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Sanshipt Brahma Purana Gita Press Gorakhpur Install Download

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different content
but to the Duke’s remonstrances Surrey turned a deaf ear. His
ancestors, he replied, had borne these arms, and he was much
better than they. Powerless to move him, his father, reiterating his
fears that it might furnish occasion for a charge of treason, begged
that the affair might be kept strictly private, to which Surrey readily
agreed. Both men, however, had reckoned without the woman who
was daughter to the one, sister to the other. Whether, as some
41
aver, the Duchess took the step of betraying her brother directly to
the King, or merely corroborated the accusations preferred against
him by others—Sir Richard Southwell, a friend of Surrey’s childhood,
42
being the first to denounce him —the matter soon became known,
the Earl was examined at length, and by the middle of December
was, with his father, lodged in the Tower on the charge of treason,
the assumption of the royal arms being viewed as an implied claim
to the succession to the throne, and as a menace to the little heir.
Hertford and his brother were at hand to exaggerate the peril to be
feared from his ambition; and the affection of the populace, who, as
he was taken through the city to his place of captivity, made great
43
lamentation, was not fitted to allay apprehension. A month later
the Earl’s trial took place at the Guildhall, crowds filling the streets as
he went by. Brought before his judges, he made so spirited a
defence that Holinshed admits that “if he had tempered his answers
with such modesty as he showed token of a right perfect and ready
wit, his praise had been the greater”; and though neither wit nor
modesty was likely to avail to save him, it was not without long
deliberation that the jury agreed to declare him guilty.
Their verdict was pronounced by his implacable enemy, Hertford;
being greeted by the people with “a great tumult, and it was a long
while before they could be silenced, although they cried out to them
44
to be quiet.”
The prisoner received what was practically sentence of death in
characteristic fashion. His enemies might have vanquished him, but
he could still despise them, still assert his inborn superiority to his
victors.
“Of what have you found me guilty?” he demanded. “Surely you
will find no law that justifies you; but I know that the King wants to
get rid of the noble blood around him, and to employ none but low
45
people.”
On January 19, not a week after his trial, the poet, King Henry
VIII.’s latest victim, was beheaded on Tower Hill. It was not the fault
of Henry’s advisers that his aged father did not follow him to the
grave. To have cleared Surrey out of their path was much; but it was
not enough. The Duke’s heir gone, there were many eager to share
amongst themselves the Norfolk spoils; Henry was ready to send his
old servant to join his son; and only the King’s death, on the very
night before the day appointed for the Duke’s execution, saved him
from sharing Surrey’s fate. On January 28, 1547, nine days after the
Earl had been slain, Henry was dead.
The end can have taken few people by surprise. Whether it was
unexpected by the King none can tell. His will was made—a will
paving the way for the misfortunes of one of his kin, and preparing
the scaffold upon which Lady Jane Grey was to die; since, tacitly
setting aside the claims of his elder sister, Margaret of Scotland, and
her heirs, he provided that, after his own children, Edward, Mary,
and Elizabeth, the descendants of Mary Tudor, of whom Jane was, in
the younger generation, the representative, should stand next in the
order of succession to the throne. It was the first occasion upon
which Lady Jane’s position had been explicitly defined, and was the
prelude of the tragedy that was to follow. Should the unrepealed
statutes declaring the King’s daughters illegitimate be permitted in
the future to weigh against his present provisions in their favour, his
great niece or her mother would, in the event of Prince Edward’s
death, become heirs to the crown.
For Henry the opportunity of cancelling, had it been possible, the
injustices of a lifetime was over. “Soon after the death of the Earl of
Surrey,” writes the Spanish chronicler, “the King felt unwell; and, as
he was a wise man, he called his council together, and said to them,
‘Gentlemen, I am unwell, and cannot tell when God may call me, so
I wish to put my soul in order, and to reward my servants for what
they have done.’”
The writer was probably drawing upon his imagination, and
presenting rather a picture of what, in his opinion, ought to have
taken place than of what truly happened. It quickly became patent
to all that the end was at hand; but, though the physicians
represented to those about the dying man that it was fitting that he
should be warned of his condition, most of them shrank from the
task. At length Sir Anthony Denny took the performance of the duty
upon himself, exhorting his master boldly to prepare for death,
“calling himself to remembrance of his former life, and to call upon
46
God in Christ betimes for grace and mercy.”
What followed must again be largely matter of conjecture, the
various accounts being coloured according to the theological views
of the narrator. It is possible that, feeling the end near, and calling to
mind, as Denny bade him, the life he had led, Henry may have been
visited by one of those deathbed repentances so mercilessly
described by Raleigh: “For what do they do otherwise that die this
kind of well-dying, but say to God as followeth: We beseech Thee, O
God, that all the falsehoods, forswearings, and treacheries of our
lives past may be pleasing unto Thee; that Thou wilt, for our sakes
(that have had no leisure to do anything for Thine) change Thy
nature (though impossible) and forget to be a just God; that Thou
wilt love injuries and oppressions, call ambition wisdom, and charity
47
foolishness.” Into the secrets of the deathbed none can penetrate.
Some say the King’s remorse, for the execution of Anne Boleyn in
particular, was genuine; others that he was haunted by visionary
fears and terrors. In the Spanish chronicle quoted above, it is
asserted that, sending for “Madam Mary,” his injured daughter, he
confessed that fortune—he might have said himself—had been hard
against her, that he grieved not to have married her as he wished,
and prayed her further to be a mother to the Prince, “for look, he is
very little yet.”
The same authority has also drawn what one must believe to be
an imaginary picture of a final and affecting interview between
Katherine and her husband, “when the good Queen could not
48
answer for weeping.” His account is uncorroborated by other
evidence, and it is impossible to believe that she can have felt
genuine sorrow for the death of a man whose life was a perpetual
menace to her own.
According to Foxe, when Denny, the courageous servant who
had warned him of his danger, asked whether he would see no
learned divine, the King replied that, were any such to be called, it
should be Cranmer, but him not yet. He would first sleep, and then,
according as he felt, would advise upon the matter. When, an hour
or two later, finding his weakness increasing, he sent for the
Archbishop, it was too late for speech. “Notwithstanding ... he,
reaching his hand to Dr. Cranmer, did hold him fast,” and, desired by
the latter to give some token of trust in God, he “did wring his hand
49
in his as hard as he could, and so, shortly after, departed.”
CHAPTER VI
1547
Triumph of the new men—Somerset made Protector—
Coronation of Edward VI.—Measures of ecclesiastical reform—
The Seymour brothers—Lady Jane Grey entrusted to the
Admiral—The Admiral and Elizabeth—His marriage to
Katherine.

W
ith the death of the King a change, complete and sudden,
passed over the face of affairs. So long as Henry drew
breath all was uncertain; security there was none. The
men who were in favour to-day might be disgraced to-morrow, and
with regard to the government of the country and the guardianship
of the new sovereign all depended upon the state of mind in which
death might find him. Happening when it actually did, it left the
“new men,” the objects of Surrey’s contempt, triumphant. Norfolk
was in prison on a capital charge; his son was dead. Gardiner had
fallen into disgrace at the same time as the Howards, and, though
averting a worse fate by a timely show of submission, had never
regained his power, his name being omitted by Henry from the list of
his executors, all, with the exception of Wriothesley the Chancellor,
adherents of the Seymours and for the most part pledged to the
support of the Protestant interest. Henry had acted deliberately.

“My Lord of Winchester—I think by negligence—is left out of


Your Majesty’s will,” said Sir Anthony Browne, kneeling by the King’s
side, and recalling to the dying man the Bishop’s long service and
great abilities. But Henry refused to reconsider the question.
“Hold your peace,” he returned. “I remembered him well
enough, and of good purpose have left him out; for surely, if he
were in my testament, and one of you, he would cumber you all,
50
and you should never rule him, he is of so troublesome a nature.”
Gardiner removed, there was no one left of sufficient influence
to combat the Seymours. Their day was come.
The King’s death had taken place on Friday, January 28. The
Council, for reasons of their own, kept the news secret until the
following Monday, when, amidst a scene of strong emotion, real or
simulated, the fact was made known to Lords and Commons,
Parliament was dissolved, and the Commons dismissed, the peers
staying in London to welcome their new sovereign. On February 1 a
fresh and crowning success was scored by the dominant party, and
Hertford—Wriothesley’s being the sole dissentient voice in the
governing body—was made Protector and guardian of the King. That
afternoon Edward received the homage of the Lords spiritual and
temporal, and the new reign was inaugurated.
On the 20th of the same month the coronation took place with
all magnificence. On the previous day the nine-year-old King had
been brought “through his city of London in most royal and goodly
wise” to Westminster, the crafts standing on one side of the streets
to see him pass, priests and clerks on the other, with crosses and
censers, waiting to cense the new sovereign as he went by. The
sword of state was borne by Dorset, as Constable of England, and
his daughter, the same age as the King, was probably a witness of
the splendid pageant and watched her cousin as, in his gown of
cloth of silver embroidered in gold and with his white velvet jerkin
51
and cape, he rode through the city.
At the coronation on the following day Dorset again occupied a
prominent place, standing by the King and carrying the sceptre,
Somerset bearing the crown. Cranmer, with no longer anything to
fear from his enemies, performed the ceremony and delivered an
address that can have left no doubt in the minds of any of his
hearers, if such there were, who had clung to the hope that a
moderate policy would be pursued in ecclesiastical matters, of what
was to be expected from the men who had in their hands the little
head of Church and State. As God’s Vice-regent and Christ’s Vicar,
Edward Tudor was exhorted to see that God was worshipped,
idolatry destroyed, the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome banished, and
images removed, the hybrid ceremony being concluded by a solemn
high mass, Cranmer acting as celebrant.
Signal success had attended the inauguration of the new régime.
Dissentients were almost nonexistent. Wriothesley, now Earl of
Southampton, remained the solitary genuine adherent of the old
faith belonging to the Council. His lack of caution in putting the great
seal into commission without the authority of his colleagues afforded
them an excuse for ousting him from his post of Chancellor; he was
compelled to resign his office, and received orders to confine himself
to his house, whilst Hertford, become Duke of Somerset, took
advantage of his absence to obtain letters patent by which he
became virtually omnipotent in the State.
The earlier months of his government were chiefly devoted to
carrying through drastic measures of ecclesiastical reform, in which
he was aided by conviction in some, and cupidity in others, of his
colleagues, eager to benefit by the spoliation of the Church. With the
education of the King in the hands of the Protector, they could count
upon immunity when he should come to an age to execute justice
on his own account, and the work went swiftly forward. Gardiner, it
was true, offered a determined opposition. If he had pandered to his
old master, he vindicated his character for courage by braving the
resentment of the men now in power, and paid for his boldness by
imprisonment.
By September the internal affairs of the kingdom were on a
sufficiently settled footing to allow the Protector to turn his attention
to Scotland. Crossing the border with an army of twenty thousand
men, he conducted in person a short campaign ending with the
victory of Pinkie, after which, to the surprise of those who expected
to see him follow up his success, he hurried home.
His hasty retreat was ascribed to different causes. Some
supposed him eager to be again at his post, with the prestige of his
victory still fresh. By others it was imagined that he feared the
intrigues of his enemies, and in especial of his brother the Admiral.
Nor would such uneasiness have been without justification. So long
as their combined strength was necessary to enable them to stand
against their enemies, the two had made common cause. Somerset
was popular in the country; the nobles preferred the Admiral. For
both a certain distrust was entertained by those who felt that “their
new lustre did dim the light of men honoured with ancient
52
nobility. ” The consciousness of insecurity kept them at one with
each other. Become all-powerful in the State, jealousy and passion
sundered them. Ambitious, proud, and resentful of the Duke’s
assumption of undivided authority, Seymour had quickly shown an
intention of undermining his brother’s position in the country, with
his hold upon the King, and the Protector may reasonably have felt
that it was neither safe nor politic, so far as his personal interest was
concerned, to remain too long at a distance from the centre of
government.
To the jealousies natural to ambitious men other causes of
dissension had been added. These were due to the position achieved
by Seymour some months previous to the Scotch campaign by his
marriage with the King’s widow.
The conduct of Katherine at this juncture is allowed by her
warmest partisans to furnish matter for regret. Little information is
forthcoming concerning her movements at the time of the King’s
death; nor does any blame attach to her if she regarded that event
in the light of a timely release, an emancipation from a condition of
perpetual unrest and anxiety. In any case the age was not one when
overmuch time was squandered in mourning, real or conventional,
for the dead; and, judging by the sequel, it is possible that, even
before the final close was put to her married life, she may have been
contemplating the recovery of her lost lover. It is said that when the
Lord Admiral paid her his formal visit of condolence she not only
received him in private, but candidly confessed how slight was her
reason to regret a man who had done her the wrong of
53
appropriating her youth.
If the conversation is correctly reported, Seymour would augur
well of the Queen’s willingness, so far as was possible, to make up
for lost time. But he was not himself inclined to be hurried. Intent
upon securing every means within his power to assist him in the
coming struggle for pre-eminence, he did not at once convince
himself that it was his best policy to become the husband of the
King’s step-mother, and that a more advantageous alliance was not
within his grasp.
Other matters were also occupying his attention; and it was now
that Lady Jane Grey, unfortunately a factor of importance in the
political world, was brought prominently forward and that her small
figure comes first into view in connection with the competition for
power and influence.
Although allied with the royal house, and in a position to share in
some sort Surrey’s contempt for the parvenu nobility of whom the
Seymours were representative, Dorset and the King’s uncles, agreed
upon the crucial matter of religion, were on good terms; and Henry
was no sooner dead than it occurred to the Admiral that he might
steal a march upon his brother and secure to himself a point of
vantage in the contest between them, by obtaining the custody for
the present, and the disposal in the future, of the marquis’s eldest
daughter.
He lost no time in attempting to compass his purpose.
Immediately after the late King’s death—according to statements
made when, at a later date, Seymour had fallen upon evil times—
Lord Dorset received a visit from a dependant of the Admiral’s,
named Harrington, and the negotiations ending in the transference
of the practical guardianship of the child to Seymour were set on
foot.
Harrington was, it would seem, the bearer of a letter from his
master, containing the proposal that Lady Jane should be committed
to his care; and found the Marquis, on this first occasion, “somewhat
cold” in the matter. The messenger, however, proceeded to urge the
wishes of his principal, supporting them by arguments well
calculated to appeal to an ambitious man. He reported that he had
heard Seymour say “that Lady Jane was as handsome as any lady in
England, and that, if the King’s Majesty, when he came of age,
would marry within the realm, it was as likely he would be there as
54
in any other place, and that he [the Admiral] would wish it.”
Such was Harrington’s deposition. Dorset’s account of the
interview is to much the same effect. Visiting him at his house at
Westminster “immediately after the King’s death,” he stated that
Seymour’s envoy had advised him to be content that his daughter
should be with the Admiral, assuring him that he would find means
to place her in marriage much to his comfort.
“With whom?” demanded Dorset, plainly anxious to obtain an
explicit pledge.
“Marry,” answered Harrington, “I doubt not you shall see him
marry her to the King.”
As a consequence of this conversation Dorset called upon the
Admiral at Seymour House a week later, and as the two walked in
the garden an agreement was arrived at, and her father was won
over to send for the child, who thereafter remained in the Admiral’s
55
house “continually” until the death of the Queen.
It was a strange arrangement; the more so that it was evidently
concluded before the marriage of the late King’s widow to Seymour,
a man one would imagine to have been in no wise fit to be entrusted
with the sole guardianship of the little girl. But Dorset was
ambitious; the favour of the King’s uncle, with the possibility of
securing the King himself as a son-in-law, was not lightly to be
forgone; and the sacrifice of Jane was made, not for the last time, to
her father’s interest.
To the child herself the change from the Bradgate fields and
parks to the London home of her new guardian must have been
abrupt. Yet, though she may have felt bewildered and desolate in
her new surroundings and separated from her two little sisters, her
training at home had not been of a description to cause her
overmuch regret at a parting from those responsible for it. It has
been said that every child should dwell for a time within an Eden of
its own, and with many men and women the recollection of the
unclouded irrational joy belonging to a childhood surrounded by love
and tenderness may have constituted in after years a pledge and a
guarantee that happiness is possible, and that, in spite of sin and
sorrow and suffering, the world is still, as God saw it at creation,
very good. The garden in which little Jane’s childhood was passed
was one of a different nature. “No lady,” says Fuller pitifully, “which
led so many pious, lived so few pleasant days, whose soul was never
out of the nonage of affliction till Death made her of full years to
inherit happiness, so severe her education.” Her father’s house was
56
to her a house of correction.
Such being the case, the less regret can have mingled with the
natural excitement of a child brought into wholly new conditions of
life, and treated perhaps for the first time as a person of importance.
Nor was it long before circumstances provided her with a home to
which no exception could be taken. By June Seymour’s marriage
with the Queen-Dowager had been made public.
In the interval, short though it was, that elapsed between the
King’s death and the union of his widow and the Admiral, Seymour
had had time, before committing himself to a renewal of his suit to
Katherine, to attempt a more brilliant match. Henry had been
scarcely a month dead before he addressed a letter, couched in the
correct terms of conventional love-making, to the Princess Elizabeth,
now fourteen. He wished, he wrote, that it were possible to
communicate to the missive the virtue of rousing in her heart as
much favour towards him as his was full of love for her, proceeding
to pay the customary tribute to the beauty and charm, together with
“a certain fascination I cannot resist,” by which he had been
subjugated.
Elizabeth, at fourteen, was keen-witted enough to estimate
aright the advantages offered by a marriage with the uncle of the
reigning sovereign. Nor was she, perhaps, judging by what followed,
indifferent to the personal attractions of this, her first suitor. Though
a certain impression of vulgarity is conveyed, in spite of his
magnificent voice and splendid appearance, by the Lord Admiral, a
child twenty years younger than himself was not likely to detect, in
the recognised Adonis of the Court, the presence of this somewhat
indefinable attribute. In her eyes he was doubtless a dazzling figure;
and though she replied by a polite refusal to entertain his addresses,
it is said that she afterwards owed her step-mother a grudge for
having discouraged her from accepting them. Her answer was,
however, a model of maidenly modesty. She had, she stated, neither
age nor inclination to think of marriage, and would never have
believed that the subject would have been broached so soon after
her father’s death. Two years at least must be passed in mourning,
nor could she decide to become a wife before she had reached years
57
of discretion.
That problematical date would not be patiently awaited by a
man intent upon building up without delay the fabric of his fortunes;
and, denied the late King’s daughter, Seymour promptly fell back
upon his wife. A graphic account of the beginning of his courtship is
supplied by the Spanish chronicle, and, if not reliable for accuracy,
the narrative no doubt represents what was believed in London,
where the writer was resident. The question of the marriage had
been, according to him, first mooted to the Council by the Protector,
and though other authorities assert that the Duke was opposed to
the match, both facts may be true. It is not inconceivable that,
whilst he would have preferred that his brother should have looked
less high for a wife, the possibility that Seymour might have
obtained the hand of the King’s sister may have caused the Protector
to regard with favour an arrangement putting a marriage with the
Princess out of the question.
At the Council Board it is said that the proposal received the
approbation of the Chancellor. Cranmer, though characterising it as
an act of disrespect to the memory of the late King, promised to
interpose no obstacle. Paget, the Secretary, went further, engaging
that his wife, in attendance on the Queen, should push the matter to
the best of her ability.
After dinner one day, accordingly—to continue the narrative of
the Spaniard—when the Queen, with all her ladies, was in the great
hall of the palace, and the Lord Admiral entered, “looking so
handsome that every one had something to say about him,” Lady
Paget, taking her opportunity, made a whispered inquiry to the
Queen as to her opinion of Seymour’s appearance. To which the
Queen answered that she liked it very much—“oh, how changeable,”
sighs the chronicler, “are women in that country!” Encouraged by
Katherine’s reply, Lady Paget ventured to go further, and to hint at a
marriage; answering, when the Queen replied by demurring on the
score of her superior rank as Queen-Dowager, that to win so pretty a
man you might well stoop. Katherine would, she added, continue to
58
retain her royal title.
The Queen did not prove difficult to persuade. If it is true that
she had been cognisant of Seymour’s attempt to obtain the hand of
her step-daughter, the fact might have warned her of the nature of
the love he was offering to herself. But a woman in her state of mind
is not accessible to reason. A little more than a month after Henry’s
death the betrothal took place, the marriage following upon it in
May, and the haste displayed giving singular proof of how far the
Queen’s old passion had mastered prudence and discretion. The
world was scandalised, and the King’s daughters in particular were
strong in their disapproval; Mary, the more energetic of the two on
this occasion, summoning her sister to visit her, that together they
might devise means of preventing the impending insult to their
father’s memory, or concert a method of making their attitude clear.
Elizabeth, though her objections to the match were probably, on
personal grounds, stronger than those of her sister, was more
cautious than Mary. The girl, or her advisers, may have been aware
of the fact that opposition to the King’s uncle would be a dangerous
course to be pursued by any one whose future was as ill assured as
her own; and, in answer to her sister, she pointed out, though
expressing her grief at the affair, that their sole consolation would lie
in submission to the will of Providence, since neither was able to
offer practical resistance to the project. Dissimulation, under these
circumstances, would be their best policy. Mary might decline to visit
the Queen, but in Elizabeth’s subordinate position she would herself
be compelled to do so, her step-mother having shown her so much
59
kindness.
Despite public censure, despite the blame and disapproval of
critics whose disapproval would carry more weight, Katherine may
not at this time have regretted her defiance of conventional
propriety; and those spring weeks, passed at her jointure palace in
Chelsea, were probably the happiest of her life. The nightmare sense
of insecurity, which can never have been wholly laid to rest so long
as Henry lived, was removed; the price exacted for her royal dignity
had been paid, to the uttermost farthing; and she was a free
woman. Her old love for Seymour had re-awakened in full force, and
she believed it was returned. Pious and prudent, Katherine had
forgotten to be wise. Disillusionment might come later, but at
present the future smiled upon her; and she may fairly have counted
upon it to pay, at long last, the debts of the past.
Her letters, light and tender, grave and gay, indicate her mood as
she awaited the day when she would take her place before the world
as Seymour’s wife. Whether a marriage had already taken place,
though kept private as a concession to public opinion, or whether it
was still to come, there were secret meetings in the early spring
mornings by the river, when the town was scarcely awake, the more
welcome, it may be, because of the sense that they were stolen.
“When it shall be your pleasure to repair hither,” wrote Kateryn
the Quene—her invariable signature—to her lover, “ye must take
some pains to come early in the morning, that ye may be gone again
by seven o’clock; and so I suppose ye may come hither without
suspect. I pray you let me have knowledge over-night at what hour
ye will come, that your portress [herself] may wait at the gate of the
fields for you.... By her that is, and shall be, your humble, true, and
loving wife during her life.”
Poor, learned Katherine had fallen an unresisting victim, like any
other common woman, to the gifts and attractions of the man who
was to prove so unsatisfactory a husband!
By May 17, if not before, it is clear that the marriage had taken
place, though the secret had been so closely kept that it was a
surprise to the bridegroom to discover that it was known to the
Queen’s own sister, Lady Herbert. On visiting the latter, he told
Katherine in a letter of this date, she had charged him “touching my
lodging with your Highness at Chelsea,” the Admiral stoutly
maintaining that he had done no more than pass by the garden on
his way to the house of the Bishop of London; “till at last she told
me further tokens, which made me change colour,” and he had
arrived at the conclusion that Lady Herbert had been taken into her
sister’s confidence.
Meantime the inconvenience of the present condition of things
was evident; and to Mary—curiously enough, since her disapproval
of the projected marriage had been so pronounced—Seymour
applied for help which should enable him to put an end to it.
Although he preserved the attitude of a mere suitor for the Queen’s
hand, it may be that the Princess suspected that she was being
consulted after the event. Her answer was not encouraging. Had the
matter concerned her nearest kinsman and dearest friend it would,
she told the Admiral, stand least with her poor honour than with any
other creature to meddle in the affair, considering whose wife the
Queen had lately been.
“If the remembrance of the King’s Majesty my father ... will not
suffer her to grant your suit, I am nothing able to persuade her to
forget the loss of him who is, as yet, very rife in mine own
remembrance.” If, however, the Princess refused the assistance he
begged, she assured him that, “wooing matters apart, wherein,
being a maid, I am nothing cunning,” she would be ready in other
things to serve him.
The young King, to whom recourse was next had, was found
more accommodating; and indeed appears to have been skilfully
convinced that it was by his persuasions that his step-mother had
been induced to bestow her hand upon his uncle, writing to thank
the Queen for her gentle acceptation of his suit. The boy, after
Katherine’s death and her husband’s disgrace, gave an account of
the methods used to obtain his intervention:
“The Lord Admiral came to me ... and desired me to write a
thing for him. I asked him what. He said it was none ill thing; it is for
the Queen’s Majesty. I said if it were good the Lords would allow it;
if it were ill I would not write on it. Then he said they would take it
in better part if I would write. I desired him to let me alone in that
60
matter. Cheke said afterwards to me, ‘Ye were best not to write.’”
The boy’s letter to the Queen proves that he had subsequently
yielded to his uncle’s request; and in June the fact of the marriage
became public property.
The progress of the love-affair will have been watched with
interest by the curious and jealous eyes of Elizabeth, the half-grown
girl, who, placed by the Council under her step-mother’s care at
Chelsea, had ample opportunities of forming her conclusions. Lady
Jane Grey may, not improbably, have been likewise a spectator of
what was going forward. There is no evidence to show whether it
was before or after the public avowal of the marriage that she took
up her residence under the Queen’s roof. But, having obtained his
point and gained her custody, it is not unreasonable to imagine that
the Admiral may have found a child of ten an encumbrance in his
household, and have taken the earliest opportunity of consigning her
to Katherine’s care.
A passive asset as she was in the political reckoning, the debates
concerning her guardianship must have done something to bring
home to her mind the consciousness of her importance; and she had
doubtless been made well aware of her title to consideration by the
time that she became an honoured inmate of the Lord Admiral’s
house. But concerning the details of her existence at this date
history is dumb, and we can but guess at her attitude as, fresh from
her country home, she watched, under the roof of her new guardian
in Seymour Place, the life of the great city around; or within the
more tranquil precincts of Chelsea Palace, with the broad river
flowing past, shared in the studies and pursuits of her cousin
Elizabeth, ready-witted, full of vitality, and already displaying some
of the traits marking the Queen of future years.
Did the shadow of predestined and early death single little Jane
out from her companions? Like the comrades of whom Maeterlinck
tells, “children of precocious death,” possessing no friends amongst
the playmates who were not about to die, did she stand in some sort
apart and separate, regarding those around her with a grave smile?
We build up the unrecorded days of childhood from the few short
years that followed; and reading backwards, and fitting the
fragments of a life into its place, we find it difficult to believe that
Jane Grey’s laughter rang like that of other undoomed children
through the pleasant Chelsea gardens, that she shared with a whole
heart in the games of her playfellows, or that the strange
seriousness of her youth did not envelope the small, sedate figure of
the child.
CHAPTER VII
1547-1548
Katherine Parr’s unhappy married life—Dissensions between
the Seymour brothers—The King and his uncles—The Admiral
and Princess Elizabeth—Birth of Katherine’s child, and her
death.

T
he belated idyll of love and happiness enjoyed by “Kateryn the
Quene” was of pitifully short duration. During the first days
of September 1548, some fifteen months after the stolen
marriage at Chelsea, a funeral procession left Sudeley Castle, and
the body of the wife of the Lord Admiral was carried forth to burial,
Lady Jane Grey, his ward, then in her twelfth year, acting as chief
61
mourner.

Jane had good cause to mourn, in other than an official capacity.


It is hard to believe that, had Katherine Parr been living, the child
she had cared for and who had made her home under her roof,
would not have been saved from the doom destined to overtake her
not six years later.
Katherine’s dream had died before she did, and the period of her
marriage, short though it was, must have been a time of rapid
disillusionment. It could scarcely, taking the circumstances into
account, have been otherwise. Seymour was not the man to make
the happiness of a wife touching upon middle age, studious, learned,
and devout, “avoiding all occasions of idleness, and contemning vain
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pastimes.” His love, if indeed it had been ever other than disguised
ambition, was short-lived, and Katherine’s awakening must have
come all too swiftly.
Nor was the revelation of her husband’s true character her only
cause of trouble. Minor vexations had, from the first, attended her
new condition of life, and she had been made to feel that the wife of
the Protector’s younger brother could not expect to enjoy the
deference due to a Dowager-Queen. To Katherine, who clung to her
former dignity, the loss of it was no light matter, and her sister-in-
law, the Duchess of Somerset, and she were at open war.
Contemporary and early writers are agreed as to the nature of
the woman with whom she had to deal. “The Protector,” explains the
Spanish chronicler, giving the popular version of the affair, “had a
wife who was prouder than he was, and she ruled the Protector so
completely that he did whatever she wished, and she, finding herself
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in such great state, became more presumptuous than Lucifer.”
Hayward attributes the subsequent disunion between the brothers,
in the first place, to “the unquiet vanity of a mannish, or rather a
devilish woman ... for many imperfections intolerable, but for pride
64
monstrous”; whilst Heylyn represents the Duchess as observing
that, if Mr. Admiral should teach his wife no better manners, “I am
65
she that will.”
The struggle for precedence carried on between the wives could
scarcely fail to have a bad effect upon the relationship of the
husbands, already at issue upon graver questions; and Warwick,
Somerset’s future rival, was at hand to foment the strife between
Protector and Admiral, and, “secretly playing with both hands,”
paved the way for the fall of the younger brother and the
consequent weakening of the forces which barred the way to the
attainment of his personal ambitions.
From a photo by W. Mansell & Co. after an engraving.

KATHERINE PARR.

Nor can there be any doubt that, apart from the ill offices of
those who desired to separate the interests of the brothers, the
Protector had good reason to stand upon his guard. When Seymour
was tried for his life during the winter of 1548-9, dependants and
equals alike came forward to bear witness to his intriguing
propensities, their evidence going far to prove that, whatever may
be thought of Somerset’s conduct as a brother in sending him to the
scaffold, as head of the State and responsible for the government of
the realm, he was not without justification. It is clear that from the
first the Admiral, jealous of the position accorded to the Duke by the
Council, had been sedulously engaged in attempting to undermine
his power, and had not disguised his resentment at his appropriation
of undivided authority. Never had it been seen in a minority—so he
66
informed a confidant —that the one brother should bear all rule,
the other none. One being Protector, the other should have filled the
post of Governor to the King, so he averred; although, on another
occasion, contradicting himself, he declared he would wish the earth
to open and swallow him rather than accept either post. There was
abundant proof that he had done his utmost, whenever opportunity
was afforded him, to rouse the King to discontent. It was a
disagreeable feature of the day that men were in no wise slack in
accusing their friends in times of disgrace, thereby seeking to
safeguard their reputations; and Dorset came forward later to testify
that Seymour had told him that his nephew had divers times made
his moan, saying that “My uncle of Somerset dealeth very hardly
with me, and keepeth me so straight that I cannot have money at
my will.” The Lord Admiral, added the boy, both sent him money and
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gave it to him.
Perhaps the most significant testimony brought against the
Admiral was that of the little King himself, who asserted that
Seymour had charged him with being “bashful” in his own affairs,
asking why he did not speak to bear rule as did other Kings. “I said I
needed not, for I was well enough,” the boy replied on this occasion.
At another time, according to his confession, a conversation took
place the more grim from the simplicity of the language in which it is
recorded.
“Within these two years at least,” said Edward, now eleven years
old, “he said, ‘Ye must take upon yourself to rule, and then ye may
give your men somewhat; for your uncle is old, and I trust he will
68
not live long.’ I answered it were better that he should die.”
It was scarcely possible that the Protector should not have been
cognisant of a part at least of his brother’s machinations; and he
naturally, so far as was possible, kept his charge from falling further
under the influence of his enemies. The young King’s affection for
his step-mother had been a cause of disquiet to her brother-in-law
and his wife, care being taken to separate him from her as much as
was possible. So long as Katherine remained in London it had been
Edward’s habit to visit her apartments unattended, and by a private
entrance. Familiar intercourse of this kind terminated when she
removed to a distance; and, so far as the Lord Protector could
ensure obedience, little communication was permitted between the
two during the short time the Queen had to live. The boy, however,
was constant to old affection, and used what opportunities he could
to express it.
“If his Grace could get any spare time,” wrote one John Fowler, a
servant of the royal household, to the Admiral, “his Grace would
write a letter to the Queen’s Grace, and to you. His Highness desires
your lordship to pardon him, for his Grace is not half a quarter of an
hour alone. But in such leisure as his Grace has, his Majesty hath
written (here enclosed) his commendations to the Queen’s Grace
and to your lordship, that he is so much bound to you that he must
remember you always, and, as his Grace may have time, you shall
well perceive by such small lines of recommendations with his own
69
hand.”
The scribbled notes, on scraps of paper, written by stealth and
as he could find opportunity, by the King, testify to the closeness of
the watch kept upon him; their contents show the means by which
the Admiral strove to maintain his hold upon his nephew.
“My lord,” so runs the first, “send me, per Latimer, as much as
ye think good, and deliver it to Fowler.” The second note is one of
thanks.
An attempt was made by the Admiral to obtain a letter from the
King which, complaining of the Protector’s system of restraint,
should be laid before Parliament; but the intrigue was discovered,
the Admiral summoned to appear before the Council, and, though he
was at first inclined to bluster, and replied by a defiance, a hint of
imprisonment brought him to reason, and some sort of hollow
reconciliation between the brothers followed.
The King, the unfortunate subject of dispute, was probably
lonely enough. For his tutor, Sir John Cheke, and for his school-mate,
Barnaby Fitzpatrick, he appears to have entertained a real affection;
but for his elder uncle and guardian he had little liking, nor was the
Duchess of Somerset a woman to win the heart of her husband’s
ward. From his step-mother and the Admiral he was practically cut
off; and his sisters, for whom his attachment was genuine, were at a
distance, and paid only occasional visits to Court. Mary’s influence,
as a Catholic, would naturally have been feared; and Elizabeth, living
for the time under the Admiral’s roof, would be regarded likewise
with suspicion. But the happiness of the nominal head of the State
was not a principal consideration with those around him, mostly
engaged in a struggle not only to secure present personal
advantages, but to ensure their continuance at such time as Edward
should have attained his majority.
The relations between the Seymour brothers being that of a
scarcely disguised hostility, the Admiral had the more reason to
congratulate himself upon having obtained the possession and
disposal of the person of Lady Jane Grey—third, save for her mother,
in the line of succession to the throne. Should her guardian succeed
in effecting her marriage with the King the arrangement might prove
of vital importance. On the other hand, Somerset’s matrimonial
schemes for the younger members of the royal house were of an
altogether different nature. He would have liked to marry the King to
a daughter of his own, another Lady Jane, and to have obtained the
hand of Lady Jane Grey for his son, young Lord Hertford.
Such projects, however, belonged to the future. Nothing could
be done for the present, nor does it appear that, when Somerset’s
scheme afterwards became known to the King, it met with any
favour in his eyes; since, noting it in his journal, he added his private
intention of wedding “a foreign princess, well stuffed and jewelled.”
So far as Katherine was concerned, her domestic affairs were
probably causing her too much anxiety to leave attention to spare
for those of King or kingdom, except as they were gratifying, or the
reverse, to her husband. Since the May day when she had given
herself, rashly and eagerly, into the keeping of the Lord Admiral, she
had been sorrowfully enlightened as to the nature of the man and of
his affection; and, if she still loved him, her heart must often have
been heavy. The presence of the Princess Elizabeth under her roof
had been disastrous in its consequences; and, though it was at first
the interest of all to keep the matter secret, the inquisition made at
the time of the Admiral’s disgrace into the circumstances of his
married life affords an insight into his wife’s wrongs.
In a conversation held between Mrs. Ashley, Elizabeth’s
governess, and her cofferer, Parry, after the Queen’s death, the
possibility of a marriage between the widower and the Princess was
discussed, Parry raising objections to the scheme, on the score that
he had heard evil of Seymour as being covetous and oppressive, and
also “how cruelly, dishonourably, and jealously he had used the
Queen.”
Ashley, from first to last eager to forward the Admiral’s interests,
brushed the protest aside.
“Tush, tush,” she replied, “that is no matter. I know him better
than ye do, or those that do so report him. I know he will make but
70
too much of her, and that she knows well enough.”
The same witness confessed at this later date that she feared
the Admiral had loved the Princess too well, and the Queen had
been jealous of both—an avowal corroborated by Elizabeth’s
admissions, when she too underwent examination concerning the
relations which had existed between herself and her step-mother’s
husband.
“Kat Ashley told me,” she deposed, “after the Lord Admiral was
married to the Queen, that if my lord might have had his own will,
he would have had me, afore the Queen. Then I asked her how she
knew that. Then she said she knew it well enough, both from
71
himself and from others.”
72
If the correspondence quoted in a previous page is genuine,
Elizabeth, though she may have had reason to keep her knowledge
to herself, can have been in no doubt as to the Admiral’s sentiments
at the time of her father’s death. With a governess of Mrs. Ashley’s
type, a girl of fifteen such as Elizabeth was shown to be by her
subsequent career, and a man like Seymour, it would not have been
difficult to prophesy trouble. That the Admiral was in love with his
wife’s charge may be doubted; in the same way that ambition,
rather than any other sentiment, may be credited with his desire to
obtain her hand a few months earlier. What was certain was that he
amused himself, after his boisterous fashion, with the sharp-witted
girl to an extent calculated to cause both uneasiness and anger to
the Queen. That no actual harm was intended may be true—he
could scarcely have been blind to the consequences had he dared to
deal otherwise with the daughter and sister of Kings; and the whole
story, when it subsequently came to light, reads like an instance of
coarse and vulgar flirtation, in harmony with the nature of the man
and the habits of the times. What is less easy to account for is
Katherine’s partial connivance, in its earlier stages, at the rough
horse-play, if nothing worse, carried on by her husband and her
step-daughter. A scene, for example, is described as taking place at
Hanworth, where the Admiral, in the garden with his wife and the
Princess, cut the girl’s gown, “being black cloth,” into a hundred
pieces; Elizabeth replying to Mrs. Ashley’s protests by saying that
“she could not strive with all, for the Queen held her while the Lord
Admiral cut the dress.” Nor was this the only occasion upon which
Katherine appears to have looked on without disapproval whilst her
husband treated her charge in a fashion befitting her character
neither as Princess nor guest.
The explanation may lie in the fact that the unfortunate Queen
was attempting to adapt her taste and her manners to those of the
man she had married. But the condition of the household could not
last. A crisis was reached when one day Katherine, coming
unexpectedly upon the two, found Seymour with the Princess in his
arms, and decided, none too soon, that an end must be put to the
situation. It was not long after that the households of Queen and
Princess were parted, “and as I remember,” explained Parry the
cofferer, “this was the cause why she was sent from the Queen, or
else that her Grace parted from the Queen. I do not perfectly
remember whether of both she [Ashley] said she went of herself or
73
was sent away.”
There can be little doubt, one would imagine, that it was
Katherine who determined to disembarrass herself of her visitor. A
letter from Elizabeth, evidently written after their separation,
appears to show that farewell had been taken in outwardly friendly
fashion, although the promise she quotes Katherine as making has
an ambiguous sound about it. The Princess wrote to say that she
had been replete in sorrow at leaving the Queen, “and albeit I
answered little, I weighed it more deeply when you said you would
warn me of all evils that you should hear of me; for if your Grace
had not a good opinion of me, you would not have offered friendship
74
to me that way, that all men judge the contrary.”
It is not difficult to detect the sore feeling underlying Elizabeth’s
acknowledgments of a promise of open criticism. Katherine must
have breathed more freely when the Princess and her governess had
quitted the house.
Meantime, in spite of disappointment and anger and care, the
winter was to bring the Queen one genuine cause of rejoicing.
Thrice married without children, she was hoping to give Seymour an
heir, and the prospect was hailed with delight by husband and wife
alike. In her gladness, and the chief cause of dissension removed,
her just grounds of complaint were forgotten; her letters continued
to be couched in terms as loving as if no domestic friction had
interrupted her wedded happiness, and she ranged herself upon
Seymour’s side in his recurrent disputes with his brother with a
passionate vehemence out of keeping with her character.
“This shall be to advertise you,” she wrote some time in 1548,
“that my lord your brother hath this afternoon made me a little
warm. It was fortunate we were so much distant, for I suppose else
I should have bitten him. What cause have they to fear having such
a wife! It is requisite for them continually to pray for a dispatch of
that hell. To-morrow, or else upon Saturday ... I will see the King,
where I intend to utter all my choler to my lord your brother, if you
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shall not give me advice to the contrary.”
Another letter, also indicating the strained relations existing
between the brothers, is again full of affection for the man who
deserved it so ill.
“I gave your little knave your blessing,” she tells the Admiral,
alluding to the unborn child neither parent was to see grow up, “...
bidding my sweetheart and loving husband better to fare than
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myself.”
A few months more, and hope and fear and love and
disappointment were alike to find an end. Sudeley Castle, where the
final scene took place, was a property granted to the Admiral on the
death of the late King, from which he took his title as Lord Seymour
of Sudeley. It was a question whether those responsible for the
government had the right of alienating possessions of the Crown
during the minority of a sovereign, and the tenure upon which the
place was held was therefore insecure, Katherine asserting on one
occasion that it was her husband’s intention to restore it to his
nephew when he should come of age. In awaiting that event
Seymour and his wife had the enjoyment of the beauty for which the
old building had long been noted.
“Ah, Sudeley Castle, thou art the traitor, not I!” said one of its
former lords as, arrested by the orders of Henry IV. for treason, and
taken away to abide his trial, he cast a last look back at his home—a
possession worthy of being coveted by a King, and by the attainder
of its owner forfeited to the Crown.
Here, during the summer of 1548—the last Katherine was to see
—a motley company gathered round the Queen. Jane Grey, “the
young and early wise,” was still a member of her household, and the
repudiated wife of Katherine’s brother, the Earl of Northampton—
placed, it would seem, under some species of restraint—was in the
keeping of her sister-in-law. Her true and tried friend, Lady Tyrwhitt,
described by her husband as half a Scripture woman, kept her
company, as she had done in her perilous days of royal state.
Learned divines, living with her in the capacity of chaplains, were
inmates of the castle, charged with the duty of performing service
twice each day—exercises little to the taste of the master of the
house, who made no secret of his aversion for them.
“I have heard say,” affirmed Latimer, in the course of one of the
sermons, preached after Seymour’s execution, in which the Bishop
took occasion again and again to revile the dead man, “I have heard
say that when the good Queen that is gone had ordained daily
prayer in her house, both before noon and after noon, the Admiral
getteth him out of the way, like a mole digging in the earth. He shall
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be Lot’s wife to me as long as I live.”
To Sudeley also had repaired, in the course of the summer, Lord
Dorset, possibly desirous of assuring himself that all was well with
his little daughter. He may have had other objects in view. According
to his subsequent confession, Seymour had discussed with him the
methods to be pursued in order to gain popularity in the country,
making significant inquiries as to the formation of the marquis’s
household.
Learning that Dorset had divers gentlemen who were his
servants, the Admiral admitted that it was well. “Yet,” he added
shrewdly, “trust not too much to the gentlemen, for they have
something to lose”; proceeding to urge his ally to make much of the
chief yeomen and men of their class, who were able to persuade the
multitude; to visit them in their houses, bringing venison and wine;
to use familiarity with them, and thus to gain their love. Such, he
78
added, was his own intention.
Another inmate had been received at Sudeley not more than a
few weeks before Katherine’s confinement. This was the Princess
Elizabeth, who appears, by a letter she addressed to the Queen
when the visit had been concluded, to have been at this time again
on terms of friendship and affection with her step-mother, since
writing to Katherine with very little leisure on the last day of July,
she returned humble thanks for the Queen’s wish that she should
have remained with her “till she were weary of that country.” Yet in
spite of the hospitable desire, she can scarcely have been a welcome
guest, and it must have been with little regret that her step-mother
saw her depart.
Meantime, the birth of the Queen’s child was anxiously expected.
Seymour characteristically desired a son who “should God give him
life to live as long as his father, will avenge his wrongs”—the
problematical wrongs of a man who had risen to his heights.
Elizabeth, who had done her best to wreck the Queen’s happiness
and peace, was “praying the Almighty God to send her a most lucky
deliverance”; and Mary, more sincere in her friendship, wrote a letter
full of affection to her step-mother. The preparations made by
Katherine for the new-comer equalled in magnificence those that
might have befitted a Prince of Wales; and though the birth of a girl,
on August 30, must have been in some degree a disappointment,
she received a welcome scarcely less warm than might have been
accorded to the desired son. A general reconciliation appears to have
taken place on the occasion, and the Protector responded to the
announcement of the event in terms of cordial congratulation,
regarding the advent of so pretty a daughter in the light of a
“prophesy and good hansell to a great sort of happy sons.”
Eight days after the rejoicings at the birth Katherine was dead.
Into the circumstances attending her illness and death close
inquisition was made at a time when it had become an object to
throw discredit upon the Admiral, and foul play—the use of poison—
was suggested. The charge was probably without foundation; the
facts elicited nevertheless afford additional proof of the
unsatisfactory relations existing between husband and wife, and
throw a melancholy light upon the closing scene of the union from
which so much had been hoped.
It was deposed by Lady Tyrwhitt, one of the principal witnesses,
that, upon her visiting the chamber of the sick woman one morning,
two days before her death, Katherine had asked where she had been
so long, adding that “she did fear such things in herself that she was
sure she could not live.” When her friend attempted to soothe her by
reassuring words, the Queen went on to say—holding her husband’s
hand and being, as Lady Tyrwhitt thought, partly delirious—“I am
not well handled; for those that be about me care not for me, but
stand laughing at my grief, and the more good I will to them the less
good they will to me.”
The words, to those cognisant of the condition of the household,
must have been startling. The Queen may have been wandering, yet
her complaint, as such complaints do, pointed to a truth. Others
besides Lady Tyrwhitt were standing by; and Seymour made no
attempt to ignore his wife’s meaning, or to deny that the charge was
directed against himself.
“Why, sweet heart,” he said, “I would do you no hurt.”
“No, my lord, I think not,” answered Katherine aloud, adding, in
his ear, “but, my lord, you have given me many shrewd taunts.”
“These words,” said Lady Tyrwhitt in her narrative, “I perceived
she spake with good memory, and very sharply and earnestly, for
her mind was sore disquieted.”
After consultation it was decided that Seymour should lie down
by her side and seek to quiet her by gentle words; but his efforts
were ineffectual, the Queen interrupting him by saying, roundly and
sharply, “that she would have given a thousand marks to have had
her full talk with the doctor on the day of her delivery, but dared not,
for fear of his displeasure.”
“And I, hearing that,” said the lady-in-waiting, “perceived her
trouble to be so great, that my heart would serve me to hear no
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more.”
Yet on that same day the dying Queen made her will and, “being
persuaded and perceiving the extremity of death to approach her,”
left all she possessed to her husband, wishing it a thousand times
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more in value than it was.
Whether pressure was used, or whether, in spite of all, her old
love awakened and stirred her to kindness towards the man she was
leaving, there is nothing to show. But the names of the witnesses—
Robert Huyck, the physician attending her, and John Parkhurst, her
chaplain, afterwards a Bishop—would seem a guarantee that the
document, dictated but not signed—no uncommon case—was
genuine.
For the rest, Seymour was coarse and heartless, a man of
ambition, and intent upon the furtherance of his fortunes. It is not
unlikely that, when his wife lay dying, his thoughts may have turned
to the girl to whom he had in his own way already made love; who,
of higher rank than the Queen, might serve his interests better, and
whom her death would leave him free to win as his bride. And
Katherine, with the memories of the last two years to aid her and
with the intuitions born of love and jealousy, may have divined his
thoughts. But of murder, or of hastening the end by actual
unkindness, there is no reason to suspect him. The affair was in any
case sufficiently tragic, and one more mournful recollection to be
stored in the minds of those who had loved the Queen.
CHAPTER VIII
1548
Lady Jane’s temporary return to her father—He surrenders
her again to the Admiral—The terms of the bargain.

O
ne of the secondary but immediate effects of the Queen’s
death was to send Lady Jane Grey back to her parents. It
was indeed to Seymour, and not to his wife, that the care
of the child had been entrusted; but in his first confusion of mind
after what he termed his great loss, the Admiral appears to have
recognised the difficulty of providing a home for a girl in her twelfth
year in a house without a mistress, and to have offered to relinquish
her to her natural guardians.

Having acted in haste, he was not slow to perceive that he had


committed a blunder, and quickly reawakened to the importance of
retaining the possession and disposal of the child. On September 17,
not ten days after Katherine’s death, he was writing to Lord Dorset
to cancel, so far as it was possible, his hasty suggestion that she
should return to her father’s house, and begging that she might be
permitted to remain in his hands. In his former letter, he explained,
he had been partly so amazed at the death of the Queen as to have
small regard either to himself or his doings, partly had believed that
he would be compelled, in consequence of it, to break up his
household. Under these circumstances he had suggested sending
Lady Jane to her father, as to him who would be most tender of her.
Having had time to reconsider the question, he found that he would

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