State List. There are 66 subjects and on these subjects only states are competent to make law.

3. Concurrent list. There are 47 subjects. Both the Centre and the states can frame laws on these subjects. But if there
is a conflict between the two, the Union law prevails.

4. Residuary Powers. Residuary powers have been allotted to the Central government by the Constitution.

In legislative matters Centre is more powerful than the States. The Central government has the authority to make laws
on the subjects mentioned in the state list under certain special circumstances.

Q. 2. Discuss briefly the financial relations (any Four) between the Centre and the States in India.

Answer. In India the financial powers have been distributed between the Centre and the States.
1. There are certain taxes which are exclusively assigned to the Central government.

2. There are certain taxes which are exclusively assigned to the State governments.

3. There are taxes which are exclusively central and the revenue from the wholly appropriated for the use of the
Central government.

4. Some taxes are levied and collected by the Central government, but the income is distributed among the States.

Q. 3. Write a short note on concurrent List.

Answer. The Concurrent List contains 47 subjects or items. Subjects which are concerned with more than one State or
subjects which are common to a sufficient number of States are placed in the Concurrent List. The list includes
subjects like criminal law, criminal procedure, marriage and divorce, civil procedure, contempt of court, prevention of
cruelty to animal, adulteration, trade union, education, price control, newspapers, books and printing presses etc. Both
Parliament and State Legislatures can make laws on the subjects contained in the Concurrent List. In case, there is a
conflict between the law of Union Parliament and that of State Legislature on an item given in the Concurrent List, it is
the law of the Union Parliament that ultimately prevails.

Q. 4. "There is supremacy of Parliament over State in legislative matters in India." Comment.

Answer. Distribution of powers between the Centre and the states is clearly in favour of the Centre and there is
supremacy of Parliament over states in legislative matters.

1. Union list consists of very important 97 subjects of which Parliament can make laws.

2. Parliament can make laws on the subjects included in the Concurrent list.

3. Residuary powers have been allotted to the Central government by the Constitution.

4. Under Article 249 Parliament is empowered to make law on any of the subject mentioned in the state list provided
Rajya Sabha passes a resolution with 2/3rd majority to this effect.

Q. 5. How is the scheme of distribution of subjects between the Centre and the States is in favour of the
Centre?

Answer. The scheme of distribution of powers between the Centre and the States is clearly in favour of the Centre. The
Union list consists of 97 subjects where state list includes 66 subjects only. Moreover, the union list contains subjects
of national importance, whereas state list includes subjects of local importance. On 47 subjects of concurrent list both
the centre and state can frame laws but if there is a conflict between the two, the union law prevails and the state law
fails to the extent of repugnancy. Residuary powers are also with the centre. Under certain special circumstances the
centre has a right to make law on the subjects contained in the state list.

Q. 6. What is the role of a Governor in a state as an agent of the Centre?

Answer. The Governor plays an important role as an agent of the central government. He is responsible to the centre
government. It is his duty to inform the centre about the activities of the state. It is the duty of Governor to see that
the state government carries out the orders and instructions of the central government. The governor becomes the
agent of the central government when the President issues a proclamation of emergency in the state. He then acts
according to the orders and wishes of the President.

Q. 7. What are the causes of tension between the relationship of the Centre and the States?
Answer. There are many causes of tension between the relationship of the Centre and the States. Following are some
of them:

1. The division of financial resources and the system of financial relations as laid down by the Constitution of India is
the root cause of tension. The States find themselves financially poor and dependent on the centre.

2. Another major cause of tension is the dual role of the governor-as the agent of the centre and the Constitutional
head of the state.

3. Misuse of Article 356.

4. Development of Central Forces in the States.

Q. 8. In what ways the tension between the Centre and State can be reduced!

Answer. 1. The states should be given adequate source of revenue.

2. There should be clarity in the role of governor.

3. Art 356 should not be misused for political purposes.

4. The centre should not misuse his power of amending the Constitution

LONG ANSWER TYPE QUESTIONS

Q. 1. Explain the administrative, legislative and financial relationship between centre and state.

Or

Discuss the centre-state relations in India.

Or

Describe the centre-state Administrative Relations.

Or

What are centre-state relations in India?

Answer. In the 22nd part of the Constitution from Article 245 to 263 there is mention of Centre-State relations in India.
According to Dr. Ambedkar, "The Constitution of India established a dual polity with the Union at the Centre and the
States at the periphery, each endowed with sovereign powers to be exercised in the field assigned to them
respectively by the Constitution". He continued to add that "The Union is not a League of States united in a loose
relationship nor are the States the agencies of the Union, deriving powers from it. Both the Union and the States are
created by the Constitution. The one is not subordinate to the other in its own field; the authority of one is coordination
with that of the other." But the study of distribution of powers between the Centre and States reveals that the Indian
federal system subscribes to no classical doctrine. It has characteristic of its own, mixing both the federal and unitary
features to face the burden of Indian problems in the national perspective.

Distribution of Powers in the Indian Constitution: In place of dual federalism as advocated by Wheare and
Freeman, the modern world has developed co-operative federalism. In this process the federal Government has taken
away many of the powers of the units. In this way, the constitutional autonomy of the States' or strict
compartmentalisation' no longer exists. Not only this, many other features of federalism have lost their importance.
This is due to the fact that centralisation has become inevitable in every walk of life. Still, the division of powers
continues to stand as the most important characteristic of federalism. At present, it is considered to be the essence of
federalism.

The Indian Constitution has also provided for division of powers between the Centre and States. The division of powers
has been made in three respects: legislative, financial and administrative.

1. Legislative Relations: The legislative scheme established by the Constitution consists of three lists: The Union
List, the State List and the Concurrent List. The Union List, which consists of 97 subjects, is the largest of the three.
The state List consists of 66 subjects while the Concurrent like the Parliament of England, it does possess what we may
term as qualified sovereignty, it is because its legislative authority extends over not only the Union and the Concurrent
List but also over the State List under certain circumstances, The real significance of the legislative authority of 13 the
Indian Parliament does not lie in the long Union List, nor even in the pervasive power in case of the Concurrent List. It
lies in the fact that the Constitution makes it unmistakably clear by virtue of Art 246 that the Union law shall prevail
over any State in the event of a conflict between the two. A number of items in the Union List also have the
potentiality of enabling the Parliament to expand its area of authority in times of war as well as peace.

Union List: The Union List consists of 97 subjects with respect to which uniformity of legislation throughout the Union is
essential. These items include defence, foreign affairs, currency and coinage, war and peace, atomic energy, natural
resources, preventive detention, citizenship, post and telegraph, railways, navigation and shipping, foreign trade,
inter-State trade and commerce, banking, insurance, national highways, patents and copyrights, institutions of higher
education and research, census and elections etc. Only the Parliament has the exclusive power of legislation with
regard to these subjects. No legislature has jurisdiction over these subjects under any circumstances whatsoever.
Rather, the Parliament may expand its area of legislative authority in two ways. Firstly, there is a clear provision, as
laid down under Art. 246, that the law of the Parliament shall prevail over the State law in case of conflict between the
two. Secondly, the Centre may declare any industry, highway, or a centre of advanced education and research as
subject of national importance and may thereby enhance its legislative power over the State List.

Concurrent List: The Concurrent List consists of 47 subjects of common importance, both to the Centre and States.
These are subjects with respect to which uniformity of legislation throughout the country is desirable but not essential.
The list includes subjects such as marriage and divorce, infants and minors, adoption and succession, civil and criminal
law, economic and social planning. trade union, labour welfare, industrial disputes, social security, legal and medical
professions, electricity, newspapers, books and printing press, registration of documents, contempt of court,
adulteration of food-stuffs, drugs and poisons, archaeological objects, transfer of property other than agricultural,
bankruptcy etc. On the items of Concurrent List, both the Centre and the respective State can make law. But in case of
conflict between the two, the law of the Centre shall prevail and the law of the State becomes void to the extent it is
against the Union law. But, it should be borne in mind that if a subject on Concurrent List that was legislated upon by a
State and the Governor reserved it for the consideration by the President who gave his assent, and then it will not be
invalidated by the law made by the Parliament. However, even this fact will not prevent the Parliament from making at
anytime such further legislation with respect to the same matter if it deems fit. The legislative authority of the
Parliament is thus virtually supreme and absolute over Concurrent List as it is on the Union List.

State List: The State List consists of 66 subjects. The selection of these subjects is made on basis of local interest.
Legislation on these subjects may differ from Suite to State according to local needs. These subjects include public
order, police, jails, public health and sanitation, land, local self-government, co-operation, fisheries, pilgrimages,
intoxicating liquors, burials and cremations, livestock and animal husbandry, markets and fairs, betting and gambling,
States public services etc. The State Legislature frames law on these subjects according to its will.

Circumstances under which Parliament may legislate on State subjects: However, under circumstances, the Parliament
may also get the right to legislate on these subjects as discussed as under:
1. Art. 249 empowers the Rajya Sabha to transfer any item from the State List to the Union or Concurrent List for a
period of one year on the plea that national circumstances so demand. However, such an authorisation is possible only
if the Rajya Sabha passes a resolution to this effect by two-thirds of the members present and voting. In such an
event, the Parliament shall be fully within its powers to make law on that subject of the State List. Such a resolution
will remain in force for a period of one year but the Rajya Sabha may renew it again for any number of times.

2. Art 250 empowers the Parliament to make law on any item of State List during the period of Emergency. The Union
law shall not, however, remain in force after the expiry of six months of the revocation of Emergency. The power of the
Parliament over the number of the States covered shall depend upon the nature of emergency declared as national
under Art 352 or in respect of a particular State as stipulated under Art. 356.

3. Art. 251, however, stipulates that nothing in the above two Articles shall restrict the power of State Legislatures to
make law on a subject of State List. What is really required is that the State law must not come into conflict with the
Union law. If it does conflict, it will be illegal to the extent of conflict.

4. Art. 252 further entitles the Parliament to make law on the subject of State List if there is a request to this effect
made by the legislatures of at least two States. This kind of law shall, however, be applicable to only those States
making request. The other states can also adopt those laws after undergoing the normal procedure of making request.
Such a law can be amended or repeated only by the Parliament on the request of the State legislature.

5. Above all, the Parliament is entitled under Art. 253 to make law on any item of the State List with a view to
implementing obligation stipulated under some international treaty or agreement or convention.

Presidential Veto: Certain bills passed by the State legislatures are subject to absolute Presidential veto. Any bill
dealing with the compulsory acquisition of private property, or derogating the powers of the High Court, or seeking
imposition of tax on an item declared as essential by a law of the Parliament or one likely to be in conflict with the
Union law, shall be reserved by the Governor for the consideration of the President. The President may either give his
assent, or return for reconsideration or veto such a bill. The President is further empowered, by virtue of Art. 364, 10
issue public notification declaring a law passed by the Parliament or any state legislature not applicable to any major
airport or port. It may also declare that it is to apply thereto with some exceptions and modification.

Residuary Powers: The residuary powers, not enumerated in any of three Lists, according to Art. 218, lie within the
legislative jurisdiction of the Union Parliament. This is in strong contrast to the practice obtained in federations like the
U.S.A., Switzerland, Australia and Canada where such powers lie with the units.

Appraisal: The above account shows that States are left practically with no legislative power on any subject even
though enumerated in the State List. Moreover, the importance of the subjects in the State List is very little. A mere
glance at the State List "shows how unimportant the subjects are, and also how ambiguous and blurred". The sphere
of the Presidential veto is very wide. The way the Centre acted in the case of Kerala Education Bill is an example that
establishes clearly the fact that the legislative jurisdiction of a State is seriously undermined because the bill already
passed by the State legislature was scrutinised by the Central Government. The central Government scrutinises such
bills in the light of five grounds.

(i) Compliance with Central Statutory Regulations,

(ii)Conformity with policies of the Union Government,

(iv)Examination from the stand point of constitutionality, and

(v) Examination from the stand-point of procedural safeguards to aggrieved parties.

The actual practice has established that the Centre tries to dictate policies to the States

2. Administrative Relations. One of the most difficult problems under the federal system is the adjustment of
administrative relations between the Union and the States. Like the legislative powers, the administrative powers are
also divided between the Centre and the states. Administrative relations between the Union and the states largely
follow the pattern laid down by the government of India Act of 1935. Like the legislative sphere, the Union is very
strong in administrative matters. It is so strong that the State Governments have virtually become agents of the
Centre. The areas of jurisdiction are no doubt marked but the power of superintendence, direction and control has
worked in such a way as to make the State administration subordinate

According to Dr. Johri, "Though the areas of executive authority have been earmarked both for the Union and the
states, the latter have become more or less like the vessels by virtue of the colossal power of the direction,
Superintendence, direction and control vested in the hands of the Central government." The concept of autonomy
obtainable in a federation has become clearly absent in the Indian political system.

Part XI of the Constitution deals with the provisions of the Union-State administrative relations. They are given as
under:

1. Executive power of a State to be so exercised as to ensure compliance with the laws made by Parliament. Art. 256
lays down that the executive power of a State shall be so exercised as to ensure compliance with the laws made by
the Parliament and any existing laws which apply in that State. The power of the Union shall extend exclusively to the
giving of such directions to a State as may appear to the Government of India necessary for that purpose.

2. Executive power of a State to be so exercised as not to hinder the exercise of the executive power of the Union. Art.
257 lays down that the executive powers of a State shall be so exercised as not to impede or prejudice the exercise of
the executive powers of the Union. The executive powers of the Union shall extend to the giving of such direction to a
State as may appear to the Government of India necessary for the purpose. The executive powers of the Union shall
also extend to the giving of directions to a State as to the construction and maintenance of the means of
communication declared in the direction to be of national and military importance.

3. President may entrust to the Government of a State in matters relating to executive power of the Union. Article 258
lays down that the President may, with the consent of the Government of a State, entrusts either conditionally or
unconditionally to the Government or to its officers functions in relation to any matter to which the executive power of
the union extends. A law made by the parliament which applies in any State may, notwithstanding that it relates to a
mater with respect to which the Legislature of the State has no power to make laws, confer power and impose duties,
or authorise the conferring of powers and the imposition of duties, upon the State or officers and authorities there of.
The Governor of a State may also, with the concurrence of the Government of India, entrust conditionally or
unconditionally to that Government or to its functions in relation to any matter to which the executive power of the
State extends.

4. Government of India may undertake governance of territory of a foreign country, Art. 260 lays down that the
Government of India may by agreement with the Government of any territory, not being a part of the territory of India,
undertake any executive, legislative or judicial functions vested in the Government of such territory. But every such
agreement shall be subject to and governed by any law relating to the exercise of foreign jurisdiction for the time
being in force.
5. Every State shall give full faith and credit to public arts, record and judicial proceedings of the Union. Art. 261 lays
down that full faith and credit shall be given throughout the territory of India to public acts, record and judicial
proceedings of the Union and of every State. The manner in which and the conditions under which the acts, records
and the proceedings shall be proved and the effects there of determined shall be provided by the law made by the
parliament.

6. Parliament may establish tribunal for the settlement of river water disputes. Art. 262 lays down that the Parliament
may by law provide for the adjudication of any dispute or complaint with respect to use, distribution or control of the
waters in any inter-State river or river valley. The Parliament may further provide that neither the Supreme Court nor
any other court shall exercise jurisdiction in respect of any such dispute or complaint The parliament passed in 1956 a
law called, the Inter-State Water Disputes Act providing for the creation of a tribunal to deal with the problem of inter-
State river water disputes in case the matter is not solved by means of negotiations.

7. President may establish Inter-State Council. Art. 263 lays down that if at any time it appears to the President of India
that public interests would be served by the establishment of Inter-State Council charged with the duty of

(a) Enquiring into and advising upon disputes which may have arisen between States,

(b) Investigating and discussing subjects in which some or all of the States, or the Union and one or more of the States,
have a common interest, or

(c) Making recommendations upon any such subject and in particular, recommendations for the better co-ordination of
policy and action with respect to those subjects.

It shall be lawful for the President to establish by order such a Council and to define the nature and duties to be
performed by it and its organisation and procedure.

8. Parliament may create all India service. Art. 312 lays down that the Rajya Sabha may pass a special resolution and
empower the parliament for the creation of an all-India service common to the Union and the State Governments. The
officers of the Indian Administrative Service and Indian Police Service are required by the Union Public Service
Commission but given to the States for service. Their emoluments are drawn from the State Governments but their
grades and emoluments are determined by the Centre.

9. Centre responsible for protecting every State against external aggression and internal disturbances. Art. 355 enjoins
upon the Union Government to make efforts to protect every State against external aggression and internal
disturbances and to ensure that Government of every State is carried on in accordance with Constitution.

10. A defiant State can be punished through the declaration of Emergency under Art 356. Art 356 empowers the
President to declare Emergency in a State in case of failure of constitutional machinery. The State has to follow the
directions given by the Centre. The Parliament has, in this way, full authority to punish a defiant State.

Appraisal: In administrative sphere, the Union government is powerful. Though Governor is 17 Constitutional head,
yet he is the representative of the Centre and many times Centre intervenes in the state affairs through Governor. The
Centre tied Central Reserve Police in Kerala in September, 1968 to deal effectively with the situation created by the
strike of the Central Government employees. This was necessitated due to the fact that the Communist Government in
the State had shown sympathetic attitude towards the strikers. The opposition parties criticised the action of the
Central government. But L.M. Singvi is of the option that "Il properly understood, one must appreciate this observation
that the use of the Central Reserve Police has proved a very effective device to exercise control over the recalcitrant
states so that they don’t run in flat contradiction in the spirit of the Constitution of important national policies"

3. Financial Relations. If the legislative and administrative autonomy of the States are to be real then it must be
accompanied by an adequate financial autonomy. It is an accepted principle of the federation that both the Union and
the state governments must have enough sources of revenue to carry out their legislative and administrative business.

No other federal Constitution makes such elaborate provisions as the Constitution of India with respect to the
relationship between the Union and the States in the financial field. Our Constitution has made an original contribution
in this extremely complicated aspect of federal relationship by making provision for the establishment of a Finance
Commission after every five years. It is entrusted with the job of making recommendations to the President of India for
the purpose of allocating and adjusting receipts from certain sources.

The Union State financial relations are laid down in Part XII of the Constitution, which may be summarised as below:

1. Taxes to be levied and collected by the State as State revenue. These are: land revenue, tax on agricultural income,
of succession to agricultural land, estate duty on agricultural land, lands and buildings, mineral rights, excise on opium
and alcoholic liquors and narcotics, sale of electricity, passenger tax, tolls, professional tax, entertainment tax, stamp
duty etc.

2. Taxes that shall be levied and collected by the Union but assigned to the States. These are: duties on succession to
property other than agricultural land, estate duty on property other than agricultural land, terminal tax on goods or
passenger, taxes on railway fares and freights, taxes other than the stamp duty on transactions in stock exchanges
and share markets, sale and purchase of newspapers and advertisements published therein etc.

3. Duties levied by the Union but collected and appropriated by the States. These are: stamp duties and duties of
excise on medicines and cosmetics preparations as mentioned in the Union List.

4. Taxes to be levied and collected by the Union but distributed between the Union and the States. These are: taxes on
income other than agricultural income and Union duties of excise other than such duties of excise, medical and toilet
preparations as given in the Union List and collected by the Government of India.

5. Taxes to be levied and collected and appropriated by the Government of India alone. These are railways, post and
telegraph, telephones, wireless, broadcasting etc., foreign exchange, currency, coinage, foreign laws, Post Office,
Saving Bank, lotteries, customs and export duties, excise on tobacco, alcoholic liquors, death duty etc.

6. Income Tax. In case of Income Tax the President shall order, after consideration of the report of the Finance
Commission the share to be divided between the Union and different States.

7. Grants-in-Aid. There are three kinds of Grunts-in-aid to be given to the States by the Centre. Firstly, the States of
Assam, Bihar, Orissa and West Bengal shall be given grants in lieu of export duty on jute and jute products as
determined by the President. Secondly, the Parliament is empowered to give grants to any State which stands in need
of such financial help. The Union shall finance schemes for the welfare of the weaker sections like the Scheduled Tribes
entrusted to the State Governments like those of Assam. Thirdly, both the Union and the State Governments are
empowered to make grants for any public purpose not even within their legislative competence.
8. Government Borrowings. The Union Government can borrow money on the security of the Consolidated Fund of
India subject to the limitation laid down by the Act of Parliament A State Government can borrow only within India and
cannot raise a new loan without the consent of the Union Government if any portion of previous loan raised is
outstanding The Union Government can also give loans to the States subject to conditions laid down by an act of the
Parliament.

9. State Accounts checked and audited by the Comptroller and Auditor General of India. The Comptroller and the
Auditor General of India is appointed by the President but the Parliament may entrust him with duties in relation to
State accounts as it may deem fit. It is under this provision that the State Government accounts are checked and
audited by the Accountant General, a representative of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India at the State level.

10. Appointment of Finance Commission. Art. 280 lays down that the President shall within two years from the
commencement of the Constitution and thereafter at the expiry of every fifth year or at such earlier times as he may
feel necessary, by his order, constitute a Finance Commission consisting of a chairman and four other members to
make recommendations as to:

(i) The distribution between the Union and the States of the net proceeds of taxes;

(ii) The principles which should govern the grants-in-aid of the revenues of the States out of the Consolidated Fund of
India; and

(iii) Any other matter referred to the Commission by the President in the interest of finance.

11. Proclamation of Financial Emergency. Art. 360 lays down that the President may declare financial emergency in
case financial stability or the credit of India is in danger. During the operation of such Emergency, the President has
the power to give directions to any State to observe such rules of financial propriety as may be specified in this
direction. He may further instruct the State Governments that the salaries and allowances of all public servants be
reduced in the specified manner, or that their money bills be sent to him for his assent. He may also adopt by any
other measures to restore the financial stability of the country.

Appraisal: As in administrative and legislative relations, the position of the Centre in financial relation is also one of
dominance. The sources of the States are extremely limited to the extent that they have become dole receiving
corporations. Several central agencies like the University Grants Commission, Central Welfare Board and the most
dominating Planning Commission (Now Niti Aayog) may act in a way as to influence radically the working of the State
Government. Moreover, foreign assistance is received in total by the Centre and given to the States. With regard to
financial provisions, Dr. Jennings says, "Experience elsewhere has shown that arrangement of this character almost
always proved to be unsatisfactory after 10 years or so. A system as rigid as that of India may prove to be deficient
even sooner. Indeed, the Constituent with pardonable humility seems to have recognised it. For Article 280 makes
provision for a Finance Commission within two years and again every five years hereafter. These things are not
decided by commissions, though the problem is almost invariably one of votes, Commission proposes, but politicians
dispose and politicians depend on votes. There is no evidence to suggest that the genus will have any different
characteristics in India"

A Critical View of these Relations: The Constitution distributes power between the Centre and the States in India.
Both the centre and the states have been given authority to exercise their respective power independently. But the
fact cannot be denied that many restrictions have been imposed on the powers of the states. The union government
can influence the legislative, administrative and financial powers of the states under certain special circumstances.

The above account clearly establishes that in the field of Union-State relationship, the centre is omnipotent. Even in
matters falling essentially within the jurisdiction of the State, the Centre has the final say whenever it wants to
establish its authority. The Constitution is no doubt outspoken in portraying federal structure, but works essentially to
maintain the supremacy of the Centre over the States. It would as such be no exaggeration to say that the States
occupy a subordinate position in relation to the Centre. The principle of autonomy has been nullified. The assertion of
Ambedkar "The States are sovereign in the field which is left to them as the centre in the field assigned to it" is not so
much correct. Rather it would be quite apt to say that the States are, under the Constitution, no better or different
from the glorified municipalities.

Appointment of Sarkaria Commission: Due to the dissatisfaction being visited by various parties over the Centre-
State relations, particularly in that of the economic sphere, the Government of India had appointed Commission under
R.S. Sarkaria, a retired Supreme Court judge, to look into all the aspects of Centre-State relations. Sarkaria
Commission was appointed in March 1983 and it submitted its report in Oct. 1987. Till today no consideration has
given in the Parliament to the recommendation of the Sarkaria Commission and the Union Government has neither
accepted nor rejected this report.

(Note: In case only one or two relations are asked, reproduce only the relevant portion).

DEMAND FOR STATE AUTONOMY

Q. 1. Write short note on Autonomy of state.

Or

What is meant by the Autonomy of states?

Answer. The term state autonomy means, "irreducible minimum of Political Power which has to granted to the Units in
order to give them enough facility to develop their own resources according to their own mean and need and in their
own way......To put it in another way, the provincial autonomy means in realistic terms the right and capacity of a
political party elected with a majority to the State Assembly on a particular election programme, to put that
programme into execution and make it a success unhampered directly or indirectly by the Centre."

Q. 2. Explain the main reasons for the rise of demand of State Autonomy in India.

Answer. Following are some of the main reasons for the development of the demand for State Autonomy in our
country.

(i) A desire of the people of different regions to maintain separate cultural identity.

(ii) Lack of enough powers and financial resources with the states.

(iii) Development of regional imbalances in large proportion.

(iv) Rise of extreme centralisation.

LONG ANSWER TYPE QUESTIONS

Q. 1. What is State Autonomy? Why did the demand of State Autonomy?

Or
What is meant by State Autonomy? What were the main reasons for the use of the demand for State
Autonomy?

Or

What is meant by State Autonomy? What are the major reasons for the demand of State Autonomy?

Or

Discuss the causes of tensions between centre and state.

Answer.

Introduction: The founding fathers of the Indian Constitution were deeply concerned with maintaining unity and
integrity of the country. They were very well aware of the forces of disruption and disunity working in India. It was on
this account that they opted for the word son rather than Federation in describing the Republic of India. We may try to
point out various characteristics which make our Constitution a federal polity but its main theme is unitary in nature.
K.C. Wheare describes India as a unitary State with subsidiary federal principles rather than a federal State with
subsidiary unitary features. Even Ivor Jennings describes India as a federation with a strong centralised tendency.

Co-operative Federalism: The father of the Constitution assigned a predominant role to the Centre. At the same
time, they made provisions for the establishment of a 'Co-operative Federalism." Art. 252 lays down that the States
could delegate powers to the Centre to legislate on matters in the State List also. Art. 258 and 258 A provide for
voluntary co-operation between the two levels of administration. Art. 263. A provides for the establishment of an Inter-
State Council for securing co-ordination between States. Constitution also provides for the establishment of Finance
Commission every five years to make recommendations for the distribution of revenue between the Centre and the
States, as also the financial assistance to States by the Centre. All this was done with a view to realising the dream of
co-operative federalism.

Demand for State Autonomy: Whatever it was, Centre-State relations worked very smoothly for a number of years,
say up to 1966. This was partly due to the rule of the Congress Party both at the Centre and States.

Trouble in Centre-State relations arose with the formation of the first Communist Government in Kerala in 1957. People
began to wonder if our constitution would be flexible enough to allow two different parties to work in collaboration. Our
Constitution showed its flexibility but only in favour of the Centre. The Namboodripad-led communist Government of
Kerala was dismissed by the Centre in 1959. With the passage of time, conflicts arose in Centre-State relations and the
demand for State autonomy came to be raised by various parties as detailed below:

1. Demand by the DMK. The first and the most serious Centre-State tension so far has been arise in Tamil Nadu
because D. M.K. Demand more Autonomy for state.

2. Demand by CPI (M). The second and the most serious Centre-State confrontation so far has been is the dismissal of
the United Front Government in West Bengal in 1970 with Jyoti Basu as the Deputy Chief Minister. In the words of
Basu, the Centre could not tolerate his Government because it "refused to allow the Congress line of carrying on the
administration in the interest of a handful of people in land and industry." Jyoti Basu, whose party was an ally of the
Janata, raised the slogan of State Autonomy during the Janata rule at the centre.

3. Demand by Shiromani Akali Dal. The third party that has raised the slogan of State Autonomy is the Shiromani Akali
Dal.
4. Demand by late Devraj Urs. It was a stranger fact that Dev Raj Urs, the late Congress (I) Chief Minister of Karnataka,
came forward with the slogan of State Autonomy during the Janata regime even through his mentor Indira Gandhi, was
opposed to it. It may be due to fact that Urs wanted to harass the Janata Government at the Centre.

Reasons which led to demand for state Autonomy. There are various reasons of Centre-State conflicts which have led
certain political parties to make a demand for State Autonomy:

1. Greed of Centre for more powers. The supporters of the demand for States Autonomy feel that the Centre is already
over-loaded with many important subjects. In fact, the Centre does not deal with the people. It is the States which are
directly involved with the people. The Centre is an abstract entity. If functions in a vacuum. It is, therefore, quite
logical that the State should be given adequate powers to give a better deal to the people. The Centre is already
constitutionally blessed with more than its legitimate share. Constitutional experts are of the opinion that the Centre
has grabbed many things falling in the jurisdiction of the States. The Centre according to R.G.K. is playing the role of a
mother-in-law who is suspicious of her daughter-in-law and regards them as outsiders wanting to snatch the keys of
the household.

2. Role of the Planning Commission. The role of the Planning Commission has also enhanced the power and authority
of the Central Government. Planning Commission is a central institution having about 50% of membership from the
Union Cabinet. Moreover, a vast a majority of subjects of planning belongs to the State List, which the Centre controls
through financial assistance.

The role of the Planning Commission has also been criticised on all hands. It is working as another Government within
the Union Government. It has assumed the role of a Super-cabinet in spite of the fact that it is an extra-constitutional
body. It came into existence as a result of the executive act. India was given a federal structure on the consideration
that it is so vast a country for which central schemes worked out at Delhi may not suit the local needs.

Note: On January 1. 2015, NITI Aayog was established in place of Planning Commission.

3. Misuse of Emergency Powers. It is a general feeling that the Emergency powers of the President vested in him under
Art. 356 of the Constitution have been misused to serve party interest of the Central Government. In a multi party
system when there is one Government at the centre, and another Government in a State, the chances of misuse of
Emergency powers are indeed very many.

4. Role of the Governor. The role of the Governor has also been criticised. It is alleged that the governor has almost
always served as an agent of the Centre. As an agent of the Centre, he works as an agent of the Union Cabinet rather
than of the President. Whenever the ministry of a State is to be dissolved, the Governor is expected to help the Centre.

5. Central legislative jurisdiction over State subjects. This is another point of conflict. Certain State bills can become
law only after they are given assent by the President. In some cases, even the governor can refuse assent and refer it
to the President. Consequently, progressive State bills cannot be passed due to the opposition of the Union Cabinet.
This procedure is quite undemocratic. The President, who cannot go against Parliament, can in this case go against a
State Legislature.
6. Imposition of Central Reserve Police. The development of Central Reserve Police Force in various States without
their consent has been a great source of friction and conflict between the Centre and States. This controversy became
serious after fourth general elections when the Governments of West Bengal, Kerala and Punjab objected to the
presence of central forces in their States on the ground that law and order is a State subject and there should not exist
two parallel ferves to maintain the same.

7. Limited financial resources of States. It cannot be denied that all important resources of finances and revenue are
with the Centre. The authority of the States to impose taxes is limited The allocation made to them by the Finance
Commission are not sufficient even though every Finance Commission has increased the share of the States. It is the
States who are to implement the welfare schemes, The State financial resources are not in proportion to its own
contribution.

8. All India Services. In no other federation in the world is there a parallel to such services. It was Sardar Patel who
advocated for the retention of All India Services to promote national integration. The number of All India Services has
increased with the passage of time. The non-Congress Governments which came to power in 1967 questioned their
role. Namboodripad said that the personnel of these services are recruited and trained by the Congress Government at
the Center but posted in States which have non-congress Governments. These services work under the State
Governments but these are employees of the Central Government, Which determines their promotions etc. Naturally,
they work as Central Government's employees which man State Government departments.

9. Centre's right to enquire into charges against Chief Minister. The Centre has exercised this right many times.

Extent of State Autonomy:

In spite of the fact that a strong voice for State Autonomy has been raised, the exact nature and extent of State
autonomy has not been defined by anyone.

However, certain matters over which the supporters of States Autonomy agree are that:

1. The responsibility for defence, currency, foreign affairs and communication should be with the Centre.

2. Education should remain on Concurrent List. However, agriculture must remain a State subject.

Views of those opposed to State Autonomy:

Mrs. Indira Gandhi considered that the present constitutional arrangement has worked well. She said: "A weak Centre
would not be able to keep the country together or come to the assistance of weaker States, for that matter, any state
which may stand in need of help of a given time. There has to be a realistic approach and problems seen in their
totality, keeping in mind national and international repercussions. This is the major responsibility of the Centre which
should not be diluted"

Chandra Shekhar, the President of the Janata Party, when it was in power, believed: "We do not think there is any need
to bring about a change in the relations between the Centre and the States."

He agreed that the governors have acted according to the dictates of the single party. But there can be no
Constitutional provision to check such an exception.

About financial allocation to the States, Shekhar remarked that it is difficult to satisfy States in the allotment of
revenues. No Government will be satisfied with whatever allocation is made to it.

Morarji Desai was also firmly opposed to the idea of granting any further autonomy to the States
Conclusion: From the account given above, it is fully established that it is a demand of some regional parties. They
try to tell the people of their states the idea that they cannot deliver goods to the people unless they are given free
hand. The States should realise well that the Centre is not opposed to development in any State. Its function is to see
that regionalism is not allowed to endanger national unity and integrity. It is strange that at the international level we
want a new economic order where distinction between the rich and the poor countries should be abolished but at the
national level we advocate the cause of a particular State crying not about other States of the same nation. We should
never forget that in modernising our country, we must prioritise nation-building over creating regional alliances.

EMERGING TRENDS IN INDIAN FEDERALISM

Q. 1. Explain briefly the emerging trends in Indian Federation.

Answer. Following are the emerging trends in Indian Federalism:

1. Decline of the Era of Political Homogeneity of the Central and State governments.

2. Increasing Importance of Regional Parties.

3. Participation of Regional Parties in Central Government Increased in last few elections

4. Misuse of Article 356 has declined.

LONG ANSWER TYPE QUESTIONS

Or

Discuss the emerging trends of Indian Federalism.

Or

What is Federalism? Explain the emerging trends of federalism in India.

Answer. Meaning of Federalism: Federal word origin from Latin language's word ‘foedus’ which means contract or
agreement. It means federalism is a result of Agreement between two or more states.

Emerging trends in Indian Federalism:

The Indian Constitution was enforced on 26th January 1950. The working of Indian federation started after the first
general election of 1952. From that time to the present the nature of the working of the Indian Federalism has not
been the same because the economic social and Political circumstances always influenced the working of political
system. Due to the various influence on the working of Indian federation many important trends have emerged in
Indian Federalism.

Following are the emerging trends in Indian Federalism:

1. Decline of the Era of Political Homogeneity of the Central and State governments.

In 1989 there was political homogeneity in many state governments and at the centre. Indian National Congress
dominated in the majority of states as well as at the centre. Janata Party dominance was only for two years Le. 1977-
79. But after the election of 1989 this unique feature of Indian federalism started declining. The results of 1989, 1991,
1996, 1998, 1999, 2004 and 2009 election have made it quite clear that the era of coalition politics has started in India
and in the near future there is no chance of political homogeneity in the states as well as at the centre. Possibility of
one-party rule at the centre and in states has almost ended. On October 13, 1999 the National Democratic Alliance
formed its government at the Centre; NDA included 26 political parties and political groups. After the election to the
14th Lok Sabha election held in April-May 2004, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) formed its government at the
Centre. UPA included 13 political parties. After the 15th Lok Sabha election held in 2009 United Progressive Alliance
formed the government at the centre. In 2014, N.D.A. in the leadership of Sh. Narender Modi (B.J.P.) formed the
government at the centre after the election of 16th Lok Sabha. N.D.A. again in 2019 formed the government under the
leadership of Sh. Narender Modi. In the 18th Lok Sabha election held in 2024, BJP secured 240 (N.D.A 293) seats, So
B.J.P Led Alliance formed the government under the leadership of Sh. Narender Modi. In the States different parties are
in power. Thus there is decline of the era of political homogeneity of the Central and state governments.

2. Importance of Regional Parties.

Growing influence of regional political parties is another emerging trend in Indian federalism. More than 2700 political
parties registered with the Election Commission. At present the Election Commission recognised 6 National parties and
56 regional parties. Shiromani Akali Dal in Punjab, National Conference in J&K, Indian National Lok Dal, and BJP in
Haryana, D.M.K. and All India Anna DMK in Tamil Nadu, Telgu Desam in Andhra Pradesh, Shiv Sena in Maharashtra,
Assam Gana Parishad in Assam, Rashtriya Janata Dal in Bihar and Mizo National Front in Mizoram, etc. are the major
regional parties. After the 11th Lok Sabha election the importance of regional political parties has increased. Existence
of so many regional parties clearly expresses the increasing importance of regional political parties in the Indian
Federalism. Moreover, existence of the government of regional parties in several states is a clear indication of their
increasing importance. The importance of regional parties has increased to such an extent that all national political
parties are compelled to enter into electoral alliances with different regional political parties in general elections.
Indian National Congress had to make election alliance with those regional parties whose ideologies are different from
the ideology of Congress party. Similarly, the Bhartiya Janata Party was also compelled to make electoral alliances with
regional political parties.

3. Participation of Regional Parties in Central Government.

After the 11th Lok Sabha elections and so on no national political parties was in a position to form the government
without the support of regional political parties. In 16th and 17th Lok Sabha election held in 2014 and 2019, B.J.P.
secure majority in Lok Sabha even then, it formed the N.D.A. (National Democratic Alliance) Government in the
leadership of Sh. Narender Modi. In 18th Lok Sabha election held in 2024, B.J.P secured 240 (N.D.A 293) seats. So B.J.P
Led Alliance formed the government under the leadership of Sh. Narender Modi. Thus the participation of regional
political parties in the central government has given rise to such a tendency in the working of the Indian federalism as
a result of which dominance of the centre over the states has surely weakened to some extent.

4. Misuse of Article 356 Has Declined.

Under Article 356 the President's rule can be imposed in the States. According to Article 356 if the President either on
the receipt of a report from the governor of a state or otherwise is satisfied that a situation has arisen in which the
government of the state cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the constitution they can dismiss
the government of the state and can impose President's rule there.

5. Demand for More Sources of Revenue for States.

In India the resources of revenue allocated to the states are far from satisfactory. Sources of Revenue of states are
inadequate. The states largely depend upon the Centre for financial aid. The sources of the states are extremely
limited to the extent that they have dole receiving corporations. But there are no fixed legal provisions for giving
financial aid to the states. The opposition parties generally blame that the ruling party at the centre while giving
financial aid to the states, does not follow a policy, but gives grants-in-aid for political purposes. That is why, in March
1983, the council formed by the Chief Ministers of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh. Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry demanded
that the financial aid given by the centre to the states should be regulated by a set low. Almost all opposition political
parties demand more sources of revenue for states so that India becomes a truly federal state.

6. Reaction against Centralisation.

Inspite of the federal system in India, the Indian constitution has provided for a very strong Central government in
India. Due to centralization of power central government remained very powerful. But for the last few decades, a
strong voice against centralisation has been raised by political parties. Now it has become very difficult for the Central
government to run the central administration without the support of the states. Due to their participation in the central
government regional parties don't allow central government to interfere in the affairs of the state.

7. Demand for Re-organisation of Centre-State Relations.

The constitution distributes power between the centre and the states in India. But in the field of Union-Sate
relationship the centre is omnipotent. Even in matters falling essentially within the jurisdiction of the state, the centre
has the final say whenever it wants to establish its authority. After the election of 1967, D.M.K. Akali Dal, C.P.I., C.P.M.,
Telugu Desam etc. demanded re-organisation of centre-state relations. These political parties demanded more power
for the states.

8. Demand for New States.

Certain political parties and politicians raised the bogey of a demand for separate statehood in different parts of the
country from time to time. Every state was not contended with the re-organisation of states in 1956. The people of
Bombay raised a demand for separate statehood and so two new states-Maharashtra and Gujarat were founded. The
Shiromani Akali Dal in Punjab stood for Punjabi Suba and this was conceded, resulting into the division of state in
Punjab and Haryana. The Hilly areas of Punjab were inducted in Himachal Pradesh. In 2000 Uttaranchal (Now
Uttarakhand) was carved out of the hilly regions of Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand out of Bihar and Chhattisgarh out of
Madhya Pradesh. In June, 2014, Telangana was carved out from Andhra Pradesh. After the formation of these new
states, a demand of forming separate states by the people of other regions became vigorous. Vidarbha out of
Maharashtra, Kodava out of Karnataka, Bodoland out of Assam, and Gorkhaland out of West Bengal are being
demanded. Some politicians are demanding that a commission would be set up to reorganise the states.
 ELECTION COMMISSION
Q. 1. What is the composition of Election Commission of India?

Or

Write short note on Election Commission.

Answer.

Composition: The Election Commission consists of the Chief Election Commissioner and such number of other
Election Commissioners the President may from time to time fix. At present the Election Commission consists of Chief
Election Commissioner and two Election Commissioners.

Appointment: The appointment of Chief Election Commissioner and other election commissioners is made by the
President. Before each general election, the President also appoints, in consultation with the Election Commission,
such Regional Commissioners as he considers necessary to assist the Election Commission. The tenure and other
service conditions of the Election Commission are determined by the President. Generally the Election Commissioner is
appointed for a period of six years. The conditions of service of the Chief Election Commissioner shall not be varied to
his disadvantage after his appointment. The Election Commissioner is removed from his office by an order of the
President after an address by each house of Parliament supported by a majority of the total membership of the House
and by a majority of not less than 2/3rd of the members of the House present and voting has been presented to the
President in the same session for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity.

Q. 2. How is independence of Election Commission of India ensured?

Answer. To ensure the independence of Election Commission for fair election the constitution of India has made some
provisions. These provisions are as follows:

(i) The Election Commission is a statutory body and it enjoys constitutional sanction. The existence of the commission
does not depend upon the sweet will of the Union Government. It is the creation of the Constitution and the Union
Government cannot abolish it as and when it so desires.

(ii) The Chief Election Commissioner cannot be removed from his office except in like manner and on the like grounds
as a judge of the Supreme Court and other Election Commissioners cannot be removed from office except on the
recommendation of the Chief Election Commissioner.

Q. 3. How does the Election Commission ensure fair and free elections ?

Answer. Election Commission ensures fair and free election by following ways:

1. Election Commission keeps a check on the role of money.

2. Election Commission decides where polling booths should be set-up so that electorates are not required to travel a
long distance.

3. Election Commission ensures that only those persons cast their vote, who are entitled to it.
4. Election Commission orders a fresh election in a Constituency or a polling booth, if malpractices have vitiated the
electoral process.

Q. 4. Mention any four functions of the Election Commission.

Answer. 1. Election Commission supervises, directs and controls the elections. Such elections include elections to
Parliament, the Legislature of every state and to the offices of President and Vice-President.

2. Election Commission prepares electoral rolls and delimitations of constituencies. It also considers the objections
raised in this regard. Revision of electoral rolls takes place before every general elections.

3. Election Commission appoints returning officers and assistant returning officers to conduct the elections.

4. Election Commission allots election symbols to political parties and to the independent candidates. If there is any
dispute or controversy about the symbol, an appeal against the decision of the Election Commission can be made to
the Supreme Court.

LONG ANSWER TYPE QUESTIONS

Q. 1. Discuss the composition and functions of Election Commission in India.

Or

Explain the structure and functions of Election Commission.

Or

Give a critical note on the functions and importance of Election Commission of India.

Or

Examine critically the role of Election Commission of India.

Answer. India is a sovereign democratic republic. For the successful working of democracy election must be held in a
non-partisan spirit. The framers of our constitution were aware of the need to have an independent and impartial
agency to conduct free and fair elections in the country. To ensure this, the constitution had provided and Election
Commission to conduct fair elections.

Composition: The Election Commission consists of the Chief Election Commissioner and such number of other
Election Commissioners the President may fix from time to time. On 1st October, 1993 the President had appointed
two other Election Commissioners. At present Election Commission consists of Chief Election Commissioner and two
Election Commissioners. The appointment of Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners is made
by the President. Before each general election, the President also appoints, in consultation with the Election
Commission, such Regional Commissioners as he considers necessary to assist the Election Commission.

The tenure and other service conditions of the Election Commission are determined by the President. Generally the
Election Commissioner is appointment for a period of six years. The conditions of services of the Chief Election
Commissioner shall not be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment. The Chief Election Commissioner may
only be removed when 2/3 majority of the Parliament passes a resolution for his removal. Regional Commissioners can
only be removed of the recommendation of the Chief Election Commissioner. At present there is one Chief Election
Commissioner and two other Election Commissioners. The President or the Governor of a State makes available to the
Election Commission such staff as may be necessary for the discharge of its functions.
All the three members, including the Chief Election Commissioner, enjoy equal powers. All decisions in the Election
Commission are taken by majority. The chief Election Commissioner has no veto power.

Functions of the Election Commission. Following are the main functions of the Election Commission:

1. Superintendence, direction and control of the electoral roll for election.

2. The conduct of elections to parliament and legislatures of states and also to the offices to the President and Vice-
President.

3. The Election Commission fixes the time-table of the elections of Lok Sabha.

4. The Election Commission orders a fresh election in a constituency or at a polling booth if resorting to malpractices,
such as intimidation of voters, burning of polling booths etc., has vitiated the electoral process.

5. The Election Commission is responsible to conduct free and fair election.

6. The Election Commission can postpone the election. On Feb. 20, 1993, the Election Commission postponed the
assembly poll in Tripura scheduled for Feb. 15, 1993.

7. The Election Commissioner appoints Returning Officers and Assistant Returning Officers to conduct to the election.

8. The Election Commission allots symbols to various political parties and candidates.

9. The Election Commission is authorised to recognise a political party. It is the Election Commission that determines
what political parties will be recognized at both national and state levels. At present the Election Commission gave
recognition to 6 national political parties.

10. The Election Commission is to ensure that only those persons cast their vote, who are entitled to it and that there
is no impersonation.

11. The Election Commission decides where polling booths should be set up so that electorates are not required to
travel a long distance.

12. The Election Commission is responsible for the safe custody of the ballot boxes and the counting of votes before
the results are announced.

13. The Election Commission prepares a code of conduct for all political parties and independent candidates who are
contesting elections.

14. The Election Commission supervises the staff deputed by the union government and the state government for the
election purpose.

15. All election results are announced by the Election Commission.

So far Eighteenth election to the Lok Sabha has been conducted. The Election Commission had acquired considerable
prestige and reputation for conducting elections in a fair and free manner.
 POLITICS OF RESERVATION
Q. 1. Give Arguments in favour of Reservations.

Answer. 1. Reservation is very essential to remove inequalities from the Indian Society.

2. Reservation is helpful to achieve the ideals enshrined in the Preamble.

3. Reservation is helpful for the Development of Dalit Women.

4. The Policy of reservation has proved an important instrument of social and economic transformation in the Indian
Society.

Q. 2. Give Arguments Against Reservations.

Answer. 1. Critics opine that the policy of reservation has benefitted only a few people of Dalit classes and backward
classes.

2. The Policy of reservation, to a great extent, is responsible for social tension among different classes of society.

3. To a great extent, Policy of Reservation is also responsible for castecisation of Politics.

4. The Policy of reservation creates inferiority complex among the people of Dalit Classes.

LONG ANSWER TYPE QUESTIONS

Q. 1. Write down the constitutional provisions with regard to reservation. Give arguments for and against
reservations.

Or

Write down the constitutional provisions with regard to reservations. Are you in favour of reservations?
If yes, give reasons in support of your answer.

Answer. The Indian constitution contains special provision for the protection of scheduled and backward classes and
tribes, though all the citizens have been made equal before law, yet these classes and tribes have been given special
rights and privileges. Seats have been reserved for them in the Parliament and state legislatures. A brief description of
the constitutional provisions regarding reservation is as under:

Reservation in Legislatures: Article 330 lays down that Seats shall be reserved in the Lok Sabha for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Article 332 provides for the reservation of seats for the scheduled castes and the
Scheduled Tribes in the legislative Assemblies of the states. But no provision has been made in the constitution for
reservation of seats for these classes in the Rajya Sabha and legislative councils. According to the constitution, the
provision of reservation of seats for Scheduled castes and Scheduled Tribes in the Lok Sabha and State legislative
Assemblies would continue for 10 years after enforcement of the constitution. But the Parliament has extended this
tenure till January 2030 by amending the constitution.

Reservation in Local Bodies: According to 73rd Amendment Act seats are reserved for the scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes in proportion to their population in the Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad. Not less
than 1/3rd of the total number of the elected seats reserved for the Schedules castes shall be reserved for women
belonging to the Scheduled castes. One seat is reserved for backward classes in a Gram Panchayat where population
of backward classes in Gram Sabha area, Offices of Sarpanches of Gram Panchayat in the district are reserved for
Scheduled castes in proportion to the population of Scheduled castes to the total population of the district. Similarly by
the 74th constitutional Amendment passed by the Parliament in December 1992, a constitutional provision has been
made for reserving seats for Scheduled castes, Scheduled Tribes and women in urban local institutions also.

Reservation in Services: Under section 4 of Article, 16 of the constitution it has been provided that the state can
reserve seats for such a backward class as is not ask to get proper representation in government services. This
provision of the constitution gives the government the power to resume seats for any backward class in government
services. A backward class includes Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other backward classes of the society.
Under section 4 (A) of Article 16, the government can also reserve seats for such scheduled castes and scheduled
tribes in promotion as is not able to get proper representation in government services. Under Article 335 of the
constitution, it has been provided that the centre and state governments, maintaining the efficiency of administration,
would take care of the special claims made by scheduled castes and scheduled tribes while making recruitment on
posts of subordinate services. Thus it is clear that Article 16 and article 335 of the constitution provide for reservation
of seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled tribes in the central and state services. In January 2019, Centre
Government passes a bill for reservation in upper caste's economically weaker sections.

Arguments For and Against Reservation: There is no unanimity on the policy of reservation; a large number of
people are in favour of the policy of reservation whereas the people who opposed this policy are also in great number.

Argument in Favour: Generally following arguments are given in favour of the policy of reservation:

1. Essential for the Removal of Inequalities. Dalit were deprived of human rights and they were not allowed to have
social relation. Only constitutional right of political equality to these Dalit and backward classes. A large number of
dalits has not been able to take advantage of reservation people could not bring them at par with higher classes.
Hence special provisions are needed for and other facilities. Reservation is very essential to remove inequalities from
the Indian society.

2. Helpful to achieve the Ideals enshrined in the preamble. In the Preamble to the constitution of India, besides
providing social, economic and political Justice to all the citizens, Liberty of thought, all of them fraternity and dignity
of the individual has been ensured. These ideals can be achieved expression, belief, faith and worship. Equality of
status and of opportunity and promoting among only by following the policy of reservation or protective discrimination.
Due to the policy of reservation people of Dalit classes have entered not only the union Parliament, State Legislatures
etc. but they have occupied important posts of government services also. If the policy of reservation is abolished
development made by Scheduled castes, Scheduled tribes and other backward classes will be halted.

3. Helpful for the Development of Dalit Women. Due to the policy of reservation Dalit women have made a great
progress not only in social sphere but also in economic and political spheres. The 73rd constitutional amendment
reserve seats for women of Scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in the Panchayati Raj Institutions and the 74th
constitutional amendment in urban local institutions and thus have enabled women to play an important role in rural
and urban local institutions. If policy of reservation is changed then it will become very difficult for Dalit women to
make all-round development.

4. Reservation as an Instrument of Social and Economic Transformation. The policy of reservation has proved an
important instrument of social and economic transformation in the Indian Society. Due to policy of reservation a large
number of Dalits have entered into government services, political sphere and economic sectors: Standard of living of
Dalit people have changed to a great extent. Many Dalit have become big businessmen. In the present day society
people of the Dalit classes occupy high government jobs and people of so called higher classes are working under
them. Due to reservation policy people of Dalit classes have entered into Panchayati Raj Institutions and thus over all
conditions of the rural people have improved.

5. Essential for the Mental Development of the Deprived Sections of Society. The policy of reservation has been
adopted for those classes of people who had been deprived of their human rights.

6. Essentials for the Success of Political Democracy. Equality is the basic principle of democracy. But the success of
democracy cannot be ensured only by providing political right to all the citizens. Social and Economic equality is very
essential for the success of democracy. Without social and economic equality political democracy proves a mere show
and it is a true democracy. The main aim of reservation is to make people of Dalit classes equal with people of other
classes. Through reservation efforts are made to minimize social and economic inequalities.
Arguments against Reservations: Following arguments are given against policy of reservation:

1. Objectives not achieved. The purpose for which the constitution-makes made constitutional provisions of reservation
have not been achieved No doubt there is a big change in the standard of living of dalits and they have entered
successfully in all spheres of life but their number is very less who are beneficial by the policy of reservation and
provisions of special facilities. A large number of people of Scheduled castes and backward classes are far away from
the benefits of reservations and special benefits: Critics opine that the policy of reservation has benefitted only a few
people of Dalit classes and backward classes.

2. Social Tension. The policy of reservation, to a great extent, is responsible for social tension among different classes
of society.

3. Emergence of class-based Elites. Caste is the basis of the policy of reservation. People of some casts have taken full
advantage of the policy of reservation. But in reality advantage of reservation is enjoyed by few families.

4. Castecisation of Politics. To a great extent policy of reservation is also responsible for castecisation of politics. Every
political is trying to make people of Dalit classes its vote bank. That is why almost all political parties support the
policy of reservation. No political party dares to speak against the policy of reservation. Some political parties have
come into existence with the purpose of protecting and developing the interests of dalits.

5. Incitement to Demand for more reservations. The policy of reservation has resulted in rising demands for more
reservation by many other classes.

Q. 2. What was the main recommendation of Mandal Commission? How was it implemented?

Or

What are the recommendations of Mandal Commission? What was the aftermath of Mandal Commission?

Answer. The Mandal commission was set up by the Janata government on Jan. 1, 1979. The Mandal Commission was
headed by B.P. Mandal, former Chief Minister of Bihar. The Mandal Commission was to determine the criteria for
defining the socially and educationally backward classes. It was to recommend necessary measures for the
advancement of the backward classes. The Mandal Commission identified 3743 other backward classes. The
recommendations of Mandal Commissions are as follow:

1. Twenty seven per cent of the posts in public services should be reserved for OBCs. They do make 52 per cent of the
total population yet the reservation quota for them cannot exceed this limit.

2. Welfare programmes specially meant for other backward classes should be financed by the government of India in
the same manner and to the same extent already done in the case of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

3. Radical land reforms should be brought about states to free small land holders from their heavy dependence on rich
peasants for their subsistence.

4. Other Backward Classes should be encouraged and helped to set up small scale industries.

5. Special educational schemes, with emphasis on vocational training, should be started for OBCs. They should also be
given special coaching in technical and professional institutions to enable them to compete with students from the
open quota.

Implementation of the Mandal Report: The Commission submitted its report to the government in December,
1980. It was presented to both the Houses of the Parliament on April 30, 1982. Ever since then there has been a
continuous and persistent demand for an outright acceptance of this recommendations without any further scrutiny.
National Front had promised in its poll manifesto to implement the Mandal Commission Report. But the ruling party
leaders had aired conflicting views about it. However, Prime Minister Mr. V.P. Singh announced all of a sudden the
acceptance of the Mandal Report on August 7, 1990 in the Parliament without taking into confidence even his own
cabinet colleagues for reasons of political expediency. But this move of Mr. V.P. Singh had alienated his senior most
colleagues, provoked the Bhartiya Janata Party and C.P.M. to denounce publicly this rash decision. The student
community that had been seriously hit by the implementation of the Report had launched a massive movement
throughout the country and initially brought the government to a collapsing point. The anti-reservationists stir had
reached a new peak of frenzied violence especially in New Delhi, Chandigarh, Kurukshetra, Jammu, Jaipur and many
other cities of north India.

In November, 1992 the Supreme Court held the order of V.P. Singh government to be valid and enforceable subject to
the exclusion of the 'Creamy Layer' or the more advanced section of the beneficiary backward classes within four
months. The Supreme Court also held that the maximum size of all reservations together must not exceed 50 per cent.
 Features of Indian party system
Q. 1. What is the nature of Indian Party System?

Answer. Following are the four features of Indian Party system:

1. Multiple Party System. India has a Multiple Party System. At present Election Commission recognised 6 national
parties and 56 State parties, 6 recognised national parties are: Indian National Congress, Bhartiya Janata Party, Marxist
Party, Aam Aadmi Party, National People Party and Bahujan Samaj Party.

2. Communal Parties. An important feature of Indian Party System is the existence of communal parties.

3. Factionalism. Factionalism and Groupings are present in most of the political parties. Groups owing loyalties to
different leaders are present in almost every party.

4. Regional Parties. Another very distinct peculiarity of Indian Party System is the existence of regional parties. At
present Election Commission recognised 56 regional parties like Shiromani Akali Dal, Indian National Lokdal, J.J.P.,
Jharkhand Party, Telgu Desam, National Conference, AIADMK and DMK etc.

Q. 2. How Political Parties are registered in India?

Answer. According to the provisions of the Representation of the People Act, 1950 an association or body of individual
citizens of India registered with the Election Commission is a political party. It was further provided that any
association or body of individual citizens of India shall make an application to the Election Commission for its
registration as a political party. The application shall be accompanied by a copy of the memorandum or rules and
regulations of the association or body. Such memorandum or rules and regulations shall contain specific provision that
the association or body shall bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India, and to the principles of
Socialism, Secularism and Democracy, and would uphold the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India. After considering
all the particulars of an association or body the Commission shall decide either to register the association or body as a
political party or not to register it. The decision of the Commission in this regard is always final.

Q. 3. Define Political Party.

Answer. Definitions of Political Party: Different writers have defined a political party differently.

1. According to Burke, "A political party is a body of men united for the purpose of promoting, by their joint
endeavours, the public interest upon some principles on which they are all agreed."

2. According to Dr. Leacock, "By a political party we mean, more or less organized group of citizens who act together
as a political unit. They share or profess to share the same opinions on public questions and by exercising their voting
power towards a common end, seek to obtain control of the government."

3. According to MacIver, "A political party is an association organised in support of some principle or policy which by
constitutional means it endeavours to make the determinant of the government.

Q. 4. What is a dominant-party system? Give an example of such a system.

Answer. A dominant party system is one where a number of parties exist, but only one party dominates in operational
politics. Other parties also operate but they don't matter much in functioning of government. The Indian Party System
was an example of dominant party system. Several political parties participate in elections in India but Congress
dominated the scene at the centre as well as in States before March, 1977. The dominance of Congress was due to
many reasons such as its role in the country's freedom, failure of coalition governments in the states, unique
personality of its leaders etc.

Q.5. Give any four defects of Indian Party System-

Answer. The Indian Party System is suffering from following defects.

1. Lack of Internal Democracy within the Political Parties. The political parties lack internal democracy and are built
from above around hierarchical frames. Majority of the political parties have not held elections of the party
organisation at different levels for a long time.

2. Lack of Ideological Commitment. Most political parties in India lack ideological commitment. In fact political parties
are interested to capture power and for that have been too willing to sacrifice an ideology.

3. Defections. Indian Party System is known for defections. There are many examples of defections from first to fourth
general elections but the number of defections after the fourth general elections increased so much that parliamentary
form of government seemed to be an utter failure in India. In Jan., 1985, 52nd Amendment in Constitution was passed
to remove the evil of defections. But the evil of defections was not removed. However, in December 2003 Indian
Parliament passed 91st amendment to remove the drawbacks of 52nd Amendment Act.

4. More Emphasis on Leadership than on Programme. Generally, political parties in India attach more importance to
leadership than to programme.

LONG ANSWER TYPE QUESTIONS

Q. 1. Discuss the emerging trends in the Political Party System in India.

Or

Describe the features of Indian Party System.

Answer. The present age is an era of democracy. Political parties are inevitable in democracy and thus both are
inseparable. India is the biggest democratic country in the world and hence the existence of political parties here is
natural one. But political parties haven't developed on the same pattern as they have grown in England, America and
other western countries. Political parties in India didn't originate to dethrone the ruling aristocratic group but to fight
against foreign imperialism by starting a national movement for freedom. Another aim of the National Congress was to
eliminate those elements from Indian society which hampered the social progress. Indian National Congress was
founded in 1885 and afterwards in 1906 Muslim League came into being and then in 1916 All India Hindu Mahasabha
was established. Communist party was founded in 1925 but it was banned during the Second World War. But when
Russia joined hands with Allied Nations in the Second World War, the Communist Party got a chance to develop. After
independence several politics parties came into being. When first general election was held in 1952, there were
fourteen national political parties and fifty parties at the state level. But at present Election Commission has
recognised 6 national parties. These are Indian National Congress, BJP, CPM, AAP, NPP and BSP. The Commission has
recognised 56 state parties the country. Indian Party system has its own characteristics. Some of the main features are
as follows:

1. Multiple Party System, India has neither single party system as in China nor two party system as in England and
America. We have multiple party system as, Switzerland has. At present the Election Commission recognized 6
national parties and 56 state level parties. 6 National Parties are: Indian National Congress, Bhartiya Janata Party,
C.P.L. (M), AAP, National People Party and Bahujan Samaj Party.

2. End of Dominance of a Single Party. India's Multiple Party System differs from the Multiple Party System in Western
countries like France and others. Several political parties participated in election in India but Congress dominated the
scene at the centre as well as the states before 1967, Congress secured 364, 371. 261 and 283 seats in the elections
of 1952, 1957.1963 and 1967 respectively. The Congress didn't succeed much in states in the elections of 1967, which
resulted in the formation of non-Congress ministries in many states, but the non-Congress minister didn't avail of this
golden opportunity and they tried to achieve their vested interests instead of serving the people. Consequently, these
ministries could not stay for long. Mrs. Indira Gandhi held mid-term poll in 1971 and Congress swept the election and it
secured 352 seats in Lok Sabha of 19 states, elections were held in eight states and Congress secured in majority in all
the eight states. Due to the dominance of Congress, some perceptive students of Indian Politics have expressed the
view that India has a 'One party dominance system' (Rajni Kothari) or 'One dominant party system (W.H. Morris Jones).

In 1977, with the formation of Janata Party, the monopoly of the Congress party ended for short period, but in the
elections of January 1980 and Dec. 1984, Congress (I) secured absolute majority. But the dominance of Congress came
to an end in November, 1989 when Congress was badly mauled in the 9th general elections and the other parties
entered the 9th Lok Sabha with sufficient strength. It was repeated from May-June 1991, election to 2019, elections of
Lok Sabha In the 18th Lok Sabha election (2024) Congress Party secured 99 seats. The present position clearly
indicates that the era of one party dominant system has come to an end.

3. Rise of Effective Opposition. Another feature of the Indian Party system is rise of organised opposition as it exists in
England There was no effective opposition before the fourth general election. The opposition in India consisted of
various divided, even antagonistic groups which were fundamentally and ideologically opposed to each other. With the
split in the Congress party in 1969, the Congress (O) was given the status of official opposition and it was expected
that healthy and organised opposition would be established in India. But these hopes were belied soon when no party
could prove itself as an effective opposition in 1971.

In 1977, an organised opposition originated with the defeat of the Congress. There was no recognised official
opposition in 1980 and in 1984. But in 1989 with the defeat of the Congress (1) a strong organised opposition came
into existence. In the Lok Sabha elections in 1996, BJP was recognised as opposition party. In the eleventh Lok Sabha
election in 1996, BJP emerged as the single largest party. In March, 1998 Sharad Pawar of the Congress party was
recognised as leader of the opposition in the twelfth Lok Sabha. The elections to the 13th Lok Sabha held in Sept. Oct
1999 returned Congress with sufficient strength and it emerged as a strong opposition party. In the 13th Lok Sabha,
Mrs. Sonia Gandhi, the Leader of the Congress Party was given recognition as leader of opposition. But in 14th and
15th Lok Sabha elections, BJP emerged as strong opposition party because Congress with its success took up the role
of ruling party. In 16th and 17th Lok Sabha election no party recognised as an opposition party. 18th Lok Sabha
election held in 2024, Congress Secured 99 seats. In the 18th Lok Sabha, Sh. Rahul Gandhi, the leader of the Congress
Party, was given recognition as a leader of opposition, because Congress Party, secured 99 seats in the elections

4. Communal Parties. Another characteristic of Indian party system is the existence of communal parties.

5. Existence of Regional Parties. Another very distinct peculiarity of Indian Party system is the existence of regional
parties. At present Election Commission recognised 56 regional political parties. Major regional political parties are
Shiromani Akali Dal, Indian National Lok Dal, Assam Perished, JJP, Telugu Desam, National Conference, ADMK and DMK
etc. The importance of regional political parties is increasing day by day. It seems as if an era of dependence of
national parties on the regional parties has begun.

6. Registration of Political Parties. The Representation of People's Act, 1951 was amended December, 1998 under
which registration of political parties with the Election Commission is obligatory.

7. Lack of Discipline. Lack of discipline among the party members is an important feature of the Indian Party System.
Those who fail to get the party ticket to contest the election, leave the party and either join the other party or contest
the election as independent candidates. Lack of party discipline has been a source of defection, split, factionalism,
groupism and political turn-coatism in Indian politics.
8. Politics of Populism. Almost all political parties adopt and follow populist policies and raise populistic slogans for
securing their vote banks. 'Garibi Hatao', 'Rozgar Yojnas", "Power to the people", "Vote for Mandir', 'Protection of
Panth' are used as election slogans as play for securing votes. In 1995, Telugu Desam party won a big majority in the
State Legislative assembly election promising to sell rice at 2 per kg.

9. Less Contact with the Masses. Another feature of Indian party system is that they do not always remain in touch
with the masses. In India, many political parties came into existence at the time of election and disappear with the end
of election. Even permanent political parties organise themselves at the time of elections and try to establish contact
with the public. The leaders of the political parties realise the importance of public contact during the election but they
forget it as soon as the election ends. According to Dr. P.V.R. Rao, no political party except Communist Party claims to
have direct contact with the masses. In such circumstances Indian party system cannot work successfully.

10. Lack of Internal Democracy within the Political Parties. The political parties lack internal democracy and are built
from above around hierarchical frames. Majority of the political parties have not held elections of the party
organisation at different levels for a long time.

11. Lack of Ideological Commitment. Most political parties in India lack ideological commitment. In fact political parties
are interested to capture power and for that they have been too willing to sacrifice and ideology.

12. Dissidents. Another important aspect of Indian party system is the presence of dissidents.

13. Groupism within the Parties. In every political party there is groupism and groupism leads to split in the party.

14. Defections, Indian party system is known for defections. There are many examples of defections from first to fourth
general election but the number of defections after the fourth election increased so much that parliamentary form of
government seemed to be an utter failure in India.

15. More Emphasis on Leadership than on Programme. Generally political parties in India attach more importance to
leadership than to programme.

16. Non-Principled Alliance of Political Parties. Another important feature and defect of Indian Party System is that
parties are always prepared to have non-principled alliance to achieve their vested interests. In the Lok Sabha
elections in 1989, and till now all the political parties had such an alliance.

Conclusion: The detailed analysis of the Indian Party System clearly brings out the shortcomings of party system. The
Indian party system lacks important qualities which are essential for the success of the party system of government.
Multiple Party System, lack of organised political parties, presence of regional and communal parties, defections etc.
are not healthy things for success of parliamentary form of government in India.

THE PROBLEMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES

Answer. Registration of Political Parties: The Representation of the People Act. 1951 was amended in December,
1988 by the Union Parliament. The amended Act made the registration of political parties with the Election
Commission obligatory by providing that a "political party means an association of a body of individual citizens of India
registered with the Election Commission as a political party". It implies that an association or a body of individual
citizens of India which is not registered with the Election Commission as a political party shall not be deemed as a
political party. The Representation of the People (Amendment) Act, 1988 has laid down a specific procedure for the
recognition of political parties. Under the procedure the Election Commission is the final authority to decide either to
register the association or body as a political party not to register. The decision of the Election Commission in this
regard is always final.

Problems of Political Parties in India: The political parties in India face problems. The major problems of political
parties in India are as follows:

1. Organisational Problems. The first major problem of political parties in India is organisational problem. Almost all
political parties are facing the problems of factionalism and dissidents. The Congress Party has witnessed two major
splits in three decades. In 1969, the Congress Party split took place and Congress was divided into Congress (O) and
Congress (R). The Congress (R) maintained its organisational strength until the Janata Party unseated it from power in
1977 elections. On 1st January, 1978, split in Congress (R) took place and Congress (I) was established. There are
three communist parties the C.P.I., the C.P.L. (M) and the C.P.L. (M.L) which arose out of factional politics in the
Communist Party of India. Factionalism was the most marked feature of the Janata party. The Party's organisational
weakness was compounded by personal 'feuds' among its top three leaders (Morarji Desai, Charan Singh and Jagjivan
Ram) and the 'extra Constitutional RSS connection' which the Jana Sangh component was not willing to discard. In July
1979, Chaudhary Charan Singh delivered the first major blow to the party when he walked out along with his followers
and revived the Lok Dal. In April 1980, the former Jana Sangh elements, along with a few others, broke away from the
Janata Party and formed a new party, the Bhartiya Janata Party.

Regional Parties like D.M.K. Shiromani Akali Dal and National Conference are also not free from factionalism. The
D.M.K. split led to the formation of ADMK. In May 1984, split in the National Conference took place. Akali Dal was split
into two factions in 1962. In August 1980, Akali Dal was divided into Akali Dal (Longowal) and Akali Dal (Talwandi). In
June 1985, United Akali Dal was formed under the chairmanship of Mr. Joginder Singh. In January, 1995, there were two
main Akali Dals: Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar) and Akali Dal (Badal), and efforts were made to unite both the Akali
Dals. Thus, all political parties face the problem of factionalism.

Prime Minister Shri Morarji Desai had to resign in July, 1979 as many members left the Janata Party Defections took
place abundantly before and after the Lok Sabha elections in 1980 and it was all in favour of the Congress (1). In
January, 1980, Haryana’s Chief Minister Shri Bhajan Lal joined the Congress (1) by leaving the Janata Party along with
35 members. The Himachal Chief Minister, Shri Shanta Kumar, had to resign in February 1980 because of heavy
defections.

3. Problem of Finance. Another major problem of political parties is the problem of finance. The political parties
received a substantial amount by way of membership fees. A common source of income for almost all the political
parties is the levy on members of parliament and of State Assemblies. At the time of election of persons who apply for
party tickets also pay some fees along with the applications. Moreover, the candidates contribute substantially
towards the party election fund. But sometimes the parties completely underwrite the candidate's entire election
expenses. Donations, purses and fund drives have also been the main sources of income for practically all the political
parties. Income is also from purses presented to party leaders. Ruling party has no problem of finances whereas
opposition parties are generally faced with financial problems.

4. Lack of Discipline. Another problem of Indian political parties is lack of discipline. Mass scale of defection is rampant
in Indian political party. Those who failed to get the party ticket to contest elections leave the party and then join the
other party or contest elections as independent candidates.
5. Lack of Credibility. The political parties in India lack credibility. Whatever promises the political parties make on the
eve of election are usually the first to denounce at least in practice.

ROLE OF OPPOSITION

Q. 3. Explain the role of opposition parties in the context of India's parliamentary democracy.

Or

Discuss the role of opposition parties in India.

Answer. In a democratic country like India opposition performs many functions and the most important ones are as
follows:

1. Criticism. One of the most important functions of the opposition is to criticise the government. The opposition should
point out the drawback in the laws, policies, plans, programmes of the government and the implementation thereof, so
as to caution the people against the impending dangers.

2. Co-operation with the Government. As a matter of fact both the majority and the opposition should work in co-
operation with each other. On important matters there are always consultations between the Prime Minister and the
leaders of the opposition parties. The Government gives full opportunity to the opposition to place its points of view
before the House and the opposition accommodates the Government on many matters.

3. It ventilates public grievances. The Opposition proposes alternative measures differing from through various
methods, such as questions, half an hour discussions, adjournment motions etc. It secures discussions particularly on
questions that agitate the public mind and tries to press the government to solve them. Sometimes, the Opposition
may find loopholes and use all means to discredit the party in power.

4. The Opposition serves as a ready-made alternative government. The Opposition does its best to point out any
weakness or defects in the government's proposals. The result of this party government is that laws come to be made
with great care and deliberation. Whenever-the majority party fails to carry out its policies and programmes,
dissatisfaction grows against it. In course of time, its government is discredited and it is forced to resign. The
Opposition then comes to be the ready-made alternative government and the country has not to face the risk of
disorder or revolution.

5. It acts as the watchdog of civil liberties. The Opposition is also the watchdog of the civil liberties of the people. The
presence or absence of these liberties cannot be judged by the number of restrictions imposed upon the people for the
purpose of order and social convenience. The test of liberty lies in the fact that the people have the opportunities to
criticise such restrictions. J.C. Ede rightly says, "The essence of liberty is freedom to criticise the authorities to
persuade others that the government is wrong."

6. Political Education to the People. The Opposition also gives maximum political education to the people. The
opposition knows that by criticism it cannot change the government and its policies. But it criticises to educate the
people.

7. Appeal to the Electors. The Opposition criticises the Government in the House just to unmask the Government
before the nation and tries to win the public opinion for the next elections by exposing the lapses and lacunae in the
Government policies. If the Government cannot defend itself at the floor of the House, it may continue in office, but it
is bound to find itself in a deplorable position in the next elections.
 REGIONAL POLITICAL PARTIES
Q. 1. Write any four reasons responsible for the increasing importance of state or regional parties.

Answer. Following reasons are responsible for the increasing importance of regional parties:

1. Weak position of the Congress: When the Congress was strong in organisation and ideology-religions regional
parties were practically non-existent. As the Congress Party weakened, regional parties were encouraged.

2. Cultural Pluralism of the Country: The presence of several distinct cultural ethnic-religious-linguistic caste groups
within the Indian society has greatly helped the process of growth of regional political parties.

3. Regional Feelings and Aspirations: Regional political parties are the product of the sense of regionalism and as the
regional feelings are growing in India. With it the importance of regional political parties is also increasing. In fact, the
regional parties today contribute to the strengthening of the federalism while underscoring the need for fulfilling the
regional aspirations.

4. End of Single Party Rule: End of dominance of the single party is a very important reason for increased role of
regional parties. In fact, the days of single party government are virtually over for different reasons. In a coalition
government the role of regional parties has increased.

Q. 2. Write down the policies and programmes of Shiromani Akali Dal in Punjab.

Answer. 1. For every 100 kms range, a new airport shall be made/built.

2. The party had declared in its manifesto that all the lanes and highways of Punjab shall have CCTV cameras installed.

3. The declaration of the manifesto stated that all businessmen whose turnover is upto 2 crores need not maintain
books.

4. The party will be creating 20 lakhs new job opportunities in the next 5 years.

Q. 3. Explain briefly policies and programmes of AIADMK.

Answer. Following are the policies and programmes of AIADMK :

1. The Party has demanded declaration of all national languages as official languages of the country.

2. The party promised to fight for introduction of 33 per cent reservation for women in Lok Sabha and State legislature.

Q. 4. Explain briefly the policies and programmes of the National Conference.

Answer. National Conference is the most important regional party of J & K state and it plays a very important role of
the policies of J & K. Following are the policies and programme of National Conference:

1. Strive for the full implementation of the Autonomy Resolution passed by the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in 2000.

2. We strive to Restore 370-35A, and Statehood as prior to August 5 2019,

3. In the interim period we will endeavour to redraw the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act 2014, and the
Transaction of Business of the Government of Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir Rules, 2019.

4. The Jammu and Kashmir assembly, in its first list of business after elections, will pass a resolution against the
centre's decision to strip the region of its statehood and special status.

LONG ANSWER TYPE QUESTIONS

Q. 1. What is the meaning of regional or state level parties? Discuss the factors responsible for the
emergence of regional parties.

Answer.

Introduction: Along with national political parties, India is faced with the phenomenon of regional and State parties
also. They espouse the interests of a particular region but influence national politics. As such, without a proper
knowledge of these parties, it is not possible to understand the government and politics of India.

Meaning of Regional Parties: Regional/States parties are the parties which espouse the interests of a particular
State/region only. They believe in regionalism. Regionalism means upholding interests of a particular region against
the national interests. In the words of Dr. D.C. Gupta "Regionalism means love of a particular region in perference to
the country." The peculiarity of State/regional parties in India is that they insist upon upholding the interests of a
particular State region just with a view to influencing national politics. However, neither in the Indian Constitution, nor
in any law, nor even in any order of the Election Commission there is a provision of a 'Regional Party', orders regarding
recognition to Political parties were issued in 1968, 2000 and 2004. The Election Commission, in those orders, made a
provision only for national political parties and a State party. There is no mention of a regional party in those orders of
the Election Commission la practice State parties are called regional parties.

Recognition as a State Party: On December 2, 2000 and May 14, 2005, the Election Commission issued orders
regarding recognition to a State party. According to those orders a political party which fulfils any of the four under
mentioned conditions, is entitled to seek recognition as a State party.

(1) A party is recognised as a State party if it secures six percent of valid votes polled in the State at elections either to
the Lok Sabha or to the State Legislative Assembly. Besides, it is also necessary for that party to secure a minimum of
two seats in the Legislative Assembly of the concerned State. It implies that in order to seek recognition as a State
party, a party must secure six percent of valid votes in the State at a General Election either to the Lok Sabha or to
Legislative Assembly of the State concerned and also two seats in the Legislative Assembly of the State concerned.

Or

(2) A party can be recognised as a State party which secures three percent of the total number of seats in the State
Legislative Assembly. The other criterion is to secure three percent of the total seats of the Legislative Assembly or to
secure at least three seats in the State Legislative Assembly, whichever is more.

Or

(3) At a General Election to the Lok Sabha, a party should win at least one seat for every 25 Lok Sabha seats, or any
fraction thereof, allotted to that State.

Or

(4) If all candidates of a political party secure six percent of valid votes polled in the Lok Sabha elections in a State and
besides, the party secures at least one Lok Sabha seat in the State concerned, that party can be recognised as a State
party.

It is worth mentioning here that the first and the second conditions of recognition as a State party were fixed by the
Election Commission on December 2. 2002 and the third and the fourth conditions were fixed by the Election
Commission by an order on May 14, 2005. The concerned party can be recognised as a State party if it fulfils any one
of these four conditions. At present election commission recognised 56 regional parties.

Causes Responsible for the Growth of Regional Parties: Various factors are responsible for the growth of
State/regional parties in India:

1. Ethnic or cultural Factor. India is inhabited by people of different creeds and races having their typical culture.
People having a particular culture always consider themselves as separate from people having different culture. Since
the days the national movement was started, a sense of identity was created in the minds of a particular creed. This
sense of identity became all the more acute after India got independence. The sense of identity on the other hand led
to distinction. So, particular cultural groups began to organise themselves to save their own interests.

2. Geographical Factor. India is a vast country having various geographical diversities. Some of the regions have their
own peculiarities and problems. And, so they are separated from other contiguous and far-flung regions. People have
their typical problems. The States situated on the borders are faced with their own problems. Because of identity of
problems faced by the people of a particular region, they have formed their own parties. This is what has led to the
formation of various regional parties in the North-Eastern States of India.

3. Historical Factor. The British Raj over India for a considerably long period of time also contributed to a feeling of
separatism. The British always worked on the principle of 'Divide and Rule'. They tried to fan as much distinction as
possible through every conceivable means to keep the people of different parts of India divided. This worked as a
psychological factor and people of a particular identity formed their own party to safeguard their own interests.

4. Religious Factor. After independence certain regional parties took birth on the basis of religion.
5. Linguistic Factor. Like religion, language has played a very important role in the formation of regional parties.
Regionalism in particular has been fanned as a result of linguistic chauvinism.

6. Economic Disparities, India, on the whole, has made a tremendous progress in many spheres. But, this progress has
remained confined to only some regions. Various regions have remained neglected leading to economic disparities.

7. Lust for Power. It is a fact that most of the political leaders in India have a lust for power. They want to remain in
power at every cost. So leaders of such type, who did not find any office of profit either in the government, began to
exploit the sentiments of the people on the basis of caste, language, religion or region. The new slogan for the creation
of small states also owes its origin to the lust for power of various politicians.

8. Reaction against centralisation. During the course of time the Congress which has remained in power almost,
throughout, began to centralise all powers. At various occasions, it made use of Article 356 of the Constitution to
topple various State governments. At times, this led to reaction against the Central government led by the Congress.
Aspirants at the regional level have exploited the sentiments of the people over this trend leading to their region being
ignored. The birth of Telgu Desam in Andhra Pradesh and Assam Gana Parishad in Assam lies partly in this factor.

9. Lack of Towering National Leadership. At the time India got independence, there were many leaders of towering
stature at the national level. They were selfless, patriotic and devoted to the cause of the nation. With the passage of
time, the number of such leaders has almost become extinct. The new leadership at the national level is more
professionalised. Instead of being devoted to national cause, they are more after the loaves and fishes of office.
Corruption is ramped Moral values have degenerated. Consequently, the people feel disillusioned. They have preferred
to vote for a leader who can at least safeguard their regional interests.

10. Lack of National Zeal in the People. At the time the people fought for freedom, they thought that their problems
would be solved to their satisfaction. But independence has not as you solved any problem. It has not fulfilled the
aspirations of the people. The people now feel frustrated. This has resulted in lack of zeal in the people for national
leadership. They are more concerned with problems that face them rather than the problems of distant India.
Naturally, the people have come to nurse hatred against national parties and liking for the regional parties.

11. Splits in Political Parties. Due to various reasons, Indian party system has faced split in political parties. There have
been splits in almost all the national parties including the Congress, Socialists, Communists, Janata Party and the
Janata Dal. The splits in the Congress have resulted in the birth of various regional parties under the name of Congress
but with different surnames.

12. Poor Performance of National Parties. With the exception of the Congress, and now the Bhartiya Janata Party, all
other national parties are in fact regional parties to the extent that their political performance is confined to only one
or two States at the most. Consequently, poor political performance of the national parties has relegated them to the
level of regional/state parties,

13. Sons of the Soil Factor. Certain communities or people from one State have moved to other states and regions in
search of better commercial and economic facilities. When the people from some other State become affluent in
another State/region, the people gradually nurse a feeling of hatred against them. They agitate against them as
exploiters. They plead for the sons of the soil theory. In the process they form their own regional party to achieve this
end. Shiv Sena in Maharashtra stood for the ouster of non-Maharashtrians from Maharashtra.

14. Regional Feelings and Aspirations. Regional political parties are the product of the sense of regionalism and as the
regional feelings are growing in India, with it the importance of regional political parties is also increasing. In fact, the
regional parties today contribute to the strengthening of the federalism while underscoring the need for fulfilling the
regional aspirations.

15. End of Single Party Rule. End of dominance of the single party is a very important reason for increased role of
regional parties. In fact, the days of single party government are virtually over for different reasons. In a coalition
government the role of regional parties has increased.

SHIROMANI AKALI DAL

Q. 2. Describe the policies and programmes of Shiromani Akali Dal.

Answer. Shiromani Akali Dal is a regional or provincial party and holds a prominent place in Punjab politics. Akali Dal
is the oldest political party of the Punjab and the second oldest party in India. Akali Dal came into being in 1920 due to
the efforts of Master Tara Singh and Baba Kharak Singh. In fact the party was established with religious motives rather
than with political aims aimed at maintaining the sanctity of Gurudwaras. Shiromani Akali Dal also enjoys some
influence in Chandigarh, Haryana, Delhi, and Rajasthan. But it has stronghold in Punjab as it is the only organisation
which represents the Sikhs.

Policies and Programmes of Shiromani Akali Dal:

In the Assembly elections which took place in Punjab in February 2022, Shiromani Akali Dal had declared its 'election
manifesto'. The main/key features of this manifesto are as ahead

1. Blue card holder women will be given ₹2000 per month.

2. Five plots to homeless poor.

3. Those having kaccha house will be given 5 lakhs for making pucca houses.

4. Solar-energy will be given to make zero electricity bill to every household.

5. Free electricity units upto 400 for every person.

6. For education, free student card upto 10 lakhs will be given for higher studies.

7. Annual health insurance.

8. Hike in the old-age pension to ₹3100 per month.

9. Hike in Shagun scheme to ₹5,000 per month.

10. One lakh government jobs to be given.

11. At the same time, nearly 10 lakh jobs in the private sector will be given.

12. Contract based outsources workers will be confirmed.

13. Minimum Support. Price (MSP) will be given on milk, vegetables and fruits.

14. Increase in income for three times more and subsidy will be given on water based agriculture.

15. Shortcomings of 7th pay Commission will be removed.

16. 75% private jobs quota for Punjabis will be reserved.

17. 50% private jobs quota for ladies will be reserved.

18. For the development of 'Kandi Area' a separate department will be organised

19. Free one G.B. data will be given to students.

20. 5 lakh house for SC/BCs.

21. Old pension will be re-sanctioned.

22. Insurance for farmers and farm labourers.

23. cheap diesel to the farmers.

24. Promise to end the sand and liquor mafia by bringing the trade directly under the government and settinig up a
liquor as well as sand mining corporation.

Election Successes: In 1967, a coalition government under the leadership of Akali leader Justice Gurnam Singh was
formed in Punjab. In the Punjab assembly election in June 1977, the Akali Dal got 58 seats and formed a coalition
government with Janata Party under the leadership of Sardar Prakash Singh Badal. In the Punjab assembly election in
September 1985, the Akali Dal got 73 seats and it formed the government under the leadership of Shri Surjit Singh
Barnala. In the Punjab assembly election in Feb. 1997, the Akali Dal secured 76 seats and it made a coalition
government with the BJ.P. under the leadership of Sardar Prakash Singh Badal. In the 12th Lok Sabha election held in
Feb. March 1998 the Akali Dal secured 8 seats and even Janata Dal candidate Prime Minsiter LK. Gujral won the
Jalandhar seat with the support of Akali Dal. Akali Dal's ally B.J.P. secured 2 seats. In the 13th Lok Sabha election held
in 1999 Akali Dal (B) secured only two seats. In 14th Lok Sabha elections held in 2004, the party won 8 seats. In the
15th Lok Sabha election held in 2009 Akali Dal secured 4 seats. In 2007 Akali Dal secured absolute majority in the
Punjab Legislative Assembly and it made a coalition government with the B.J.P. under the leadership of Sardar Prakash
Singh Badal. In 2012 Shiromani Akali Dal secured absolute majority in the Legislative Assembly election with Govt,
under the leader of Sardar Prakash Singh Baal. In the 16th Lok Sabha election held in 2014. the Party won 4 seats. In
the Punjab Assembly election held in Feb. 2017, Shiromani Akali Dal only 2 seats. In the 18th Lok Sabha election
(2024), this party won one seat.

Q. 3. Discuss the policy and programme of T.D.P. (Telugu Desam Party).

Answer. T.D.P. is the most important party of Andhra Pradesh. Earlier Andhra Pradesh was a pan of Madras. People of
Andhra agitated for a separate state. Ultimately the central government agreed and on the basis of language a
separate state of Andhra was carved out of Madras. There was a lot of factionalism in the congress and the people of
Andhra Pradesh were searching an alternative party. In 1982, a regional party under name of Telugu Desam was
created. Its aim was to look to the needs of the Telugu speaking people. Mr. N.T. Rama Rao was the founder of this
party. He was a very famous actor of Andhra. He promised a good governance to the people of Andhra Pradesh.

Policy and Programs of Telugu Desam:

T.D.P. released its manifesto for the 18th Lok Sabha election and Andhra Pradesh legislative Assembly in 2024.
Following are the policies and programmes of the T.D.P.

1. 20 Lakh Jobs for the Youth. As promised by the TDP party the TDP party will provide 20 lakh jobs for all the youth of
Andhra Pradesh. With the help of this promise of the TDP party, all the unemployed youth of Andhra Pradesh state will
get employment opportunities. According to the TDP party officials are total of 20 lakh individuals will avail the
benefits of this program. With the help of this scheme the unemployment rate in the Andhra Pradesh state will go
down and employment opportunities will be given to the deserving youth.

2. 15,000 per year for School Students. The TDP party also promised the Indian Manifesto that they would provide
financial assistance to all the students of Andhra Pradesh state who are still studying in school. As promised in the
manifesto the TDP party will provide financial assistance of INR 15,000 annually to all the selected applicants under
this scheme. With the help of this scheme, the students can get quality education without worrying about financial
troubles. To become eligible for this scheme the applicant must be studying in any school in the Andhra Pradesh state.

3. 3,000 Rupees Unemployment Allowance. To extend a helping hand towards the unemployed youth of the Andhra
Pradesh state the TDP party promised to provide financial assistance to all the unemployed citizens of the state. Under
this program, the TDP party will provide a financial allowance of INR 3000 to all the applicants who are not able to get
a job. By introducing this scheme in the manifesto the TDP Party can gain the trust of all the unemployed citizens and
youth of the Andhra Pradesh state.

4. Three Free Gas Cylinders. As introduced in the TDP party Manifesto the TDP party will provide Three Free Gas
Cylinders to all the households in the Andhra Pradesh state. This scheme was introduced by the TDP party to help the
financially unstable households in the Andhra Pradesh state who cannot afford gas cylinders. This scheme will provide
three gas cylinders to all the selected households annually. With the help of this scheme, financial households can get
gas cylinders without worrying about financial troubles.

5. Free Travel Services for Women in Buses. To promote women empowerment in Andhra Pradesh state the TDP party
introduced the Free Travel Services for women.

6. Annadata Scheme for Farmers. The TDP government also introduced a scheme for farmers that will provide financial
assistance and other benefits to all the farmers of Andhra Pradesh stale As clearly shown in the manifesto of the TDP
party the party will provide financial assistance of INR 20,000 to all the farmers of Andhra Pradesh state annually. With
the help of this scheme, the TDP party will encourage the farmers of the Andhra Pradesh state to focus on their work
without worrying about financial troubles.

7. Aadabidda Nidhi Scheme. The TDP party introduced the Aadabidda Nidhi scheme that will provide various financial
assistance to all the female citizens of Andhra Pradesh. The female citizen must be between the age group of 18 to 59
scars to avail the benefits of the Aadabidda Nidhi scheme. The financial assistance of INR 1500 will be given to all the
selected female citizens under the Aadabidda Nidhi scheme. The financial assistance will be transferred directly to the
selected female citizen's bank account Evaluation of Telugu Desam Party: Telugu Desam has carned a good reputation
at both state and national level. It has done its best to fulfil the promises done at the time of elections. Lok Ayukta was
appointed to root out corruption. It has done a commendable job in providing clean and corruption free administration.
The party has tried to reduce the expenditure of the government and increase the income of the state. It created
Padmavati Mahula University for women at Tirupa It made special arrangements to provide rice to the people at the
rate of 1-2-per kilogram. The Telugu Desam party contested 12th Lok Sabha elections in alliance with the United Front
and won 12 seats. Telugu Desam played a very important role in the Atal Behari Vajpayee government. The President
of India was telephonically assured by the leader of TDP and Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh. Mr. Chandrababu Naidu
that the 12 TDP MP's would teman neutral, as between the Congress and the BJP. With TDP neutrality the decks were
cleared for the appointment of Atal Bihari Vajpayee as Prime Minister. Chandrababu Naidu also assured the solid
support of TDP and declared that they would not do anything that would strengthen the discredited Congress. Contrary
to their earlier stand of neutrality, TDP decided to support the confidence motion to forestall any kind of mischief by
the Congress. BJP fully supported Mr. G.M.C. Balayogi of TDP as the new Speaker of the 13th Lok Sabha. While
affirming its decision not to join the government, the TDP made it clear that its support to the BJP-led coalition would
be issue-based. On 14th April, 1999 AIADMK withdrew the support from the Vajpayee government and President
Narayanan directed Prime Minister Vajpayee to seek a confidence vote in the Lok Sabha. TDP supported confidence
motion of Atal Behari Vajpayee. In Andhra Vidhan Sabha elections of 1999 the party secured a spectacular victory by
bagging 180 seats. On 11th October 1999, Mr. Chandrababu Naidu became the Chief Minister of Andhra for the second
time. In 14th Lok Sabha elections held in April-May, 2004 Telugu Desam won 5 seats only. In the State Legislative
Assembly election the party won 47 seats only. In 15th Lok Sabha elections held in April-May, 2009 Telugu Desham
won only 6 seats. In the state legislative Assembly election the Party won only 112 seats. In Andhra Pradesh Assembly
election held in 2014. Party secured absolute majority, therefore, Mr. Chandrababu Naidu formed the govt. In 16th Lok
Sabha election, held in 2014, Party won 16 seats T.D.P. face defeat both in the 17th Lok Sabha election as well in
Assembly election held in April-May, 2019. In the 18th Lok Sabha election (2024)T.D.P won 16 seats. In the assembly
election (2024), party secured full majority and formed the government under the leadership of the Chandrababu
Naidu.

NATIONAL CONFERENCE

Q. 4. Discuss the ideology and electoral performance of National Conference.

Answer. According to Neumann, political parties are the life line of the modern politics. Political parties are the most
important tool of the modern democratic political culture, Modern democracy derives its strength and the inspiration
from organised political parties. The formal structure of modern regimes is largely conditioned and characterised by
the presence and absence of organised political parties.

National Conference is the most important regional party of J & K State and it plays a very important role in the politics
of J & K. The present National Conference was born in the form of Muslim Conference in 1931. In 1938 under the
influence of nationalist leader like PL. Jawahar La Nehru and Kashmiri friends like Prem Nath Bazar, the leader of the
Muslim Conference Sheak Abdullah decided to throw the doors of the party open to Non-Muslims also. The party was
renanied as All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference. Following the transfer of power the Kashmin speaking valley
based leaders of the National Conference had become the real rulers of the State After the death of Sheikh Abdullah in
1982 the party was divided into two fractions-One led by his son Farooq Abdullah and the other by the Sheikh's son-in-
law, G.M. Shah. However in the 1984 elections of Farooq led National Conference swept the parliamentary elections in
Kashmir Valley and demonstrated its clear hold among the Kashmiri people. Party President and Election Symbol. Dr.
Umar Abdullah is President of National Conference.

Plough is the election symbol of the party and plough embossed on red cloth is flag of the party.

Ideology of the Party: Following are the ideologies and programmes of National Conference

1. Socialism. National Conference believes in democratic socialism. The followers of this party believe that socio-
economic problems can be solved only through socialism. The party favours nationalisation of big industries.

2. Democracy. The party favours democracy. It is against all those laws that limit individual freedom. For instance
National Conference is against Preventive Detention and National Security.

3. Secularism. Faith in secularism is another ideal of the party. The party believes that only secularism can keep India
integrated and united. It is against communalism and wants to eradicate it.
Policies and Programme of the Party:

On the eve of J & K Assembly in 2024, National Conference released its Election Manifesto. Following are the major
points of the election manifesto of National Conference:

1. Strive for the full implementation of the Autonomy Resolution passed by the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in 2000.
2. We strive to Restore 370-35A, and Statehood as prior to August 5, 2019.

3. In the interim period we will endeavour the redraw the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019, and the
Transaction of Business of the Government of Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir Rules, 2019.

4. The Jammu and Kashmir assembly, in its first list of business after elections, will pass s resolution against the
centre's decision to strip the region of its statehood and special status.

5. Make efforts to modify, annual, and repeal post-August 5, 2019, laws the impact the special status of Jammu and
Kashmir

6. Protect the land and employment rights of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

7. Formulate a policy to provide land to the landless and those who have been in uninterrupted possession of state
lands for an extended period, granting ownership rights under a considered policy.

8. Amend laws to restrict land ownership to actual residents by imposing reasonable restrictions on non-residents.

9. Ensure government and semi-government employment opportunities are available 10 unemployed residents.

10. Promote regional autonomy and create a legal framework to make n vibrant, ensuring participation from all
regions.

11. Encourage dialogue between India and Pakistan.

12. Make efforts to secure the release of prisoners languishing in jails.

13. National conference will repeal the Public Safety Act (PSA).

14. Party will provide one Lakh jobs to youth.

15. Party will provide 200 units of electricity free.

16. Party will provide Rs. 5000 per month to female heads of households to EWS.

17. Party will provide FREE rice allocation to 10 kg per person per month 18. Party will provide to general public also
be entitled to 10 kg rice/Atta per person per month.

19. Take all steps with Union Government to restrict the import of apple.

20. Free education for all upto University level.

21. Making higher education accessible to all.

22. Party shall setup a Hospitality and Tourism University.

23. Make Higher education for all by Creating Six Higher Education Institutions.

24. Two skill universities, one each in Jammu Division and Kashmir Division.

Electoral Performance of the National Conference: In the very first election of the Constituent cum-Legislative in
1951, the National Conference secured all the 75 seats. Party won 68 seats of the total 75 seats.

The 1967 general elections were held when G.M. Sadiq was the Chief Minister and the National Conference had
merged with the Congress. The ruling Congress won 61 seats.

The position seems to have improved during both the 1972 and 1977 general elections
The ruling Congress won a comfortable two-thirds majority capturing 58 seats in 1972. In 1977 election National
Conference won 47 seats.

In the elections that were held in June, 1983, the National Conference won 47 seals.

In March 1987, the National Conference and Congress fought elections jointly. In these elections again National
Conference got maximum seats. It won 40 seats.

In 1996 Elections the party won landslide victory. In 1996, Assembly elections, National conference captured 57 seats
out of 87. The party won four Lok Sabha seats in 1998. In 1998, the party won 3 seats in Lok Sabha elections. In 2002,
Assembly elections the party won 28 seats. In 2004, Lok Sabha elections National Conference won 2 seats. In Nov.-
Dec. 2008, in State Assembly election, National conference got 28 seats and its leader Umar Abdullah formed the
government with the support of Congress Party. In the 15th Lok Sabha election held in 2009 National Conference
secured 3 seats. In J & K. Assembly election held in Nov-Dec., 2014, National Conference won only 15 seats. In 17th
Lok Sabha election held in 2019, Party secured only 3 seats. National conference won 42 seats in Jammu and Kashmir
legislative election held in Sept-Oct, 2024. Party formed the government under the leadership of Umar Abdullahh.
Thus, National Conference has always dominated political scene of Jammu and Kashmir.

Q. 5. Discuss the policies and programmes of D.M.K.

Answer. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam is a political party of Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry. This party was founded by
Shri C.N. Anna Durai in 1947 in Madras. The word "Dravida' symbolises Dravida race. "Munnetra" means progressive
and Kazhagam stands for organisation. This party in now known as D.M.K. Policies and Programmer of D.M.K. release
its election manifesto in 2024 for the 18th Lok Sabha elections. Following are the major points of its Election Manifesto.

Party Promises of:

1. Appointment of governors based on recommendation of chief ministers.

2. Abolition of Article 356.

3. Formation of state development council with CMs as members.

4. Amendment to facilitate appointment of university vice-chancellors by state governments instead of governors.

5. Education and healthcare would be moved from concurrent list to state list.

6. Tamil will be declared as co-official language in Union government offices in TN through amendment to Section 343
of the Constitution.

7. Equal funding for development of all languages.

8. Tamil will be made court language in Madras high court.

9. Establishment of Robert Caldwell Language Research Institute.

10. Establishment of Tamil; departments in universities across India.

11. Reclamation of Katchatheevu.

12. Tamil will be accepted as an optional language in all Union government examinations.

13. The Citizenship Amendment Act will be repealed.

14. The Uniform Civil Code will not be implemented.

15. The Sanchar Committee recommendations will be implemented.

16. A minority protection commission named Peace commission' will be established.

17. Sethusamudram Ship Channel project will be implemented.

19. Removal of toll booths on highways.

20. Smart City projects for more cities.

21. Free Wi-Fi in important locations across TN.

22. Recommendation to share cess revenues with states will be made. Horizontal devolution of tax revenue (to all
States together) will be increased from 42% to 50%.

23. Financial allocation plan for states’ affected by flood and rain will be created.

24. New constraints on States borrowing capacity, imposed by the Union government will be eliminated.

25. Rs.1000 monthly entitlement for housewives.

26. Breakfast scheme for school students would be expanded across the country.

27. Promises to cut petrol, diesel prices, table a separate budget for railways, setting up of a Supreme Court bench in
Chennai and statehood for Puducherry.

Evaluation of D.M.K.: The party participated in the elections in 1957 for the first time and secured 2 seats in Lok
Sabha and 9 seats in Madras Assembly. Thereafter the party became popular in Madras. In 1967, the party attained
stunning by securing 138 seats out of 234 seats in Madras Assembly whereas Congress won 9 seats only. The party
formed its government in Madras under the leadership of Shri Anna Durai.

Elections to the State Assembly were held along with Lok Sabha elections in March 1971 The D.M.K. won 23 seats in
Lok Sabha elections in 1971. The party formed its government under the leadership of Shri Karuna Nidhi. In the
beginning of 1972, the party faced a split and its former treasurer and renowned film actor Shri M.G. Ramachandran
formed a parallel party and named it A.D.M.K Several D.M.K. members of the Assembly joined it, A.D.M.K. won the
prestigious by-election (May, 1973) in the Dindigul constituency of Tamil Nadu Assembly.

The party didn't get much success in Lok Sabha elections. In March, 1977 and the Assembly elections in June, 1977. It
won a single seat in Lok Sabha whereas AD.M.K. got 19 seats. D.M.K secured 49 seats out of 234 seats in Tamil Nadu
Assembly whereas A.D.M.K. got 129 seats. D.M.K secured 3 seats out of 30 seats in Pondicherry and A.D.MK won 14
seats. The party contested Lok Sabha elections in January 1980 by joining hands with Congress (D) D.M.K. won 14
seats in Lok Sabha but it got 38 seats in Tamil Nadu Assembly elections in May whereas A.D.M.K. won 128 seats.

In the election of legislative Assembly held in May 1996, the D.M.K. party won 172 seats and again assumed power on
May 13, 1996. In the general election of Lok Sabha in 2004 D.M.K. won all 16 seats contested. D.M.K. made an alliance
with the Congress and became a part of ruling United Progressive Alliance. In 15th Lok Sabha election held in 2009.
D.M.K. won 18 seats. In Tamil Nadu Assembly election held in 2016. D.MK. and Congress Alliance won only 97 seats in
17th Lok Sabha election held in 2019, Party secured 23 seats. In 2021 Tamil Nadu Assembly election, party gets
majority and formed the government. In 18th Lok Sabha election (2024) Party secured 22 seats.