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The document discusses advertisements for the sale of enslaved individuals in the Southern United States, highlighting the dehumanizing nature of the slave trade. It includes various ads from different agents and emphasizes the lack of concern for family separation among traders. The text critiques the moral implications of slavery and the societal acceptance of slave trading practices.

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100% found this document useful (1 vote)
121 views36 pages

Shining City Greenland Seth Download

The document discusses advertisements for the sale of enslaved individuals in the Southern United States, highlighting the dehumanizing nature of the slave trade. It includes various ads from different agents and emphasizes the lack of concern for family separation among traders. The text critiques the moral implications of slavery and the societal acceptance of slave trading practices.

Uploaded by

ffkcsgvidb2535
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

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Nov. 9

Mr. McLean, it seems, only wants those between the ages of fifteen
and twenty-five. This advertisement is twice repeated in the same
paper, from which fact we may conjecture that the gentleman is very
much in earnest in his wants, and entertains rather confident
expectations that somebody will be willing to sell. Further, the same
gentleman states another want.

WANTED.

I want to purchase, immediately, a Negro man, Carpenter, and will give a good
price.
Sept. 29

A. A. McLean, Gen’l Agent.

Mr. McLean does not advertise for his wife and children, or where
this same carpenter is to be sent,—whether to the New Orleans
market, or up the Red River, or off to some far bayou of the
Mississippi, never to look upon wife or child again. But, again, Mr.
McLean in the same paper tells us of another want:

WANTED IMMEDIATELY.

A Wet Nurse. Any price will be given for one of good character, constitution, &c.
Apply to
A. A. McLean, Gen’l Agent.

And what is to be done with the baby of this wet nurse? Perhaps, at
the moment that Mr. McLean is advertising for her, she is hushing
the little thing in her bosom, and thinking, as many another mother
has done, that it is about the brightest, prettiest little baby that ever
was born; for, singularly enough, even black mothers do fall into this
delusion sometimes. No matter for all this,—she is wanted for a wet
nurse! Aunt Prue can take her baby, and raise it on corn-cake, and
what not. Off with her to Mr. McLean!
See, also, the following advertisement of the good State of Alabama,
which shows how the trade is thriving there. Mr. S. N. Brown, in the
Advertiser and Gazette, Montgomery, Alabama, holds forth as
follows:

NEGROES FOR SALE.

S. N. Brown takes this method of informing his old patrons, and others waiting to
purchase Slaves, that he has now on hand, of his own selection and purchasing, a
lot of likely young Negroes, consisting of Men, Boys, and Women, Field Hands, and
superior House Servants, which he offers and will sell as low as the times will
warrant. Office on Market-street, above the Montgomery Hall, at Lindsay’s Old
Stand, where he intends to keep slaves for sale on his own account, and not on
commission,—therefore thinks he can give satisfaction to those who patronize him.
Montgomery, Ala., Sept. 13, 1852. twtf (J)

Where were these boys and girls of Mr. Brown selected, let us ask.
How did their fathers and mothers feel when they were “selected”?
Emmeline was taken out of one family, and George out of another.
The judicious trader has travelled through wide regions of country,
leaving in his track wailing and anguish. A little incident, which has
recently been the rounds of the papers, may perhaps illustrate some
of the scenes he has occasioned:

INCIDENT OF SLAVERY.

A negro woman belonging to Geo. M. Garrison, of Polk Co., killed four of her
children, by cutting their throats while they were asleep, on Thursday night, the
2d inst., and then put an end to her own existence by cutting her throat. Her
master knows of no cause for the horrid act, unless it be that she heard him speak
of selling her and two of her children, and keeping the others.
The uncertainty of the master in this case is edifying. He knows that
negroes cannot be expected to have the feelings of cultivated
people;—and yet, here is a case where the creature really acts
unaccountably, and he can’t think of any cause except that he was
going to sell her from her children.
But, compose yourself, dear reader; there was no great harm done.
These were all poor people’s children, and some of them, though not
all, were black; and that makes all the difference in the world, you
know!
But Mr. Brown is not alone in Montgomery. Mr. J. W. Lindsey wishes
to remind the people of his dépôt.

100 NEGROES FOR SALE.

At my depot, on Commerce-street, immediately between the Exchange Hotel and


F. M. Gilmer, Jr.’s Warehouse, where I will be receiving, from time to time, large
lots of Negroes during the season, and will sell on as accommodating terms as any
house in this city. I would respectfully request my old customers and friends to call
and examine my stock.
Jno. W. Lindsey.

Montgomery, Nov. 2, 1852.

Mr. Lindsey is going to be receiving, from time to time, all the


season, and will sell as cheap as anybody; so there’s no fear of the
supply’s falling off. And, lo! in the same paper, Messrs. Sanders &
Foster press their claims also on the public notice.

NEGROES FOR SALE.

The undersigned have bought out the well-known establishment of Eckles &
Brown, where they have now on hand a large lot of likely young Negroes, to wit:
Men, Women, Boys and Girls, good field-hands. Also, several good House Servants
and Mechanics of all kinds. The subscribers intend to keep constantly on hand a
large assortment of Negroes, comprising every description. Persons wishing to
purchase will find it much to their interest to call and examine previous to buying
elsewhere.
Sanders & Foster.

April 13.

Messrs. Sanders & Foster are going to have an assortment also. All
their negroes are to be young and likely; the trashy old fathers and
mothers are all thrown aside like a heap of pig-weed, after one has
been weeding a garden.
Query: Are these Messrs. Sanders & Foster, and J. W. Lindsey, and S.
N. Brown, and McLean, and Woodroof, and McLendon, all members
of the church, in good and regular standing? Does the question
shock you? Why so? Why should they not be? The Rev. Dr. Smylie,
of Mississippi, in a document endorsed by two presbyteries, says
distinctly that the Bible gives a right to buy and sell slaves.[19]
If the Bible guarantees this right, and sanctions this trade, why
should it shock you to see the slave-trader at the communion-table?
Do you feel that there is blood on his hands,—the blood of human
hearts, which he has torn asunder? Do you shudder when he
touches the communion-bread, and when he drinks the cup which
“whosoever drinketh unworthily drinketh damnation to himself”? But
who makes the trader? Do not you? Do you think that the trader’s
profession is a healthy one for the soul? Do you think the scenes
with which he must be familiar, and the deeds he must do, in order
to keep up an assortment of negroes for your convenience, are such
things as Jesus Christ approves? Do you think they tend to promote
his growth in grace, and to secure his soul’s salvation? Or is it so
important for you to have assorted negroes that the traders must
not only be turned out of good society in this life, but run the risk of
going to hell forever, for your accommodation?
But let us search the Southern papers, and see if we cannot find
some evidence of that humanity which avoids the separation of
families, as far as possible. In the Argus, published at Weston,
Missouri, Nov. 5, 1852, see the following:

A NEGRO FOR SALE.

I wish to sell a black girl about 24 years old, a good cook and washer, handy with
a needle, can spin and weave. I wish to sell her in the neighborhood of Camden
Point; if not sold there in a short time, I will hunt the best market; or I will trade
her for two small ones, a boy and girl.
M. Doyal.
Considerate Mr. Doyal! He is opposed to the separation of families,
and, therefore, wishes to sell this woman in the neighborhood of
Camden Point, where her family ties are,—perhaps her husband and
children, her brothers or sisters. He will not separate her from her
family if it is possible to avoid it; that is to say, if he can get as much
for her without; but, if he can’t, he will “hunt the best market.” What
more would you have of Mr. Doyal?
How speeds the blessed trade in the State of Maryland?—Let us take
the Baltimore Sun of Nov. 23, 1852.
Mr. J. S. Donovan thus advertises the Christian public of the
accommodations of his jail:

CASH FOR NEGROES.

The undersigned continues, at his old stand, No. 13 Camden St., to pay the highest
price for Negroes. Persons bringing Negroes by railroad or steamboat will find it
very convenient to secure their Negroes, as my Jail is adjoining the Railroad Depot
and near the Steamboat Landings. Negroes received for safe keeping.
J. S. Donovan.

Messrs. B. M. & W. L. Campbell, in the respectable old stand of


Slatter, advertise as follows:

SLAVES WANTED.

We are at all times purchasing Slaves, paying the highest cash prices. Persons
wishing to sell will please call at 242 Pratt St. (Slatter’s old stand).
Communications attended to.
B. M. & W. L. Campbell.

In another column, however, Mr. John Denning has his season


advertisement, in terms which border on the sublime:

5000 NEGROES WANTED.

I will pay the highest prices, in cash, for 5000 Negroes, with good titles, slaves for
life or for a term of years, in large or small families, or single negroes. I will also
purchase Negroes restricted to remain in the State, that sustain good characters.
Families never separated. Persons having Slaves for sale will please call and see
me, as I am always in the market with the cash. Communications promptly
attended to, and liberal commissions paid, by John N. Denning, No. 18 S. Frederick
street, between Baltimore and Second streets, Baltimore, Maryland. Trees in front
of the house.
Mr. John Denning, also, is a man of humanity. He never separates
families. Don’t you see it in his advertisement? If a man offers him a
wife without her husband, Mr. John Denning won’t buy her. O, no!
His five thousand are all unbroken families; he never takes any
other; and he transports them whole and entire. This is a comfort to
reflect upon, certainly.
See, also, the Democrat, published in Cambridge, Maryland, Dec. 8,
1852. A gentleman gives this pictorial representation of himself, with
the proclamation to the slave-holders of Dorchester and adjacent
counties that he is again in the market:

NEGROES WANTED.

I wish to inform the slave-holders of Dorchester and the adjacent counties


that I am again in the Market. Persons having negroes that are slaves for life
to dispose of will find it to their interest to see me before they sell, as I am
determined to pay the highest prices in cash that the Southern market will justify.
I can be found at A. Hall’s Hotel in Easton, where I will remain until the first day of
July next. Communications addressed to me at Easton, or information given to
Wm. Bell in Cambridge, will meet with prompt attention.
Wm. Harker.

Mr. Harker is very accommodating. He keeps himself informed as to


the state of the southern market, and will give the very highest price
that it will justify. Moreover, he will be on hand till July, and will
answer any letters from the adjoining country on the subject. On
one point he ought to be spoken to. He has not advertised that he
does not separate families. It is a mere matter of taste, to be sure;
but then some well-disposed people like to see it on a trader’s card,
thinking it has a more creditable appearance; and probably, Mr.
Harker, if he reflects a little, will put it in next time. It takes up very
little room, and makes a good appearance.
We are occasionally reminded, by the advertisements for runaways,
to how small an extent it is found possible to avoid the separation of
families: as in the Richmond Whig of Nov. 5, 1852:

$10 REWARD.

We are requested by Henry P. Davis to offer a reward of $10 for the apprehension
of a negro man named Henry, who ran away from the said Davis’ farm near
Petersburg, on Thursday, the 27th October. Said slave came from near Lynchburg,
Va., purchased of —— Cock, and has a wife in Halifax county, Va. He has recently
been employed on the South Side Railroad. He may be in the neighborhood of his
wife.
Pulliam & Davis, Aucts., Richmond.

It seems to strike the advertiser as possible that Henry may be in


the neighborhood of his wife. We should not at all wonder if he
were.
The reader, by this time, is in possession of some of those statistics
of which the South Carolinian speaks, when he says,
We feel confident, if statistics could be had, to throw light upon the subject, we
should find that there is less separation of families among the negroes than occurs
with almost any other class of persons.
In order to give some little further idea of the extent to which this
kind of property is continually changing hands, see the following
calculation, which has been made from sixty-four Southern
newspapers, taken very much at random. The papers were all
published in the last two weeks of the month of November, 1852.
The negroes are advertised sometimes by name, sometimes in
definite numbers, and sometimes in “lots,” “assortments,” and other
indefinite terms. We present the result of this estimate, far as it
must fall from a fair representation of the facts, in a tabular form.
Here is recorded, in only eleven papers, the sale of eight hundred
forty-nine slaves in two weeks in Virginia; the state where Mr. J.
Thornton Randolph describes such an event as a separation of
families being a thing that “we read of in novels sometimes.”
States No. of No. of No. No. of
where Papers Negroes of Runaways
published. consulted. advertised. Lots. described.
Virginia, 11 849 7 15
Kentucky, 5 238 1 7
Tennessee, 8 385 4 17
S. Carolina, 12 852 2 7
Georgia, 6 98 2 0
Alabama, 10 549 5 5
Mississippi, 8 669 5 6
Louisiana, 4 460 4 35

64 4100 30 92
In South Carolina, where the writer in Fraser’s Magazine dates from,
we have during these same two weeks a sale of eight hundred and
fifty-two recorded by one dozen papers. Verily, we must apply to the
newspapers of his state the same language which he applies to
“Uncle Tom’s Cabin:” “Were our views of the system of slavery to be
derived from these papers, we should regard the families of slaves
as utterly unsettled and vagrant.”
The total, in sixty-four papers, in different states, for only two
weeks, is four thousand one hundred, besides ninety-two lots, as
they are called.
And now, who is he who compares the hopeless, returnless
separation of the negro from his family, to the voluntary separation
of the freeman, whom necessary business interest takes for a while
from the bosom of his family? Is not the lot of the slave bitter
enough, without this last of mockeries and worst of insults? Well
may they say, in their anguish, “Our soul is exceedingly filled with
the scorning of them that are at ease, and with the contempt of the
proud!”
From the poor negro, exposed to bitterest separation, the law
jealously takes away the power of writing. For him the gulf of
separation yawns black and hopeless, with no redeeming signal.
Ignorant of geography, he knows not whither he is going, or where
he is, or how to direct a letter. To all intents and purposes, it is a
separation hopeless as that of death, and as final.

18. Article in Fraser’s Magazine for October, by a South Carolinian.

19. “If language can convey a clear and definite meaning at all, I
know not how it can more unequivocally or more plainly
present to the mind any thought or idea than the twenty-fifth
chapter of Leviticus clearly or unequivocally establishes the fact
that slavery or bondage was sanctioned by God himself; and
that ‘buying, selling, holding and bequeathing’ slaves, as
property, are regulations which were established by himself.”—
Smylie on Slavery.
CHAPTER IV.
THE SLAVE-TRADE.

What is it that constitutes the vital force of the institution of slavery


in this country? Slavery, being an unnatural and unhealthful
condition of society, being a most wasteful and impoverishing mode
of cultivating the soil, would speedily run itself out in a community,
and become so unprofitable as to fall into disuse, were it not kept
alive by some unnatural process.
What has that process been in America? Why has that healing
course of nature which cured this awful wound in all the northern
states stopped short on Mason & Dixon’s line? In Delaware,
Maryland, Virginia and Kentucky, slave labor long ago impoverished
the soil almost beyond recovery, and became entirely unprofitable.
In all these states it is well known that the question of emancipation
has been urgently presented. It has been discussed in legislatures,
and Southern men have poured forth on the institution of slavery
such anathemas as only Southern men can pour forth. All that has
ever been said of it at the North has been said in four-fold thunders
in these Southern discussions. The State of Kentucky once came
within one vote, in her legislature, of taking measures for gradual
emancipation. The State of Virginia has come almost equally near,
and Maryland has long been waiting at the door. There was a time
when no one doubted that all these states would soon be free
states; and what is now the reason that they are not? Why are these
discussions now silenced, and why does this noble determination
now retrograde? The answer is in a word. It is the extension of slave
territory, the opening of a great southern slave-market, and the
organization of a great internal slave-trade, that has arrested the
progress of emancipation.
While these states were beginning to look upon the slave as one
who might possibly yet become a man, while they meditated giving
to him and his wife and children the inestimable blessings of liberty,
this great southern slave-mart was opened. It began by the addition
of Missouri as slave territory, and the votes of two Northern men
were those which decided this great question. Then, by the assent
and concurrence of Northern men, came in all the immense
acquisition of slave territory which now opens so boundless a market
to tempt the avarice and cupidity of the northern slave-raising
states.
This acquisition of territory has deferred perhaps for indefinite ages
the emancipation of a race. It has condemned to sorrow and heart-
breaking separation, to groans and wailings, hundreds of thousands
of slave families; it has built, through all the Southern States, slave-
warehouses, with all their ghastly furnishings of gags, and thumb-
screws, and cowhides; it has organized unnumbered slave-coffles,
clanking their chains and filing in mournful march through this land
of liberty.
This accession of slave territory hardened the heart of the master. It
changed what was before, in comparison, a kindly relation, into the
most horrible and inhuman of trades.
The planter whose slaves had grown up around him, and whom he
had learned to look upon almost as men and women, saw on every
sable forehead now nothing but its market value. This man was a
thousand dollars, and this eight hundred. The black baby in its
mother’s arms was a hundred-dollar bill, and nothing more. All those
nobler traits of mind and heart which should have made the slave a
brother became only so many stamps on his merchandise. Is the
slave intelligent?—Good! that raises his price two hundred dollars. Is
he conscientious and faithful?—Good! stamp it down in his
certificate; it’s worth two hundred dollars more. Is he religious? Does
that Holy Spirit of God, whose name we mention with reverence and
fear, make that despised form His temple?—Let that also be put
down in the estimate of his market value, and the gift of the Holy
Ghost shall be sold for money. Is he a minister of God?—
Nevertheless, he has his price in the market. From the church and
from the communion-table the Christian brother and sister are taken
to make up the slave-coffle. And woman, with her tenderness, her
gentleness, her beauty,—woman, to whom mixed blood of the black
and the white have given graces perilous for a slave,—what is her
accursed lot, in this dreadful commerce?—The next few chapters will
disclose facts on this subject which ought to wring the heart of every
Christian mother, if, indeed, she be worthy of that holiest name.
But we will not deal in assertions merely. We have stated the thing
to be proved; let us show the facts which prove it.
The existence of this fearful traffic is known to many,—the
particulars and dreadful extent of it realized but by few.
Let us enter a little more particularly on them. The slave-exporting
states are Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee
and Missouri. These are slave-raising states, and the others are
slave-consuming states. We have shown, in the preceding chapters,
the kind of advertisements which are usual in those states; but, as
we wish to produce on the minds of our readers something of the
impression which has been produced on our own mind by their
multiplicity and abundance, we shall add a few more here. For the
State of Virginia, see all the following:
Kanawha Republican, Oct. 20, 1852, Charleston, Va. At the head—
Liberty, with a banner, “Drapeau sans Tache.”

CASH FOR NEGROES.

The subscriber wishes to purchase a few young NEGROES, from 12 to 25 years of


age, for which the highest market price will be paid in cash. A few lines addressed
to him through the Post Office, Kanawha C. H., or a personal application, will be
promptly attended to.
Jas. L. Ficklin.

Oct. 20, ‘53.—3t


Alexandria Gazette, Oct. 28th:
CASH FOR NEGROES.

I wish to purchase immediately, for the South, any number of NEGROES, from 10
to 30 years of age, for which I will pay the very highest cash price. All
communications promptly attended to.
Joseph Bruin.

West End, Alexandria, Va., Oct. 26.—tf

Lynchburg Virginian, Nov. 18:


NEGROES WANTED.

The subscriber, having located in Lynchburg, is giving the highest cash prices for
negroes, between the ages of 10 and 30 years. Those having negroes for sale may
find it to their interest to call on him at the Washington Hotel, Lynchburg, or
address him by letter.
All communications will receive prompt attention.
J. B. McLendon.

Nov. 5.—dly

Rockingham Register, Nov. 13:


CASH FOR NEGROES.

I wish to purchase a number of NEGROES of both sexes and all ages, for the
Southern market, for which I will pay the highest cash prices. Letters addressed to
me at Winchester, Virginia, will be promptly attended to.
H. J. McDaniel, Agent for Wm. Crow.

Nov. 24, 1846.—tf

Richmond Whig, Nov. 16:


PULLIAM & DAVIS,

AUCTIONEERS FOR THE SALE OF NEGROES.


D. M. Pulliam. Hector Davis.

The subscribers continue to sell Negroes, at their office, on Wall-street. From their
experience in the business, they can safely insure the highest prices for all
negroes intrusted to their care. They will make sales of negroes in estates, and
would say to Commissioners, Executors and Administrators, that they will make
their sales on favorable terms. They are prepared to board and lodge negroes
comfortably at 25 cents per day.

NOTICE.—CASH FOR SLAVES.

Those who wish to sell slaves in Buckingham and the adjacent counties in Virginia,
by application to Anderson D. Abraham, Sr., or his son, Anderson D. Abraham, Jr., they
will find sale, at the highest cash prices, for one hundred and fifty to two hundred
slaves. One or the other of the above parties will be found, for the next eight
months, at their residence in the aforesaid county and state. Address Anderson D.
Abraham, Sr., Maysville Post Office, White Oak Grove, Buckingham County, Va.
Winchester Republican, June 29, 1852:
NEGROES WANTED.

The subscriber having located himself in Winchester, Va., wishes to purchase a


large number of SLAVES of both sexes, for which he will give the highest price in
cash. Persons wishing to dispose of Slaves will find it to their advantage to give
him a call before selling.
All communications addressed to him at the Taylor Hotel, Winchester, Va., will
meet with prompt attention.
Elijah McDowel,
Agent for B. M. & Wm. L. Campbell, of Baltimore.

Dec. 27, 1851.—ly

For Maryland:
Port Tobacco Times, Oct., ‘52:
SLAVES WANTED.

The subscriber is permanently located at Middleville, Charles County (immediately


on the road from Port Tobacco to Allen’s Fresh), where he will be pleased to buy
any Slaves that are for sale. The extreme value will be given at all times, and
liberal commissions paid for information leading to a purchase. Apply personally, or
by letter addressed to Allen’s Fresh, Charles County.
John G. Campbell.

Middleville, April 14, 1852.

Cambridge (Md.) Democrat, October 27, 1852:


NEGROES WANTED.

I wish to inform the slave-holders of Dorchester and the adjacent counties that I
am again in the market. Persons having negroes that are slaves for life to dispose
of will find it to their interest to see me before they sell, as I am determined to
pay the highest prices in cash that the Southern market will justify. I can be found
at A. Hall’s Hotel, in Easton, where I will remain until the first day of July next.
Communications addressed to me at Easton, or information given to Wm. Bell, in
Cambridge, will meet with prompt attention.
I will be at John Bradshaw’s Hotel, in Cambridge, every Monday.
Wm. Harker.

Oct. 6, 1852.—3m

The Westminster Carroltonian, Oct. 22, 1852:

25 NEGROES WANTED.

The undersigned wishes to purchase 25 LIKELY YOUNG NEGROES, for which the
highest cash prices will be paid. All communications addressed to me in Baltimore
will be punctually attended to.
Lewis Winters.

Jan. 2.—tf
For Tennessee the following:
Nashville True Whig, Oct. 20th, ‘52:
FOR SALE.

21 likely Negroes, of different ages.


Oct. 6.

A. A. McLean, Gen. Agent.

WANTED.

I want to purchase, immediately, a Negro man, Carpenter, and will give a good
price.
Oct. 6.

A. A. McLean, Gen. Agent

Nashville Gazette, October 22:


FOR SALE.

SEVERAL likely girls from 10 to 18 years old, a woman 24, a very valuable woman
25 years old, with three very likely children.
Williams & Glover
A. B. U.

Oct. 16th, 1852.

WANTED.

I want to purchase Twenty-five LIKELY NEGROES, between the ages of 18 and 25


years, male and female, for which I will pay the highest price IN CASH.
A. A. McLean,
Cherry Street.
Oct. 20.

The Memphis Daily Eagle and Enquirer:

500 NEGROES WANTED.

We will pay the highest cash price for all good negroes offered. We invite all those
having negroes for sale to call on us at our mart, opposite the lower steamboat
landing. We will also have a large lot of Virginia negroes for sale in the Fall. We
have as safe a jail as any in the country, where we can keep negroes safe for
those that wish them kept.
Bolton, Dickins & Co.

je 13—d & w

LAND AND NEGROES FOR SALE.

A good bargain will be given in about 400 acres of Land; 200 acres are in a fine
state of cultivation, fronting the Railroad about ten miles from Memphis. Together
with 18 or 20 likely negroes, consisting of men, women, boys and girls. Good time
will be given on a portion of the purchase money.
J. M. Provine.

Oct. 17.—1m.

Clarksville Chronicle, Dec. 3, 1852:


NEGROES WANTED.

We wish to hire 25 good Steam Boat hands for the New Orleans and Louisville
trade. We will pay very full prices for the Season, commencing about the 15th
November.
McClure & Crozier, Agents
S. B. Bellpoor

Sept. 10th, 1852.—1m

Missouri:
The Daily St. Louis Times, October 14, 1852:

REUBEN BARTLETT,

On Chesnut, between Sixth and Seventh streets, near the city jail, will pay the
highest price in cash for all good negroes offered. There are also other buyers to
be found in the office very anxious to purchase, who will pay the highest prices
given in cash.
Negroes boarded at the lowest rates.
jy 15—6m.

NEGROES.

BLAKELY and McAFEE having dissolved co-partnership by mutual consent, the


subscriber will at all times pay the highest cash prices for negroes of every
description. Will also attend to the sale of negroes on commission, having a jail
and yard fitted up expressly for boarding them.
☞ Negroes for sale at all times.
3 A. B. McAfee, 93 Olive street.

ONE HUNDRED NEGROES WANTED.

Having just returned from Kentucky, I wish to purchase, as soon as possible, one
hundred likely negroes, consisting of men, women, boys and girls, for which I will
pay at all times from fifty to one hundred dollars on the head more money than
any other trading man in the city of St. Louis, or the State of Missouri. I can at all
times be found at Barnum’s City Hotel, St. Louis, Mo.
je12d&wly. John Mattingly.

From another St. Louis paper:

NEGROES WANTED.

I will pay at all times the highest price in cash for all good negroes offered. I am
buying for the Memphis and Louisiana markets, and can afford to pay, and will
pay, as high as any trading man in this State. All those having negroes to sell will
do well to give me a call at No. 210, corner of Sixth and Wash streets, St Louis,
Mo.
Thos. Dickins,
of the firm of Bolton, Dickins & Co.

o18—6m*

ONE HUNDRED NEGROES WANTED.

Having just returned from Kentucky, I wish to purchase one hundred likely
Negroes, consisting of men and women, boys and girls, for which I will pay in cash
from fifty to one hundred dollars more than any other trading man in the city of
St. Louis or the State of Missouri. I can at all times be found at Barnum’s City
Hotel, St. Louis, Mo.
je14d&wly John Mattingly.

B. M. LYNCH,

No. 104 Locust street, St. Louis, Missouri,


Is prepared to pay the highest prices in cash for good and likely negroes, or will
furnish boarding for others, in comfortable quarters and under secure fastenings.
He will also attend to the sale and purchase of negroes on commission.
☞ Negroes for sale at all times.
&w

We ask you, Christian reader, we beg you to think, what sort of


scenes are going on in Virginia under these advertisements? You see
that they are carefully worded so as to take only the young people;
and they are only a specimen of the standing, season
advertisements which are among the most common things in the
Virginia papers. A succeeding chapter will open to the reader the
interior of these slave-prisons, and show him something of the daily
incidents of this kind of trade. Now let us look at the corresponding
advertisements in the southern states. The coffles made up in
Virginia and other states are thus announced in the southern
market.
From the Natchez (Mississippi) Free Trader, Nov. 20:

NEGROES FOR SALE.

The undersigned have just arrived, direct from Richmond, Va., with a large and
likely lot of Negroes, consisting of Field Hands, House Servants, Seamstresses,
Cooks, Washers and Ironers, a first-rate brick mason, and other mechanics, which
they now offer for sale at the Forks of the Road, near Natchez (Miss.), on the most
accommodating terms.
They will continue to receive fresh supplies from Richmond, Va., during the
season, and will be able to furnish to any order any description of Negroes sold in
Richmond.
Persons wishing to purchase would do well to give us a call before purchasing
elsewhere.
nov20—6m

Matthews, Branton & Co.

To The Public.

NEGROES BOUGHT AND SOLD.

Robert S. Adams & Moses J. Wicks have this day associated themselves under the
name and style of Adams & Wicks, for the purpose of buying and selling Negroes, in
the city of Aberdeen, and elsewhere. They have an Agent who has been
purchasing Negroes for them in the Old States for the last two months. One of the
firm, Robert S. Adams, leaves this day for North Carolina and Virginia, and will buy
a large number of negroes for this market. They will keep at their depot in
Aberdeen, during the coming fall and winter, a large lot of choice Negroes, which
they will sell low for cash, or for bills on Mobile.
Robert S. Adams,
Moses J. Wicks.

Aberdeen, Miss., May 7th, 1852.


SLAVES! SLAVES! SLAVES!

Fresh arrivals weekly.—Having established ourselves at the Forks of the Road, near
Natchez, for a term of years, we have now on hand, and intend to keep
throughout the entire year, a large and well-selected stock of Negroes, consisting
of field-hands, house servants, mechanics, cooks, seamstresses, washers, ironers,
etc., which we can sell and will sell as low or lower than any other house here or
in New Orleans.
Persons wishing to purchase would do well to call on us before making purchases
elsewhere, as our regular arrivals will keep us supplied with a good and general
assortment. Our terms are liberal. Give us a call.
Griffin & Pullum.

Natchez, Oct. 16, 1852. 6m

NEGROES FOR SALE.

I have just returned to my stand, at the Forks of the Road, with fifty likely young
NEGROES for sale.
R. H. Elam.

Sept. 22

NOTICE.

The undersigned would respectfully state to the public that he has leased the
stand in the Forks of the Road, near Natchez, for a term of years, and that he
intends to keep a large lot of NEGROES on hand during the year. He will sell as
low, or lower, than any other trader at this place or in New Orleans.
He has just arrived from Virginia, with a very likely lot of field men and women
and house servants, three cooks, a carpenter and a fine buggy horse, and a
saddle-horse and carryall. Call and see.
Thos. G. James.

Daily Orleanian, Oct. 19, 1852:


W. F. TANNEHILL,
No. 159 Gravier Street.

SLAVES! SLAVES! SLAVES!

Constantly on hand, bought and sold on commission, at most reasonable prices.—


Field hands, cooks, washers and ironers, and general house servants. City
reference given, if required.
Oct 14

DEPOT D’ESCLAVES

DE LA NOUVELLE-ORLEANS.

No. 68, rue Baronne.

Wm. F. Tannehill & Co. ont constamment en mains un assortiment complet


d’ESCLAVES bien choisis A VENDRE. Aussi, vente et achat d’esclaves par commission.
Nous avons actuellement en mains un grand nombre de NEGRES à louer aux mois,
parmi lesquels se trouvent des jeunes garcons, domestiques de maison,
cuisinières, blanchisseuses et repasseuses, nourices, etc.

REFERENCES:

Wright, Williams & Co.


Williams, Phillips & Co.
Moses Greenwood.
Moon, Titus & Co.
S. O. Nelson & Co.
E. W. Diggs. 3ms

New Orleans Daily Crescent, Oct. 21, 1852:


SLAVES.

James White, No. 73 Baronne street, New Orleans, will give strict attention to
receiving, boarding and selling SLAVES consigned to him. He will also buy and sell
on commission. References: Messrs. Robson & Allen, McRea, Coffman & Co.,
Pregram, Bryan & Co.
Sep. 23
NEGROES WANTED.

Fifteen or twenty good Negro Men wanted to go on a Plantation. The best of


wages will be given until the first of January, 1853.
Apply to
Thomas G. Mackey & Co.,
5 Canal street, corner of Magazine, up stairs.

Sep 11

From another number of the Mississippi Free Trader is taken the


following:

NEGROES.

The undersigned would respectfully state to the public that he has a lot of about
forty-five now on hand, having this day received a lot of twenty-five direct from
Virginia, two or three good cooks, a carriage driver, a good house boy, a fiddler, a
fine seamstress and a likely lot of field men and women; all of whom he will sell at
a small profit. He wishes to close out and go on to Virginia after a lot for the fall
trade. Call and see.
Thomas G. James.

The slave-raising business of the northern states has been variously


alluded to and recognized, both in the business statistics of the
states, and occasionally in the speeches of patriotic men, who have
justly mourned over it as a degradation to their country. In 1841, the
British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society addressed to the executive
committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society some inquiries on
the internal American slave-trade.
A labored investigation was made at that time, the results of which
were published in London; and from that volume are made the
following extracts:
The Virginia Times (a weekly newspaper, published at Wheeling, Virginia)
estimates, in 1836, the number of slaves exported for sale from that state alone,
during “the twelve months preceding,” at forty thousand, the aggregate value of
whom is computed at twenty-four millions of dollars.
Allowing for Virginia one-half of the whole exportation during the period in
question, and we have the appalling sum total of eighty thousand slaves exported
in a single year from the breeding states. We cannot decide with certainty what
proportion of the above number was furnished by each of the breeding states, but
Maryland ranks next to Virginia in point of numbers, North Carolina follows
Maryland, Kentucky, North Carolina, then Tennessee and Delaware.
The Natchez (Mississippi) Courier says “that the States of Louisiana, Mississippi,
Alabama and Arkansas, imported two hundred and fifty thousand slaves from the
more northern states in the year 1836.”
This seems absolutely incredible, but it probably includes all the slaves introduced
by the immigration of their masters. The following, from the Virginia Times,
confirms this supposition. In the same paragraph which is referred to under the
second query, it is said:
“We have heard intelligent men estimate the number of slaves exported from
Virginia, within the last twelve months, at a hundred and twenty thousand, each
slave averaging at least six hundred dollars, making an aggregate of seventy-two
million dollars. Of the number of slaves exported, not more than one-third have
been sold; the others having been carried by their masters, who have removed.”
Assuming one-third to be the proportion of the sold, there are more than eighty
thousand imported for sale into the four States of Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama
and Arkansas. Supposing one-half of eighty thousand to be sold into the other
buying states,—S. Carolina, Georgia, and the territory of Florida,—and we are
brought to the conclusion that more than a hundred and twenty thousand slaves
were, for some years previous to the great pecuniary pressure in 1837, exported
from the breeding to the consuming states.
The Baltimore American gives the following from a Mississippi paper of 1837:
“The report made by the committee of the citizens of Mobile, appointed at their
meeting held on the 1st instant; on the subject of the existing pecuniary pressure,
states that so large has been the return of slave labor, that purchases by Alabama
of that species of property from other states, since 1833, have amounted to about
ten million dollars annually.”
“Dealing in slaves,” says the Baltimore (Maryland) Register of 1829, “has become a
large business; establishments are made in several places in Maryland and
Virginia, at which they are sold like cattle. These places of deposit are strongly
built, and well supplied with iron thumb-screws and gags, and ornamented with
cowskins and other whips, oftentimes bloody.”
Professor Dew, now President of the University of William and Mary, in Virginia, in
his review of the debate in the Virginia legislature in 1831–2, says (p. 120):
“A full equivalent being left in the place of the slave (the purchase-money), this
emigration becomes an advantage to the state, and does not check the black
population as much as at first view we might imagine; because it furnishes every
inducement to the master to attend to the negroes, to encourage breeding, and to
cause the greatest number possible to be raised.” Again: “Virginia is, in fact, a
negro-raising state for the other states.”
Mr. Goode, of Virginia, in his speech before the Virginia legislature, in January,
1832, said:
“The superior usefulness of the slaves in the South will constitute an effectual
demand, which will remove them from our limits. We shall send them from our
state, because it will be our interest to do so. But gentlemen are alarmed lest the
markets of other states be closed against the introduction of our slaves. Sir, the
demand for slave labor must increase,” &c.
In the debates of the Virginia Convention, in 1829, Judge Upshur said:
“The value of slaves as an article of property depends much on the state of the
market abroad. In this view, it is the value of land abroad, and not of land here,
which furnishes the ratio. Nothing is more fluctuating than the value of slaves. A
late law of Louisiana reduced their value twenty-five per cent. in two hours after
its passage was known. If it should be our lot, as I trust it will be, to acquire the
country of Texas, their price will rise again.”
Hon. Philip Doddridge, of Virginia, in his speech in the Virginia Convention, in 1829
(Debates p. 89), said:
“The acquisition of Texas will greatly enhance the value of the property in question
(Virginia slaves).”
Rev. Dr. Graham, of Fayetteville, North Carolina, at a Colonization meeting held at
that place in the fall of 1837, said:
“There were nearly seven thousand slaves offered in New Orleans market, last
winter. From Virginia alone six thousand were annually sent to the South, and
from Virginia and North Carolina there had gone to the South, in the last twenty
years, THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND SLAVES.”
Hon. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, in his speech before the Colonization Society, in
1829, says:
“It is believed that nowhere in the farming portion of the United States would
slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor were not tempted to raise
slaves by the high price of the southern markets, which keeps it up in his own.”
The New York Journal of Commerce of October 12th, 1835, contains a letter from
a Virginian, whom the editor calls “a very good and sensible man,” asserting that
twenty thousand slaves had been driven to the South from Virginia that year, but
little more than three-fourths of which had then elapsed.
Mr. Gholson, of Virginia, in his speech in the legislature of that state, January 18,
1831 (see Richmond Whig), says:
“It has always (perhaps erroneously) been considered, by steady and old-
fashioned people, that the owner of land had a reasonable right to its annual
profits; the owner of orchards to their annual fruits; the owner of brood mares to
their product; and the owner of female slaves to their increase. We have not the
fine-spun intelligence nor legal acumen to discover the technical distinctions drawn
by gentlemen (that is, the distinction between female slaves and brood mares).
The legal maxim of partus sequitur ventrem is coëval with the existence of the
right of property itself, and is founded in wisdom and justice. It is on the justice
and inviolability of this maxim that the master foregoes the service of the female
slave, has her nursed and attended during the period of her gestation, and raises
the helpless infant offspring. The value of the property justifies the expense, and I
do not hesitate to say that in its increase consists much of our wealth.”
Can any comment on the state of public sentiment produced by
slavery equal the simple reading of this extract, if we remember that
it was spoken in the Virginia legislature? One would think the cold
cheek of Washington would redden in its grave for shame, that his
native state had sunk so low. That there were Virginian hearts to
feel this disgrace is evident from the following reply of Mr. Faulkner
to Mr. Gholson, in the Virginia House of Delegates, 1832. See
Richmond Whig:
“But he (Mr. Gholson) has labored to show that the abolition of slavery would be
impolitic, because your slaves constitute the entire wealth of the state, all the
productive capacity Virginia possesses; and, sir, as things are, I believe he is
correct. He says that the slaves constitute the entire available wealth of Eastern
Virginia. Is it true that for two hundred years the only increase in the wealth and
resources of Virginia has been a remnant of the natural increase of this miserable
race? Can it be that on this increase she places her sole dependence? Until I heard
these declarations, I had not fully conceived the horrible extent of this evil. These
gentlemen state the fact, which the history and present aspect of the
commonwealth but too well sustain. What, sir! have you lived for two hundred
years without personal effort or productive industry, in extravagance and
indolence, sustained alone by the return from the sales of the increase of slaves,
and retaining merely such a number as your now impoverished lands can sustain
as STOCK?”
Mr. Thomas Jefferson Randolph in the Virginia legislature used the following
language (Liberty Bell, p. 20):
“I agree with gentlemen in the necessity of arming the state for internal defence. I
will unite with them in any effort to restore confidence to the public mind, and to
conduce to the sense of the safety of our wives and our children. Yet, sir, I must
ask upon whom is to fall the burden of this defence? Not upon the lordly masters
of their hundred slaves, who will never turn out except to retire with their families
when danger threatens. No, sir; it is to fall upon the less wealthy class of our
citizens, chiefly upon the non-slaveholder. I have known patrols turned out where
there was not a slave-holder among them; and this is the practice of the country. I
have slept in times of alarm quiet in bed, without having a thought of care, while
these individuals, owning none of this property themselves, were patrolling under
a compulsory process, for a pittance of seventy-five cents per twelve hours, the
very curtilage of my house, and guarding that property which was alike dangerous
to them and myself. After all, this is but an expedient. As this population becomes
more numerous, it becomes less productive. Your guard must be increased, until
finally its profits will not pay for the expense of its subjection. Slavery has the
effect of lessening the free population of a country.
“The gentleman has spoken of the increase of the female slaves being a part of
the profit. It is admitted; but no great evil can be averted, no good attained,
without some inconvenience. It may be questioned how far it is desirable to foster
and encourage this branch of profit. It is a practice, and an increasing practice, in
parts of Virginia, to rear slaves for market. How can an honorable mind, a patriot,
and a lover of his country, bear to see this Ancient Dominion, rendered illustrious
by the noble devotion and patriotism of her sons in the cause of liberty, converted
into one grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for the market, like oxen
for the shambles? Is it better, is it not worse, than the slave-trade;—that trade
which enlisted the labor of the good and wise of every creed, and every clime, to
abolish it? The trader receives the slave, a stranger in language, aspect and
manners, from the merchant who has brought him from the interior. The ties of
father, mother, husband and child, have all been rent in twain; before he receives
him, his soul has become callous. But here, sir, individuals whom the master has
known from infancy, whom he has seen sporting in the innocent gambols of
childhood, who have been accustomed to look to him for protection, he tears from
the mother’s arms, and sells into a strange country, among strange people, subject
to cruel taskmasters.
“He has attempted to justify slavery here because it exists in Africa, and has
stated that it exists all over the world. Upon the same principle, he could justify
Mahometanism, with its plurality of wives, petty wars for plunder, robbery and
murder, or any other of the abominations and enormities of savage tribes. Does
slavery exist in any part of civilized Europe?—No sir, in no part of it.”
The calculations in the volume from which we have been quoting
were made in the year 1841. Since that time, the area of the
southern slave-market has been doubled, and the trade has
undergone a proportional increase. Southern papers are full of its
advertisements. It is, in fact, the great trade of the country. From
the single port of Baltimore, in the last two years, a thousand and
thirty-three slaves have been shipped to the southern market, as is
apparent from the following report of the custom-house officer:
ABSTRACT OF THE NUMBER OF VESSELS CLEARED IN
THE DISTRICT OF BALTIMORE FOR SOUTHERN PORTS,
HAVING SLAVES ON BOARD, FROM JAN. 1, 1851, TO
NOVEMBER 20, 1852.

Date. Denomina’s. Names of Where Nos.


Vessels. Bound.
1851
Jan. 6 Sloop, Georgia, Norfolk, 16
Va.
Jan. 10 Sloop, Georgia, Norfolk, 6
Va.
Jan. 11 Bark, Elizabeth, New 92
Orleans.
Jan. 14 Sloop, Georgia, Norfolk, 9
Va.
Jan. 17 Sloop, Georgia, Norfolk, 6
Va.
Jan. 20 Bark, Cora, New 14
Orleans.
Feb. 6 Bark, E. H. New 31
Chapin, Orleans.
Feb. 8 Bark, Sarah New 34
Bridge, Orleans.
Feb. 12 Sloop, Georgia, Norfolk, 5
Va.
Feb. 24 Schooner, H. A. New 37
Barling, Orleans.
Feb. 26 Sloop, Georgia, Norfolk, 3
Va.
Feb. 28 Sloop, Georgia, Norfolk, 42
Va.
Mar. 10 Ship, Edward New 20
Everett, Orleans.
Mar. 21 Sloop, Georgia, Norfolk, 11
Va.
Mar. 19 Bark, Baltimore, Savannah. 13
Apr. 1 Sloop, Herald, Norfolk, 7
Va.
Apr. 2 Brig, Waverley, New 31
Orleans.
Apr. 18 Sloop, Baltimore, Arquia 4
Creek, Va.
Apr. 23 Ship, Charles, New 25
Orleans.
Apr. 28 Sloop, Georgia, Norfolk, 5
Va.
May 15 Sloop, Herald, Norfolk, 27
Va.
May 17 Schooner, Brilliant, Charleston. 1
June 10 Sloop, Herald, Norfolk, 3
Va.
June 16 Sloop, Georgia, Norfolk, 4
Va.
June 20 Schooner, Truth, Charleston. 5
June 21 Ship, Herman, New 10
Orleans.
July 19 Schooner, Aurora S., Charleston. 1
Sept. 6 Bark, Kirkwood, New 2
Orleans.
Oct. 4 Bark, Abbott New 1
Lord, Orleans.
Oct. 11 Bark, Elizabeth, New 70
Orleans.
Oct. 18 Ship, Edward New 12
Everett, Orleans.
Oct. 20 Sloop, Georgia, Norfolk, 1
Va.
Nov. 13 Ship, Eliza F. New 57
Mason, Orleans.
Nov. 18 Bark, Mary New 47
Broughtons, Orleans.
Dec. 4 Ship, Timalean, New 22
Orleans.
Dec. 18 Schooner, H. A. New 45
Barling, Orleans.

1852.
Jan. 5 Bark, Southerner, New 52
Orleans.
Feb. 7 Ship, Nathan New 51
Hooper, Orleans.
Feb. 21 Ship, Dumbarton, New 22
Orleans.
Mar. 27 Sloop, Palmetto, Charleston. 36
Mar. 4 Sloop, Jewess, Norfolk, 34
Va.
Apr. 24 Sloop, Palmetto, Charleston. 8
Apr. 25 Bark, Abbott New 36
Lord, Orleans.
May 15 Ship, Charles, New 2
Orleans.
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