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different content
but to the Duke’s remonstrances Surrey turned a deaf ear. His
ancestors, he replied, had borne these arms, and he was much
better than they. Powerless to move him, his father, reiterating his
fears that it might furnish occasion for a charge of treason, begged
that the affair might be kept strictly private, to which Surrey readily
agreed. Both men, however, had reckoned without the woman who
was daughter to the one, sister to the other. Whether, as some
41
aver, the Duchess took the step of betraying her brother directly to
the King, or merely corroborated the accusations preferred against
him by others—Sir Richard Southwell, a friend of Surrey’s childhood,
42
being the first to denounce him —the matter soon became known,
the Earl was examined at length, and by the middle of December
was, with his father, lodged in the Tower on the charge of treason,
the assumption of the royal arms being viewed as an implied claim
to the succession to the throne, and as a menace to the little heir.
Hertford and his brother were at hand to exaggerate the peril to be
feared from his ambition; and the affection of the populace, who, as
he was taken through the city to his place of captivity, made great
43
lamentation, was not fitted to allay apprehension. A month later
the Earl’s trial took place at the Guildhall, crowds filling the streets as
he went by. Brought before his judges, he made so spirited a
defence that Holinshed admits that “if he had tempered his answers
with such modesty as he showed token of a right perfect and ready
wit, his praise had been the greater”; and though neither wit nor
modesty was likely to avail to save him, it was not without long
deliberation that the jury agreed to declare him guilty.
Their verdict was pronounced by his implacable enemy, Hertford;
being greeted by the people with “a great tumult, and it was a long
while before they could be silenced, although they cried out to them
44
to be quiet.”
The prisoner received what was practically sentence of death in
characteristic fashion. His enemies might have vanquished him, but
he could still despise them, still assert his inborn superiority to his
victors.
“Of what have you found me guilty?” he demanded. “Surely you
will find no law that justifies you; but I know that the King wants to
get rid of the noble blood around him, and to employ none but low
45
people.”
On January 19, not a week after his trial, the poet, King Henry
VIII.’s latest victim, was beheaded on Tower Hill. It was not the fault
of Henry’s advisers that his aged father did not follow him to the
grave. To have cleared Surrey out of their path was much; but it was
not enough. The Duke’s heir gone, there were many eager to share
amongst themselves the Norfolk spoils; Henry was ready to send his
old servant to join his son; and only the King’s death, on the very
night before the day appointed for the Duke’s execution, saved him
from sharing Surrey’s fate. On January 28, 1547, nine days after the
Earl had been slain, Henry was dead.
The end can have taken few people by surprise. Whether it was
unexpected by the King none can tell. His will was made—a will
paving the way for the misfortunes of one of his kin, and preparing
the scaffold upon which Lady Jane Grey was to die; since, tacitly
setting aside the claims of his elder sister, Margaret of Scotland, and
her heirs, he provided that, after his own children, Edward, Mary,
and Elizabeth, the descendants of Mary Tudor, of whom Jane was, in
the younger generation, the representative, should stand next in the
order of succession to the throne. It was the first occasion upon
which Lady Jane’s position had been explicitly defined, and was the
prelude of the tragedy that was to follow. Should the unrepealed
statutes declaring the King’s daughters illegitimate be permitted in
the future to weigh against his present provisions in their favour, his
great niece or her mother would, in the event of Prince Edward’s
death, become heirs to the crown.
For Henry the opportunity of cancelling, had it been possible, the
injustices of a lifetime was over. “Soon after the death of the Earl of
Surrey,” writes the Spanish chronicler, “the King felt unwell; and, as
he was a wise man, he called his council together, and said to them,
‘Gentlemen, I am unwell, and cannot tell when God may call me, so
I wish to put my soul in order, and to reward my servants for what
they have done.’”
The writer was probably drawing upon his imagination, and
presenting rather a picture of what, in his opinion, ought to have
taken place than of what truly happened. It quickly became patent
to all that the end was at hand; but, though the physicians
represented to those about the dying man that it was fitting that he
should be warned of his condition, most of them shrank from the
task. At length Sir Anthony Denny took the performance of the duty
upon himself, exhorting his master boldly to prepare for death,
“calling himself to remembrance of his former life, and to call upon
46
God in Christ betimes for grace and mercy.”
What followed must again be largely matter of conjecture, the
various accounts being coloured according to the theological views
of the narrator. It is possible that, feeling the end near, and calling to
mind, as Denny bade him, the life he had led, Henry may have been
visited by one of those deathbed repentances so mercilessly
described by Raleigh: “For what do they do otherwise that die this
kind of well-dying, but say to God as followeth: We beseech Thee, O
God, that all the falsehoods, forswearings, and treacheries of our
lives past may be pleasing unto Thee; that Thou wilt, for our sakes
(that have had no leisure to do anything for Thine) change Thy
nature (though impossible) and forget to be a just God; that Thou
wilt love injuries and oppressions, call ambition wisdom, and charity
47
foolishness.” Into the secrets of the deathbed none can penetrate.
Some say the King’s remorse, for the execution of Anne Boleyn in
particular, was genuine; others that he was haunted by visionary
fears and terrors. In the Spanish chronicle quoted above, it is
asserted that, sending for “Madam Mary,” his injured daughter, he
confessed that fortune—he might have said himself—had been hard
against her, that he grieved not to have married her as he wished,
and prayed her further to be a mother to the Prince, “for look, he is
very little yet.”
The same authority has also drawn what one must believe to be
an imaginary picture of a final and affecting interview between
Katherine and her husband, “when the good Queen could not
48
answer for weeping.” His account is uncorroborated by other
evidence, and it is impossible to believe that she can have felt
genuine sorrow for the death of a man whose life was a perpetual
menace to her own.
According to Foxe, when Denny, the courageous servant who
had warned him of his danger, asked whether he would see no
learned divine, the King replied that, were any such to be called, it
should be Cranmer, but him not yet. He would first sleep, and then,
according as he felt, would advise upon the matter. When, an hour
or two later, finding his weakness increasing, he sent for the
Archbishop, it was too late for speech. “Notwithstanding ... he,
reaching his hand to Dr. Cranmer, did hold him fast,” and, desired by
the latter to give some token of trust in God, he “did wring his hand
49
in his as hard as he could, and so, shortly after, departed.”
CHAPTER VI
1547
Triumph of the new men—Somerset made Protector—
Coronation of Edward VI.—Measures of ecclesiastical reform—
The Seymour brothers—Lady Jane Grey entrusted to the
Admiral—The Admiral and Elizabeth—His marriage to
Katherine.
W
ith the death of the King a change, complete and sudden,
passed over the face of affairs. So long as Henry drew
breath all was uncertain; security there was none. The
men who were in favour to-day might be disgraced to-morrow, and
with regard to the government of the country and the guardianship
of the new sovereign all depended upon the state of mind in which
death might find him. Happening when it actually did, it left the
“new men,” the objects of Surrey’s contempt, triumphant. Norfolk
was in prison on a capital charge; his son was dead. Gardiner had
fallen into disgrace at the same time as the Howards, and, though
averting a worse fate by a timely show of submission, had never
regained his power, his name being omitted by Henry from the list of
his executors, all, with the exception of Wriothesley the Chancellor,
adherents of the Seymours and for the most part pledged to the
support of the Protestant interest. Henry had acted deliberately.
T
he belated idyll of love and happiness enjoyed by “Kateryn the
Quene” was of pitifully short duration. During the first days
of September 1548, some fifteen months after the stolen
marriage at Chelsea, a funeral procession left Sudeley Castle, and
the body of the wife of the Lord Admiral was carried forth to burial,
Lady Jane Grey, his ward, then in her twelfth year, acting as chief
61
mourner.
KATHERINE PARR.
Nor can there be any doubt that, apart from the ill offices of
those who desired to separate the interests of the brothers, the
Protector had good reason to stand upon his guard. When Seymour
was tried for his life during the winter of 1548-9, dependants and
equals alike came forward to bear witness to his intriguing
propensities, their evidence going far to prove that, whatever may
be thought of Somerset’s conduct as a brother in sending him to the
scaffold, as head of the State and responsible for the government of
the realm, he was not without justification. It is clear that from the
first the Admiral, jealous of the position accorded to the Duke by the
Council, had been sedulously engaged in attempting to undermine
his power, and had not disguised his resentment at his appropriation
of undivided authority. Never had it been seen in a minority—so he
66
informed a confidant —that the one brother should bear all rule,
the other none. One being Protector, the other should have filled the
post of Governor to the King, so he averred; although, on another
occasion, contradicting himself, he declared he would wish the earth
to open and swallow him rather than accept either post. There was
abundant proof that he had done his utmost, whenever opportunity
was afforded him, to rouse the King to discontent. It was a
disagreeable feature of the day that men were in no wise slack in
accusing their friends in times of disgrace, thereby seeking to
safeguard their reputations; and Dorset came forward later to testify
that Seymour had told him that his nephew had divers times made
his moan, saying that “My uncle of Somerset dealeth very hardly
with me, and keepeth me so straight that I cannot have money at
my will.” The Lord Admiral, added the boy, both sent him money and
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gave it to him.
Perhaps the most significant testimony brought against the
Admiral was that of the little King himself, who asserted that
Seymour had charged him with being “bashful” in his own affairs,
asking why he did not speak to bear rule as did other Kings. “I said I
needed not, for I was well enough,” the boy replied on this occasion.
At another time, according to his confession, a conversation took
place the more grim from the simplicity of the language in which it is
recorded.
“Within these two years at least,” said Edward, now eleven years
old, “he said, ‘Ye must take upon yourself to rule, and then ye may
give your men somewhat; for your uncle is old, and I trust he will
68
not live long.’ I answered it were better that he should die.”
It was scarcely possible that the Protector should not have been
cognisant of a part at least of his brother’s machinations; and he
naturally, so far as was possible, kept his charge from falling further
under the influence of his enemies. The young King’s affection for
his step-mother had been a cause of disquiet to her brother-in-law
and his wife, care being taken to separate him from her as much as
was possible. So long as Katherine remained in London it had been
Edward’s habit to visit her apartments unattended, and by a private
entrance. Familiar intercourse of this kind terminated when she
removed to a distance; and, so far as the Lord Protector could
ensure obedience, little communication was permitted between the
two during the short time the Queen had to live. The boy, however,
was constant to old affection, and used what opportunities he could
to express it.
“If his Grace could get any spare time,” wrote one John Fowler, a
servant of the royal household, to the Admiral, “his Grace would
write a letter to the Queen’s Grace, and to you. His Highness desires
your lordship to pardon him, for his Grace is not half a quarter of an
hour alone. But in such leisure as his Grace has, his Majesty hath
written (here enclosed) his commendations to the Queen’s Grace
and to your lordship, that he is so much bound to you that he must
remember you always, and, as his Grace may have time, you shall
well perceive by such small lines of recommendations with his own
69
hand.”
The scribbled notes, on scraps of paper, written by stealth and
as he could find opportunity, by the King, testify to the closeness of
the watch kept upon him; their contents show the means by which
the Admiral strove to maintain his hold upon his nephew.
“My lord,” so runs the first, “send me, per Latimer, as much as
ye think good, and deliver it to Fowler.” The second note is one of
thanks.
An attempt was made by the Admiral to obtain a letter from the
King which, complaining of the Protector’s system of restraint,
should be laid before Parliament; but the intrigue was discovered,
the Admiral summoned to appear before the Council, and, though he
was at first inclined to bluster, and replied by a defiance, a hint of
imprisonment brought him to reason, and some sort of hollow
reconciliation between the brothers followed.
The King, the unfortunate subject of dispute, was probably
lonely enough. For his tutor, Sir John Cheke, and for his school-mate,
Barnaby Fitzpatrick, he appears to have entertained a real affection;
but for his elder uncle and guardian he had little liking, nor was the
Duchess of Somerset a woman to win the heart of her husband’s
ward. From his step-mother and the Admiral he was practically cut
off; and his sisters, for whom his attachment was genuine, were at a
distance, and paid only occasional visits to Court. Mary’s influence,
as a Catholic, would naturally have been feared; and Elizabeth, living
for the time under the Admiral’s roof, would be regarded likewise
with suspicion. But the happiness of the nominal head of the State
was not a principal consideration with those around him, mostly
engaged in a struggle not only to secure present personal
advantages, but to ensure their continuance at such time as Edward
should have attained his majority.
The relations between the Seymour brothers being that of a
scarcely disguised hostility, the Admiral had the more reason to
congratulate himself upon having obtained the possession and
disposal of the person of Lady Jane Grey—third, save for her mother,
in the line of succession to the throne. Should her guardian succeed
in effecting her marriage with the King the arrangement might prove
of vital importance. On the other hand, Somerset’s matrimonial
schemes for the younger members of the royal house were of an
altogether different nature. He would have liked to marry the King to
a daughter of his own, another Lady Jane, and to have obtained the
hand of Lady Jane Grey for his son, young Lord Hertford.
Such projects, however, belonged to the future. Nothing could
be done for the present, nor does it appear that, when Somerset’s
scheme afterwards became known to the King, it met with any
favour in his eyes; since, noting it in his journal, he added his private
intention of wedding “a foreign princess, well stuffed and jewelled.”
So far as Katherine was concerned, her domestic affairs were
probably causing her too much anxiety to leave attention to spare
for those of King or kingdom, except as they were gratifying, or the
reverse, to her husband. Since the May day when she had given
herself, rashly and eagerly, into the keeping of the Lord Admiral, she
had been sorrowfully enlightened as to the nature of the man and of
his affection; and, if she still loved him, her heart must often have
been heavy. The presence of the Princess Elizabeth under her roof
had been disastrous in its consequences; and, though it was at first
the interest of all to keep the matter secret, the inquisition made at
the time of the Admiral’s disgrace into the circumstances of his
married life affords an insight into his wife’s wrongs.
In a conversation held between Mrs. Ashley, Elizabeth’s
governess, and her cofferer, Parry, after the Queen’s death, the
possibility of a marriage between the widower and the Princess was
discussed, Parry raising objections to the scheme, on the score that
he had heard evil of Seymour as being covetous and oppressive, and
also “how cruelly, dishonourably, and jealously he had used the
Queen.”
Ashley, from first to last eager to forward the Admiral’s interests,
brushed the protest aside.
“Tush, tush,” she replied, “that is no matter. I know him better
than ye do, or those that do so report him. I know he will make but
70
too much of her, and that she knows well enough.”
The same witness confessed at this later date that she feared
the Admiral had loved the Princess too well, and the Queen had
been jealous of both—an avowal corroborated by Elizabeth’s
admissions, when she too underwent examination concerning the
relations which had existed between herself and her step-mother’s
husband.
“Kat Ashley told me,” she deposed, “after the Lord Admiral was
married to the Queen, that if my lord might have had his own will,
he would have had me, afore the Queen. Then I asked her how she
knew that. Then she said she knew it well enough, both from
71
himself and from others.”
72
If the correspondence quoted in a previous page is genuine,
Elizabeth, though she may have had reason to keep her knowledge
to herself, can have been in no doubt as to the Admiral’s sentiments
at the time of her father’s death. With a governess of Mrs. Ashley’s
type, a girl of fifteen such as Elizabeth was shown to be by her
subsequent career, and a man like Seymour, it would not have been
difficult to prophesy trouble. That the Admiral was in love with his
wife’s charge may be doubted; in the same way that ambition,
rather than any other sentiment, may be credited with his desire to
obtain her hand a few months earlier. What was certain was that he
amused himself, after his boisterous fashion, with the sharp-witted
girl to an extent calculated to cause both uneasiness and anger to
the Queen. That no actual harm was intended may be true—he
could scarcely have been blind to the consequences had he dared to
deal otherwise with the daughter and sister of Kings; and the whole
story, when it subsequently came to light, reads like an instance of
coarse and vulgar flirtation, in harmony with the nature of the man
and the habits of the times. What is less easy to account for is
Katherine’s partial connivance, in its earlier stages, at the rough
horse-play, if nothing worse, carried on by her husband and her
step-daughter. A scene, for example, is described as taking place at
Hanworth, where the Admiral, in the garden with his wife and the
Princess, cut the girl’s gown, “being black cloth,” into a hundred
pieces; Elizabeth replying to Mrs. Ashley’s protests by saying that
“she could not strive with all, for the Queen held her while the Lord
Admiral cut the dress.” Nor was this the only occasion upon which
Katherine appears to have looked on without disapproval whilst her
husband treated her charge in a fashion befitting her character
neither as Princess nor guest.
The explanation may lie in the fact that the unfortunate Queen
was attempting to adapt her taste and her manners to those of the
man she had married. But the condition of the household could not
last. A crisis was reached when one day Katherine, coming
unexpectedly upon the two, found Seymour with the Princess in his
arms, and decided, none too soon, that an end must be put to the
situation. It was not long after that the households of Queen and
Princess were parted, “and as I remember,” explained Parry the
cofferer, “this was the cause why she was sent from the Queen, or
else that her Grace parted from the Queen. I do not perfectly
remember whether of both she [Ashley] said she went of herself or
73
was sent away.”
There can be little doubt, one would imagine, that it was
Katherine who determined to disembarrass herself of her visitor. A
letter from Elizabeth, evidently written after their separation,
appears to show that farewell had been taken in outwardly friendly
fashion, although the promise she quotes Katherine as making has
an ambiguous sound about it. The Princess wrote to say that she
had been replete in sorrow at leaving the Queen, “and albeit I
answered little, I weighed it more deeply when you said you would
warn me of all evils that you should hear of me; for if your Grace
had not a good opinion of me, you would not have offered friendship
74
to me that way, that all men judge the contrary.”
It is not difficult to detect the sore feeling underlying Elizabeth’s
acknowledgments of a promise of open criticism. Katherine must
have breathed more freely when the Princess and her governess had
quitted the house.
Meantime, in spite of disappointment and anger and care, the
winter was to bring the Queen one genuine cause of rejoicing.
Thrice married without children, she was hoping to give Seymour an
heir, and the prospect was hailed with delight by husband and wife
alike. In her gladness, and the chief cause of dissension removed,
her just grounds of complaint were forgotten; her letters continued
to be couched in terms as loving as if no domestic friction had
interrupted her wedded happiness, and she ranged herself upon
Seymour’s side in his recurrent disputes with his brother with a
passionate vehemence out of keeping with her character.
“This shall be to advertise you,” she wrote some time in 1548,
“that my lord your brother hath this afternoon made me a little
warm. It was fortunate we were so much distant, for I suppose else
I should have bitten him. What cause have they to fear having such
a wife! It is requisite for them continually to pray for a dispatch of
that hell. To-morrow, or else upon Saturday ... I will see the King,
where I intend to utter all my choler to my lord your brother, if you
75
shall not give me advice to the contrary.”
Another letter, also indicating the strained relations existing
between the brothers, is again full of affection for the man who
deserved it so ill.
“I gave your little knave your blessing,” she tells the Admiral,
alluding to the unborn child neither parent was to see grow up, “...
bidding my sweetheart and loving husband better to fare than
76
myself.”
A few months more, and hope and fear and love and
disappointment were alike to find an end. Sudeley Castle, where the
final scene took place, was a property granted to the Admiral on the
death of the late King, from which he took his title as Lord Seymour
of Sudeley. It was a question whether those responsible for the
government had the right of alienating possessions of the Crown
during the minority of a sovereign, and the tenure upon which the
place was held was therefore insecure, Katherine asserting on one
occasion that it was her husband’s intention to restore it to his
nephew when he should come of age. In awaiting that event
Seymour and his wife had the enjoyment of the beauty for which the
old building had long been noted.
“Ah, Sudeley Castle, thou art the traitor, not I!” said one of its
former lords as, arrested by the orders of Henry IV. for treason, and
taken away to abide his trial, he cast a last look back at his home—a
possession worthy of being coveted by a King, and by the attainder
of its owner forfeited to the Crown.
Here, during the summer of 1548—the last Katherine was to see
—a motley company gathered round the Queen. Jane Grey, “the
young and early wise,” was still a member of her household, and the
repudiated wife of Katherine’s brother, the Earl of Northampton—
placed, it would seem, under some species of restraint—was in the
keeping of her sister-in-law. Her true and tried friend, Lady Tyrwhitt,
described by her husband as half a Scripture woman, kept her
company, as she had done in her perilous days of royal state.
Learned divines, living with her in the capacity of chaplains, were
inmates of the castle, charged with the duty of performing service
twice each day—exercises little to the taste of the master of the
house, who made no secret of his aversion for them.
“I have heard say,” affirmed Latimer, in the course of one of the
sermons, preached after Seymour’s execution, in which the Bishop
took occasion again and again to revile the dead man, “I have heard
say that when the good Queen that is gone had ordained daily
prayer in her house, both before noon and after noon, the Admiral
getteth him out of the way, like a mole digging in the earth. He shall
77
be Lot’s wife to me as long as I live.”
To Sudeley also had repaired, in the course of the summer, Lord
Dorset, possibly desirous of assuring himself that all was well with
his little daughter. He may have had other objects in view. According
to his subsequent confession, Seymour had discussed with him the
methods to be pursued in order to gain popularity in the country,
making significant inquiries as to the formation of the marquis’s
household.
Learning that Dorset had divers gentlemen who were his
servants, the Admiral admitted that it was well. “Yet,” he added
shrewdly, “trust not too much to the gentlemen, for they have
something to lose”; proceeding to urge his ally to make much of the
chief yeomen and men of their class, who were able to persuade the
multitude; to visit them in their houses, bringing venison and wine;
to use familiarity with them, and thus to gain their love. Such, he
78
added, was his own intention.
Another inmate had been received at Sudeley not more than a
few weeks before Katherine’s confinement. This was the Princess
Elizabeth, who appears, by a letter she addressed to the Queen
when the visit had been concluded, to have been at this time again
on terms of friendship and affection with her step-mother, since
writing to Katherine with very little leisure on the last day of July,
she returned humble thanks for the Queen’s wish that she should
have remained with her “till she were weary of that country.” Yet in
spite of the hospitable desire, she can scarcely have been a welcome
guest, and it must have been with little regret that her step-mother
saw her depart.
Meantime, the birth of the Queen’s child was anxiously expected.
Seymour characteristically desired a son who “should God give him
life to live as long as his father, will avenge his wrongs”—the
problematical wrongs of a man who had risen to his heights.
Elizabeth, who had done her best to wreck the Queen’s happiness
and peace, was “praying the Almighty God to send her a most lucky
deliverance”; and Mary, more sincere in her friendship, wrote a letter
full of affection to her step-mother. The preparations made by
Katherine for the new-comer equalled in magnificence those that
might have befitted a Prince of Wales; and though the birth of a girl,
on August 30, must have been in some degree a disappointment,
she received a welcome scarcely less warm than might have been
accorded to the desired son. A general reconciliation appears to have
taken place on the occasion, and the Protector responded to the
announcement of the event in terms of cordial congratulation,
regarding the advent of so pretty a daughter in the light of a
“prophesy and good hansell to a great sort of happy sons.”
Eight days after the rejoicings at the birth Katherine was dead.
Into the circumstances attending her illness and death close
inquisition was made at a time when it had become an object to
throw discredit upon the Admiral, and foul play—the use of poison—
was suggested. The charge was probably without foundation; the
facts elicited nevertheless afford additional proof of the
unsatisfactory relations existing between husband and wife, and
throw a melancholy light upon the closing scene of the union from
which so much had been hoped.
It was deposed by Lady Tyrwhitt, one of the principal witnesses,
that, upon her visiting the chamber of the sick woman one morning,
two days before her death, Katherine had asked where she had been
so long, adding that “she did fear such things in herself that she was
sure she could not live.” When her friend attempted to soothe her by
reassuring words, the Queen went on to say—holding her husband’s
hand and being, as Lady Tyrwhitt thought, partly delirious—“I am
not well handled; for those that be about me care not for me, but
stand laughing at my grief, and the more good I will to them the less
good they will to me.”
The words, to those cognisant of the condition of the household,
must have been startling. The Queen may have been wandering, yet
her complaint, as such complaints do, pointed to a truth. Others
besides Lady Tyrwhitt were standing by; and Seymour made no
attempt to ignore his wife’s meaning, or to deny that the charge was
directed against himself.
“Why, sweet heart,” he said, “I would do you no hurt.”
“No, my lord, I think not,” answered Katherine aloud, adding, in
his ear, “but, my lord, you have given me many shrewd taunts.”
“These words,” said Lady Tyrwhitt in her narrative, “I perceived
she spake with good memory, and very sharply and earnestly, for
her mind was sore disquieted.”
After consultation it was decided that Seymour should lie down
by her side and seek to quiet her by gentle words; but his efforts
were ineffectual, the Queen interrupting him by saying, roundly and
sharply, “that she would have given a thousand marks to have had
her full talk with the doctor on the day of her delivery, but dared not,
for fear of his displeasure.”
“And I, hearing that,” said the lady-in-waiting, “perceived her
trouble to be so great, that my heart would serve me to hear no
79
more.”
Yet on that same day the dying Queen made her will and, “being
persuaded and perceiving the extremity of death to approach her,”
left all she possessed to her husband, wishing it a thousand times
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more in value than it was.
Whether pressure was used, or whether, in spite of all, her old
love awakened and stirred her to kindness towards the man she was
leaving, there is nothing to show. But the names of the witnesses—
Robert Huyck, the physician attending her, and John Parkhurst, her
chaplain, afterwards a Bishop—would seem a guarantee that the
document, dictated but not signed—no uncommon case—was
genuine.
For the rest, Seymour was coarse and heartless, a man of
ambition, and intent upon the furtherance of his fortunes. It is not
unlikely that, when his wife lay dying, his thoughts may have turned
to the girl to whom he had in his own way already made love; who,
of higher rank than the Queen, might serve his interests better, and
whom her death would leave him free to win as his bride. And
Katherine, with the memories of the last two years to aid her and
with the intuitions born of love and jealousy, may have divined his
thoughts. But of murder, or of hastening the end by actual
unkindness, there is no reason to suspect him. The affair was in any
case sufficiently tragic, and one more mournful recollection to be
stored in the minds of those who had loved the Queen.
CHAPTER VIII
1548
Lady Jane’s temporary return to her father—He surrenders
her again to the Admiral—The terms of the bargain.
O
ne of the secondary but immediate effects of the Queen’s
death was to send Lady Jane Grey back to her parents. It
was indeed to Seymour, and not to his wife, that the care
of the child had been entrusted; but in his first confusion of mind
after what he termed his great loss, the Admiral appears to have
recognised the difficulty of providing a home for a girl in her twelfth
year in a house without a mistress, and to have offered to relinquish
her to her natural guardians.