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Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

The document is a guide on using visual data in qualitative research, authored by Marcus Banks and published by SAGE Publications in 2011. It discusses the significance of visual methods in social research, providing historical context, theoretical frameworks, and practical approaches for researchers across various disciplines. The book is part of The SAGE Qualitative Research Kit, aimed at helping practitioners, educators, and students navigate qualitative research methods effectively.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)

86 views60 pages

Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

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takarakatsu

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Sage Research Methods

Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

For the most optimal reading experience we recommend using our website.
https://methods.sagepub.com/book/mono/using-visual-data-in-qualitative-
research/toc

Author: Marcus Banks

Pub. Date: 2011
Product: Sage Research Methods
DOI: https://doi.org/10.4135/9780857020260
Methods: Visual research, Photographs, Fieldwork
Keywords: photography, films, film, sociology, social science, discipline, publications
Disciplines: Anthropology, Business and Management, Criminology and Criminal Justice, Communication
Sage Sage Research Methods
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and Media Studies, Counseling and Psychotherapy, Education, Geography, Health, History, Marketing,
Nursing, Political Science and International Relations, Psychology, Social Policy and Public Policy, Social
Work, Sociology
Access Date: May 18, 2025
Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd
City: London
Online ISBN: 9780857020260

© 2011 SAGE Publications Ltd All Rights Reserved.

Page 2 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

Sage Sage Research Methods
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Front Matter

• Copyright
• List of illustrations
• Editorial Introduction Uwe Flick
• About This Book Uwe Flick

Chapters

• Introduction
• The Place of Visual Data in Social Research: A Brief History
• Approaches to Studying the Visual
• Visual Methods and Field Research
• Presenting Visual Research
• Conclusion: Images and Social Research

Back Matter

• Notes
• Glossary
• References
• Author index

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Page 4 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

List of illustrations

Boxes

2.1 Positivist and interpretivist approaches 22

4.1 Fieldwork and ethnography 57

6.1 Visual methods as exploratory strategies 113

Figures

1.1 Alta Kahn shooting Navajo Weaver II2

2.1 [Torres Strait] A.C. Haddon 20

2.2 Undated postcard captioned ‘Types of Indian women. The Kashmiri girls’ 24

2.3 Boys looking at penny movies, 1938 27

3.1 Bentham's panopticon 36

4.1 Paul Henley and Georges Drion filming 58

5.1 Jay Ruby filming at the Oak Park Housing Center 93

6.1 The ‘Rubin vase’, an optical illusion 114

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Editorial Introduction Uwe Flick

• Introduction to The SAGE Qualitative Research Kit

• What is qualitative research?
• How do we conduct qualitative research?
• Scope of The SAGE Qualitative Research Kit

Introduction to The SAGE Qualitative Research Kit

In recent years, qualitative research has enjoyed a period of unprecedented growth and diversification as it
has become an established and respected research approach across a variety of disciplines and contexts.
An increasing number of students, teachers and practitioners are facing questions and problems of how to do
qualitative research - in general and for their specific individual purposes. To answer these questions, and to
address such practical problems on a how-to-do level, is the main purpose of The SAGE Qualitative Research
Kit.

The books in The SAGE Qualitative Research Kit collectively address the core issues that arise when we
actually do qualitative research. Each book focuses on key methods (e.g. interviews or focus groups) or
materials (e.g. visual data or discourse) that are used for studying the social world in qualitative terms.
Moreover, the books in the Kit have been written with the needs of many different types of reader in mind. As
such, the Kit and the individual books will be of use to a wide variety of users:

• Practitioners of qualitative research in the social sciences, medical research, marketing research,
evaluation, organizational, business and management studies, cognitive science, etc., who face the
problem of planning and conducting a specific study using qualitative methods.
• University teachers and lecturers in these fields using qualitative methods will be expected to use
these series as a basis of their teaching.
• Undergraduate and graduate students of social sciences, nursing, education, psychology and other
fields where qualitative methods are a (main) part of the university training including practical
applications (e.g. for writing a thesis).

Each book in The SAGE Qualitative Research Kit has been written by a distinguished author with extensive
experience in their field and practised in with methods they write about. When reading the whole series of
books from the beginning to the end, you will repeatedly come across some issues which are central to

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any sort of qualitative research - such as ethics, designing research or assessing quality. However, in each
book such issues are addressed from the specific methodological angle of the authors and the approach
they describe. Thus you may find different approaches to issues of quality or different suggestions of how to
analyze qualitative data in the different books, which will combine to present a comprehensive picture of the
field as a whole.

What is qualitative research?

It has become more and more difficult to find a common definition of qualitative research which is accepted by
the majority of qualitative research approaches land researchers. Qualitative research is no longer just simply
‘not quantitative research’, but has developed an identity (or maybe multiple identities) of its own.

Despite the multiplicity of approaches to qualitative research, some common features of qualitative research
can be identified. Qualitative research is intended to approach the world ‘out there’ (not in specialized
research settings such as laboratories) and to understand, describe and sometimes explain social
phenomena ‘from the inside’ in a number of different ways:

• By analyzing experiences of individuals or groups. Experiences can be related to biographical life

histories or to (everyday or professional) practices; they may be addressed by analyzing everyday
knowledge, accounts and stories.
• By analyzing interactions and communications in the making. This can be based on observing or
recording practices of interacting and communicating and analyzing this material.
• By analyzing documents (texts, images, film or music) or similar traces of experiences or interactions.

Common to such approaches is that they seek to unpick how people construct the world around them,
what they are doing or what is happening to them in terms that are meaningful and that offer rich insight.
Interactions and documents are seen as ways of constituting social processes and artefacts collaboratively (or
conflictingly). All of these approaches represent ways of meaning, which can be reconstructed and analyzed
with different qualitative methods that allow the researcher to develop (more or less generalizable) models,
typologies, theories as ways of describing and explaining social (or psychological) issues.

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How do we conduct qualitative research?

Can we identify common ways of doing qualitative research if we take into account that there are different
theoretical, epistemological and methodological approaches to qualitative research and that the issues that
are studied are very diverse as well? We can at least identify some common features of how qualitative
research is done.

• Qualitative researchers are interested in accessing experiences, interactions and documents in their
natural context and in a way that gives room to the particularities of them and the materials in which
they are studied.
• Qualitative research refrains from setting up a well-defined concept of what is studied and from
formulating hypotheses in the beginning in order to test them. Rather, concepts (or hypotheses, if
they are used) are developed and refined in the process of research.
• Qualitative research starts from the idea that methods and theories should be appropriate to what
is studied. If the existing methods do not fit to a concrete issue or field, they are adapted or new
methods or approaches are developed.
• Researchers themselves are an important part of the research process, either in terms of their own
personal presence as researchers, or in terms of their experiences in the field and with the reflexivity
they bring to the role - as are members of the field under study.
• Qualitative research takes context and cases seriously for understanding an issue under study. A lot
of qualitative research is based on case studies or a series of case studies, and often the case (its
history and complexity) is an important context for understanding what is studied.
• A major part of qualitative research is based on text and writing - from field notes and transcripts
to descriptions and interpretations and finally to the presentation of the findings and of the research
as a whole. Therefore, issues of transforming complex social situations (or other materials such as
images) into texts - issues of transcribing and writing in general - are major concerns of qualitative
research.
• If methods are supposed to be adequate to what is under study, approaches to defining and
assessing the quality of qualitative research (still) have to be discussed in specific ways that are
appropriate for qualitative research and even for specific approaches in qualitative research.

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Scope of The SAGE Qualitative Research Kit

• Designing Qualitative Research (Uwe Flick) gives a brief introduction to qualitative research from
the point of view of how to plan and design a concrete study using qualitative research in one
way or the other. It is intended to outline a framework for the other books in The Sage Qualitative
Research Kit by focusing on how-to-do problems and on how to solve such problems in the research
process. The book will address issues of constructing a research design in qualitative research; it will
outline stepping-stones in making a research project work and will discuss practical problems such
as resources in qualitative research but also more methodological issues like quality of qualitative
research and also ethics. This framework is spelled out in more details in the other books in the Kit.
• Three books are devoted to collecting or producing data in qualitative research. They take up the
issues briefly outlined in the first book and approach them in a much more detailed and focused
way for the specific method. First, Doing Interviews (Steinar Kvale) addresses the theoretical,
epistemological, ethical and practical issues of interviewing people about specific issues or their
life history. Doing Ethnographic and Observational Research (Michael Angrosino) focuses on the
second major approach to collecting and producing qualitative data. Here again practical issues
(like selecting sites, methods of collecting data in ethnography, special problems of analyzing them)
are discussed in the context of more general issues (ethics, representations, quality and adequacy
of ethnography as an approach). In Doing Focus Groups (Rosaline Barbour) the third of the most
important qualitative methods of producing data is presented. Here again we find a strong focus on
how-to-do issues of sampling, designing and analyzing the data and on how to produce them in focus
groups.
• Three further volumes are devoted to analyzing specific types of qualitative data. Using Visual
Data in Qualitative Research (Marcus Banks) extends the focus to the third type of qualitative
data (beyond verbal data coming from interviews and focus groups and observational data). The
use of visual data has not only become a major trend in social research in general, but confronts
researchers with new practical problems in using them and analyzing them and produces new ethical
issues. In Analyzing Qualitative Data (Graham Gibbs), several practical approaches and issues of
making sense of any sort of qualitative data are addressed. Special attention is paid to practices
of coding, of comparing and of using computer-assisted qualitative data analysis. Here, the focus
is on verbal data like interviews, focus groups or biographies. Doing Conversation, Discourse and
Document Analysis (Tim Rapley) extends this focus to different types of data, relevant for analyzing
discourses. Here, the focus is on existing material (like documents) and on recording everyday
conversations and on finding traces of discourses. Practical issues such as generating an archive,

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transcribing video materials and of how to analyze discourses with such types of data are discussed.
• Managing Quality in Qualitative Research (Uwe Flick) takes up the issue of quality in qualitative
research, which has been briefly addressed in specific contexts in other books in the Kit, in a
more general way. Here, quality is looked at from the angle of using or reformulating existing or
defining new criteria for qualitative research. This book will examine the ongoing debates about what
should count as defining ‘quality’ and validity in qualitative methodologies and will examine the many
strategies for promoting and managing quality in qualitative research. Special attention is paid to the
strategy of triangulation in qualitative research and to the use of quantitative research in the context
of promoting the quality of qualitative research.

Before I go on to outline the focus of this book and its role in the Kit, I would like to thank some people
at SAGE who were important in making this Kit happen. Michael Carmichael suggested this project to me
some time ago and was very helpful with his suggestions in the beginning. Patrick Brindle took over and
continued this support, as did Vanessa Harwood and Jeremy Joynsee in making books out of the manuscripts
we provided.

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About This Book Uwe Flick

Visual data have become a prominent approach in qualitative research in general, after they have been
used for some time in areas such as visual anthropology. By focusing on this type of data, this book brings
a new perspective into The SAGE Qualitative Research Kit as most of the discussion in the other books
concentrates on the spoken word or the observation of practices. Although both books are about different
forms of field research, this book's closest connection is with the one on ethnography by Angrosino (2007),
although there are similar links to the one on discourse analysis by Rapley (2007), too. The latter and this
book take materials for their analysis that often exist and are mainly selected and documented and not so
much produced for research purposes. These materials become data mainly in the process of analyzing.
Therefore, both come with a more integrated approach to data production and analysis, which takes the
specific quality of the materials into account. Nevertheless, suggestions from the book of Gibbs (2007) for
analyzing qualitative data may be helpful for this context also, as this book too is interested in the use
of computers for the analysis of data. As visual data are sometimes used in combination with verbal data
methods (in photo-elicitation techniques, for example), the books of Kvale (2007) on interviews or Barbour
(2007) on focus groups may complement this book as well.

The focus of this book is on historical, theoretical and practical approaches to using visual data in qualitative
research. It comes with a lot of case study material, which illustrates the approaches. It also addresses special
problems of ethics in visual research and of how to present findings from using visual methods to academic
and other audiences and research participants themselves.

In the core of the book we find issues of how to do a study using visual data, starting from clarifying the
intentions of the researcher for collecting and analyzing data of this kind. Here, the section referring to
collaborative studies with the people in the study is very interesting for other forms of qualitative research, too.
The same might be the case with the passage addressing the use of visual approaches as a way of seeing
the world through the participants’ (e.g. children's) eyes as a way of taking the perspective of the members
in a field. Finally, the way this book addresses the tension between producing materials for research (in this
case visual material) and taking already existing materials as data, can be very fruitful for research based on
other sorts of data and materials. We also find considerations of planning research of this special type and
about how to assess the quality of such a research in a specific way, which are complemented by the first and
the last books in The SAGE Qualitative Research Kit (Flick, 2007a, 2007b) and at the same time complement
them with some extra suggestions.

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Introduction

Why (not) pictures? 3

Being visual 5
Planning and executing a visual research project 8
Key terms and concepts 11
Organization of this book 16
Images in the book 17

Chapter objectives

After reading this chapter, you should

• see why the use and study of images in social research as one among various methodologies em-
ployed is justified;
• see the distinction between image creation and image study;
• understand the place of visual methodologies in the research process;
• know some key terms and concepts; and
• have an overview of the book.

Case study: Visual methods and hypothesis testing

For visual anthropologists, as well as many other visual studies scholars, Sol Worth and John Adair's
‘Through Navajo eyes’ project of the late 1960s is one of the landmarks in visual research. Although there
have been criticisms of the project, it stands out as an example of well-designed empirical research, with
clear objectives and methodologies. Worth (a communications scholar and anthropologist) and Adair (an an-
thropologist and linguist) set out to see if people who had little or no exposure to cinema and moving images
would make films that reflected the way they saw the world in general. In particular, would the Navajo be
able to ‘bypass’ language in communicating their world-view. The premise for the investigation rests on what
is known as the Whorf-Sapir hypothesis - the idea that the structure of the language one speaks conditions
how one sees and understands the world around one. Speakers of very different and unrelated languages,
English and Navajo for example, will, in Whorf's words, ‘cut nature up, organize it into concepts, and ascribe

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significances’ in very different ways (Whorf, 1956, p. 214). While there have been various attempts to test the
hypothesis, up to this point these mostly relied on language itself to conduct and assess the investigation in a
rather circular fashion. Worth and Adair's breakthrough was to identify and use another channel of communi-
cation.

FIGURE 1.1 Alta Kahn shooting Navajo Weaver II, Pine Springs, Arizona, July
1966 (photograph by Richard Chalfen)

Worth, Adair and Worth's student Dick Chalfen gave 16 mm film cameras to seven Navajo people, living in
a relatively traditional community in Arizona, where many older people spoke only Navajo, although the film-
makers were all bilingual. The seven had all seen some films but only one of them (an artist) had seen many.
On the other hand, none of them was what Worth and Adair call ‘professional Navajo’ (1972, pp. 72–3), in
the sense that they were self-consciously aware of Navajo traditions and customs and used to representing

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them to others. After they had been given basic instruction in shooting and editing, the Navajo were free to
film whatever they wanted. Their final films consisted of short, silent, documentaries on topics such as silver-
smithing, weaving and Navajo curing ceremonies.

The results broadly confirm a ‘weak’ version of the hypothesis: ‘language is a guide to social reality’ (Sapir),
not determinative of it. In assessing the way in which the Navajo filmmakers edited sequences of action,
Worth and Adair noted on the one hand that the filmmakers did not discover and adopt the principle of conti-
nuity cutting common to Western film traditions (i.e. they saw ‘jump cuts’ as unproblematic), while on the other
hand, certain sequences of apparently over-long or pointless action (such as a weaver winding up an entire
skein of wool into a ball) could be linked to particular Navajo ideas about ‘action’ that are themselves linguis-
tically distinctive in the Navajo language. Although the findings of the ‘Navajo eyes’ project are not wholly
conclusive (some films, for example, could not be ‘read’ by some Navajo viewers, although tellingly one infor-
mant said she could not understand one film because it was ‘in English’; in fact the films were all silent), it is
nonetheless a pioneering early use of visual methods to address a particular research question. The original
1972 monograph describing the project was revised twenty-five years later by Dick Chalfen, who summarizes
much of the subsequent debate (Worth and Adair, 1997).

Why (not) pictures?

Why should a social researcher1 wish to incorporate the analysis of images -paintings, photographs, film,
videotape, drawings, diagrams and a host of other images - into their research? There are two good reasons,
though the first is easier to prove than the second, and there is also one caveat.

The first good reason is that images are ubiquitous in society, and because of this some consideration of
visual representation can potentially be included in all studies of society. No matter how tightly or narrowly
focused a research project is, at some level all social research says something about society in general, and
given the ubiquity of images, their consideration must at some level form part of the analysis. Of course, the
same could be said of music, or clothing, or many other aspects of human social experience. Yet while many
valuable studies of these phenomena exist, none seems to have assumed the sensory prominence within
social research that images have, sound (in the form of language) perhaps excepted. Some suggestions as
to how this has come about are presented in the next chapter.

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The second good reason why the social researcher might wish to incorporate the analysis of images is that
a study of images or one that incorporates images in the creation or collection of data might be able to re-
veal some sociological insight that is not accessible by any other means. While this is self-evidently true of
research projects that focus on visual media, such as a study of the effects of television viewing on children, it
is less self-evidently true - and much harder to prove - in other projects. It is relatively easy to triumph the find-
ings of some piece of visual research (some examples are given in later chapters), but less easy to prove that
the same insights could not have been generated by an alternative research methodology. One would have to
set up a series of research investigations into the same topic, with the same research subjects, each identical
but for the research method employed, and each using researchers who were unaware of the findings of the
other teams. While this might be possible in a laboratory context for a set of psychological experiments, say,
the number of variables would spin out of control when attempted in a field setting. I return to this issue in the
book's conclusion, but until then I confine myself to describing the distinctiveness of visual research process-
es and their findings rather than making claims as to their uniqueness.

The difficulty of setting up the experimental conditions to test one research methodology against another
leads me to the caveat. Regardless of the existence of books and manuals such as this, devoted to a single
social research methodology, in practice social researchers employ a number of different methodologies in
their investigations, ranging from the highly formalized (certain types of image content analysis, closed inter-
viewing schedules containing internal consistency checks) to the highly informal (chatting to people, observ-
ing daily activity). To restrict oneself to a single methodology or area of investigation is as sociologically limit-
ing as wilfully ignoring a methodology or area. This book is an attempt to make the case that visual research
methodologies are distinctive, are valuable, and should be considered by the social researcher whatever their
project. It is not an attempt to claim that these methodologies supplant all others. Visual research should be
seen as only one methodological technique among many to be employed by social researchers, more appro-
priate in some contexts, less so in others.

Being visual

Case study: Seeing through the eyes of children

Many sociologists and anthropologists have experimented with giving cameras (still or moving) to research

Page 15 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

subjects in order to ‘see’ the world as their research subjects see it. Although there are problems with this
method, usually involving the interpretation of the resulting images, it can be particularly useful when conduct-
ing research with people who might find it difficult to express themselves verbally in the context of a formal
interview - those with learning difficulties, for example, or children who might otherwise become bored.

Sharples et al. (2003) set out to explore not so much what children ‘see’ as how children understand photog-
raphy in the first place. Disposable cameras were given to 180 children in five countries across Europe, drawn
from three age groups (7, 11 and 15). The children were given a weekend to photograph whatever they liked
and were then interviewed about their pictures. Some of the findings might have been expected; for example,
the youngest children tended to photograph toys and other possessions, while the oldest children showed
a preference for groups of friends. Equally, younger children enjoyed their photographs largely for their con-
tent alone, while older children had a growing appreciation of style and composition. But the researchers also
conclude that the children's photographs are not merely their ‘view of the world’ but an indication of their per-
ceived place in the world, particularly with regard to kinship and friendship relations. One finding was that
children were generally ‘scathing’ of adult photography, and saw their parents’ use of photography as indica-
tive of their adult power.

In another study, Mizen (2005) gave 50 children cheap cameras and asked them to compile a ‘photo-diary’
of their work experience. This formed one element of an investigation into children's employment in England
and Wales (between the ages of 13 and 16 children may legally be employed in what is known as ‘light work’,
which does not affect their schooling or health). The cameras were introduced roughly halfway through a
year-long period of qualitative research, during which the children had already been keeping written diaries,
having interviews with research staff, and so on. One of the aims of the project, and one that particularly jus-
tified the use of cameras, was to find out ‘what the children had to tell us about their work (rather) than the
usual preoccupation of researchers with what the work has to tell us about the children’ (Mizen, 2005, p. 125).
Unsurprisingly, given that the children were themselves the photographers, there were few images of children
actually working, and indeed very few pictures of people at all (including employers and co-workers). What
the images did show was the character of the children's work, through documentation of their workplaces.

Mizen points out that there are no studies that have directly observed children at work in the ‘affluent
economies of the North’ and so the photographs allow him and his co-researchers direct access to the struc-
ture, form and content of the work, but more particularly to the children's engagement with it. In particular,

Page 16 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

Mizen claims that although only around 5 per cent of the photographs showed employers, they were an invis-
ible presence (in several instances they had asked the children to cease taking photographs) and relations
with employers became a research theme that was subsequently developed with the children in interviews.
Thus although both Sharples et al. and Mizen had quite different research agendas and employed quite dif-
ferent forms of subsequent analysis (Sharples et al. used two kinds of quite formalist analysis: see Chapter
3), the use of the same visual methodology produced rather similar findings concerning power relationships
between children and adults.

What precisely are visual methodologies? While this question is addressed in detail in the rest of this book,
particularly in Chapter 4, which considers methods in a fieldwork context, some basic points need to be estab-
lished early on. Broadly speaking, there are two main strands to visual research in the social sciences. The
first revolves around the creation of images by the social researcher (typically photographs, film and video-
tape, but also drawings and diagrams) to document or subsequently analyze aspects of social life and social
interaction. In a field-based or even a laboratory context, the social researcher will undoubtedly be taking
notes on the spot, perhaps muttering into a tape recorder, but she may also be taking photographs, making
quick pencil sketches, and so forth. Back in the office, the social researcher may be turning lists of numbers
into graphs, drawing up flow diagrams to show how one social event leads to another, analyzing sequences
of videotape for repeated hand gestures, and so forth.

All these methods involve the creation of images by the social researcher, independently of whether the re-
search subjects know about, understand, or even care about these images. The aim of such a project may
not be specifically visual. For example, an investigation into the role of formal schooling in the creation and
maintenance of gender stereotypes might involve the creation of many hours of videotape, numerous still
photographs, and perhaps a number of visually based psychological tests, but few if any of these might be
presented in the final research report or even referred to in detail. Even if the research was intended to be
visual, or the findings revealed a visual outcome - for example, the hypothetical research above revealed that
gender stereotypes are communicated visually as much as verbally in the classroom - then the researcher
may still face constraints preventing her from publishing this. The power of the word is such that few journals
would be prepared to print more than a few photographs, and no print-based ones would be able to present
video. Similarly, it is rare that an image (as opposed to text about an image) is cited in the work of others,
again leading to a disincentive to publish images. (Some possible solutions to this problem are presented in

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Chapter 5, in the section on presenting visual research.)

The second strand of visual research revolves around the collection and study of images produced or con-
sumed by the subjects of the research. Here the focus of the research project is more obviously visual and
the research subjects more obviously have a social and personal connection with the images. In the field, the
researcher will be spending time with subjects watching television, or flicking through magazines, observing
them as they videotape wedding ceremonies, or take photographs at children's birthday parties. Back in the
office she will be transcribing interview notes about the television programmes watched, or studying copies
of the photographs they took. These methods stem directly from the visual media themselves and from the
research subjects’ engagement with these media. Regardless of the difficulties, it is probably more necessary
for the researcher to publish and disseminate her visual findings in this strand of research.

Briefly stated, these two strands can be contrasted as, on the one hand, the use of images to study society
and, on the other, the sociological study of images. Methodologies for both sets are covered in Chapter 4,
though the emphasis in that chapter is more on image creation in the study of society, while in Chapter 3 a
number of analytical strategies towards the study of images of society are considered.

The two strands are not mutually exclusive, nor are they exhaustive of all visual research within the social
sciences. In either approach, depending on the project, the social researcher will still be conducting surveys,
interviewing subjects, collecting life histories, and so on. The former strand - the creation of images as an aid
to studying society - is perhaps the older. Photography has been used to document and diagrams used to rep-
resent knowledge about society since the beginnings of modern sociology and anthropology in the nineteenth
century. The latter strand - the sociological study of images - has grown in strength in the second half of the
twentieth century, with the rise of film studies, media and communication studies, and a more sociologically
informed art history. But in recent years a third strand has developed, one that encompasses the other two.
This is the creation and study of the collaborative image and it is deployed in projects where social researcher
and the subjects of study work together, both with preexisting images and in the creation of new images. This
development is informed by fundamental changes in social science epistemology, sometimes referred to as
‘the postmodern turn’. The historical development of these strands and the corresponding theoretical insights
that inform them are described in more detail in the next two chapters.

Page 18 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

Planning and executing a visual research project

By the time they have reached the end of this book, together with the other volumes in this Kit (in particular
Flick, 2007a; Gibbs, 2007; Kvale, 2007; and Rapley, 2007) and any other works on quantitative and quali-
tative research methodology thought relevant, social researchers should be able to construct an innovative
and fully justifiable research project and be able to execute it on time and within budget through to the final
dissemination of results. In broad outline, constructing a project involving visual methods is no different from
preparing and executing any research proposal, though obviously the detail of any visual methods to be used
will need to be given particular attention and justification.

Choosing a method

In general, it is not a good idea to begin planning a research project with a particular method in mind and then
casting about for an empirical subject to try it out on. Equally, it is not generally a good idea to begin with a
subject and then think of a method or suite of methods to investigate it (though in practice, many research
projects begin life this way). Ideally, one should formulate an intellectual problem, then consider the most suit-
able subject or empirical context for investigation, and then consider which methods within that context are
most likely to yield data that will address the problem. I doubt all social researchers will agree with me on this
line and in fact, in my experience, most independent social research begins with a concrete substantive issue
(see also Flick, 2007a, 2007b).

For example, a researcher may be interested in why British teenage boys of Afro-Caribbean origin generally
do less well than their white counterparts in formal education. She may have been led to this question by
her own previous experience, or through a newspaper report, or by some other means. An investigation that
starts and finishes with this question and its answer is, to be honest, of limited value, however well executed
the research. Lying behind the question are one or several more general sociological problems of which this
is only a concrete instance. One such sociological problem might be: is inequality within society structured
and sedimented through social institutions or is it the cumulative effect of minor acts of social agency? With
this question in mind, the study of differentials in boys’ educational attainment now becomes broadened out,
indeed to the point where visual methodologies could profitably be employed. For example, boys - and girls -
could be given disposable cameras to photograph the places at home, in the street and at school where they
feel most ‘free’; or pupils could be asked to watch and then comment on a number of Hollywood action films

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that show hero-figures fighting back at society or against injustice, and so forth. I argue in Chapter 6 that im-
age-based research often encourages investigative serendipity, the following of a line of inquiry that could not
have been predicted in the original research design. Following such lines, however, can only be fruitful if the
intellectual parameters are sufficiently broad to encompass them, hence the need for a general sociological
problem lying behind the specific research problem.

Thus, the line from intellectual abstraction, to particular scenario, to appropriate method is worth defending.
Even in contract and policy-related research, which is always driven by real-world problems (e.g. educational
failure) rather than intellectual inquiry (e.g. the balance of structure and agency), it is important. For one thing,
if the empirical conditions turn out not to be as expected, or the research cannot be executed as planned
for some reason, then the underlying intellectual problem can be revisited to provide another empirical test
case. More profoundly, without a point of origin in a body of theory and intellectual abstraction (even if located
there after the event), the findings and output of any particular study are difficult to take further or general-
ize - indeed, their very significance may be opaque. While this may seem simply to be a defence of pure or
‘blue skies’ research and of intellectual integrity and independence, there are practical methodological con-
sequences. For example, many so-called ethnographic films, produced as a mode of inquiry into the social
life of another society, appear to have no intellectual underpinning from within, in this case, the discipline of
social anthropology. Consequently, few social anthropologists who are not already film fans are prepared to
give them much credence as a contribution to the discipline.

In some social science disciplines, establishing the intellectual underpinnings and then deciding upon the em-
pirical context for investigation results in the creation of a hypothesis that can then be tested (for example,
voter turnout at elections is correlated with the state of the economy, such that fewer people vote when the
economy is strong; or, prolonged exposure to violence on television in childhood results in more persons be-
coming more violent in adulthood). In such cases, the choice of research methodologies is generally straight-
forward, relying on past practice and the tried-and-true. In other social science disciplines -including my own
of social anthropology - there is a sense that the framework of hypothesis creation and testing forecloses the
process of research too early and does not allow for unanticipated correlations or simple serendipity. Here,
the programme of research is dictated by a more loosely formulated research question rather than a formal
hypothesis (for example, why don't people bother to vote? or what is the role of social memory in the judge-
ment of television programmes as ‘violent’?), and the choice of method consequently becomes more open,
responding to shifts in the direction of inquiry. In more critical mode the researcher might also go on to ask:

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in whose interest are these questions asked? Whose agenda does it serve to ask why people do not vote, or
what constitutes ‘violence’ in the first place? In such research contexts, the choice of method consequently
becomes more open and a variety of methods can be deployed in a spirit of disinterested inquiry.

In general, visual research methodologies tend towards the exploratory rather than the confirmatory. That is,
visual methodologies are not so much employed as a method to gather data of predetermined size and shape
that will confirm or refute a previously posited hypothesis, but as a method designed to take the researcher
into realms that she may not have considered and towards findings previously unanticipated.

Some practical matters

With these discussions in mind, the construction of a research programme that employs visual methods can
now proceed. Once a research question or hypothesis has been arrived at, its connection to a wider body of
theory understood, and a specific empirical area of inquiry identified, questions of budget, timetable, research
ethics and research methodology need to be addressed, and consideration given to dissemination and publi-
cation of the results. A variety of visual methods and forms of dissemination are discussed in later chapters,
as are ethics, but some points concerning budget and timetable should be mentioned from the outset. Bud-
getary consideration should be given not just to the cost of consumables (film, videotape, batteries, digital
camera data cards, and so on), but also to the - sometimes unexpected - costs associated with distribution
(copies of photographs for return to research subjects, blank CDs, DVDs or videotapes, plus postage costs,
for distributing film or video footage). Photographic reproduction costs in particular can be very high if the re-
searcher plans or becomes involved in an exhibition of photographs as part of the research process (see the
discussion of Geffroy's work in France in Chapter 5).

That such costs are not always anticipated is related to my opening comments on the ubiquity of images in
society. I suspect that there are few people who have been the subject of an academic research project who
would be delighted to receive a copy of a professional peer-reviewed academic paper, still less actively re-
quest a copy from the author. Conversely, most people who have been filmed, photographed or videotaped
as part of a visual research project are very pleased to receive copies, and some do indeed actively demand
them. Why should this be, given that the printed word is as ubiquitous as the visual image, at least in some
societies? The answer is discussed more fully in Chapter 5, but relates to what some have called the polyvo-

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cality of images, their ability to permit multiple readings. To a researcher in behavioural studies, a photograph
she took of two elderly men gesturing as they converse on a park bench is evidence of ethnic variation in
non-linguistic communication and an important piece of evidence in her research report. To the niece of one
of the men, it is treasured memory of recently deceased Uncle Luigi with his great pal Joe. The niece might
well be interested to read that ‘to reinforce his point, subject A (an elderly Italian-American male) gestures by
bringing his right hand down in a closed fist upon the open palm of his left hand, while subject B (an Irish-
American) looks on’, but she is hardly likely to frame the page of the article and place it on her mantelpiece.

Research project timetabling is less likely to be subject to research subjects’ demands, though the researcher
with a video camera should be prepared to meet requests to record wedding ceremonies, children's birthday
parties, and the like. What is likely is an underestimate of the time required to view, transcribe and analyze im-
ages produced or collected in the course of research. One immediate problem is that there is no cataloguing
or classificatory scheme for either still or moving images in universal use, and there is currently very little that

can usefully be achieved in the way of computerized image recognition.2 This means that most researchers
end up indexing their visual materials by hand and to a scheme of their own devising, which normally has
to be revised several times along the way. A more detailed discussion of these procedures can be found in
Chapter 5.

Key terms and concepts

Although a glossary is provided at the end of this book, visual research employs a large number of specialist
terms, often terms in use in daily language but with a distinctive aspect that need to be examined more close-
ly. As with much analytical language in the social sciences, many terms have a literal meaning elsewhere but
are used metaphorically; it is always worth reminding oneself of the literal meaning from time to time nonethe-
less.

Agency

This term is commonly understood in the social sciences to mean the capacity of one person to act upon an-
other, or to influence a set of social relations as a result of such action, and is normally invoked within discus-

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sions of power. The relationship between a person's agency, and the structures that constrain the totally free
expression of that agency (structures such as a legal framework, the educational system, kinship relations, or
‘tradition’), form one of the core areas of investigation within the modern social sciences. Although the term
is normally confined to human agents, some anthropologists and others have attributed agency to objects:
in the area of visual research, this is best summed up by Mitchell's provocative question, ‘What do pictures
really want?’ (1996, cited in Edwards, 2001, p. 18). While some, especially in science and technology studies,
appear to write and construct theory as though objects really were possessed of agency (see Latour, 1991,
for an example), most tend to use the term more metaphorically or, following the anthropologist of art, Alfred
Gell, in seeing the agency of persons displaced into objects (‘secondary agency’: see Gell, 1998). An object,
such as a photograph or a piece of art, makes us do things (such as bid a high price at an auction to acquire
it) because that is the intention of its creator or owner, or others associated with it or, more sociologically,
because a nexus of human social relationships imbues the object with apparently agentive action, regardless
of the wishes of any particular individual. Leading on from the idea that images, whether in their own right or
as tools of human others, have agency, it therefore follows that images do ‘work’. The work that images do or
do not do is relevant, for example, to the discussion of the use of photography in attempts to understand the
Indian caste system, discussed in the next chapter (the section on early uses of photography).

Data

Although the term is normally associated with a more positivist version of social science than I am comfortable
with, it is a convenient shorthand term. I use it throughout this book simply to indicate the objects of socio-
logical attention. From a more positivist perspective the data are already ‘out there’ waiting to be discovered,
while from a more intrerpretivist point of view the data are brought into being through the process of inquiry;
either way, they are all data. In this book, the term simply denotes the visual images and other things that are
identified, created or reified by the processes of social research into objects that can be manipulated, tabulat-
ed, compared one against another and so forth, regardless of their ontological status. Put another way, visual
objects such as photographs can either be considered as data in their own right (‘43 per cent of the images in
the collection are glass-plate negatives’), or they can be considered as sources of data (‘in 43 per cent of the
images men are performing agricultural tasks’). For those of a less positivistic persuasion, the latter meaning
is more problematic because it relates to an interpretation of content (the internal narrative, see below), how-

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ever apparently objective or obvious. The former understanding is easier to accept, referring as it does to the
physical actuality of the object, the most basic aspect of its external narrative. (See also Box 2.1 in Chapter
2.)

Documentary

Although today the term is routinely applied to most if not all kinds of non-fiction film and some kinds of still
photography, on the whole it is associated with the films of British filmmaker John Grierson and his mission,
from the late 1920s onwards, to ‘dramatize [social] issues and their implications in a meaningful way [which
would] lead the citizen through the wilderness’ of social change and uncertainty, as Erik Barnouw puts it
(1983, p. 85). In other words, a documentary film - or corpus of documentary photographs - is not merely a
neutral document or record of things that took place before the camera, but a representation(see below) of
those things, persons and events intended to explain society and its processes to its citizens.

Figure/ground

In fine art or in descriptive assessments of images, the figure is the main subject of, say, a painting (for exam-
ple, a vase of flowers or a bowl of fruit in a stilllife) and the ground is more or less everything else (which in
classical representational European art is normally the background - mountains, buildings, trees, etc., though
not necessarily). Less literally, however, the terms are also used to explore the relationship between things
that appear to be significant and those that seem incidental and also the extent to which figure is only given
meaning by its relationship to ground (in gestalt psychology, for example). In the psychology of perception, a
classic case is the simple black and white sketch, familiar to most children as an ‘optical illusion’, which can
be seen either as the silhouette of two faces in profile facing one another as though in conversation, or as
an elaborately shaped vase, depending on which of black or white is assigned the value of ‘figure’ and which
‘ground’.

Frame

There are two literal uses one might encounter: (i) the physical, material frame in which a picture is placed

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when, for example, selecting a suitable frame to exhibit the photographs taken during a field investigation, or
perhaps when considering the frame used to hold a family snapshot or memorial portrait that an informant is
discussing in the course of an interview; (ii) when looking through the viewfinder of a camera to frame a shot,
or when considering the frame that another photographer selected for a shot. These uses of the term con-
cern relatively practical matters, although especially in the latter case this is not without theoretical or analyt-
ical importance. More commonly researchers encounter the term in a more metaphorical sense. Sociologists
sometimes speak of the ‘research frame’, indicating what is, and is not, to be included in the investigation.
For example, a piece of research into the correlation between children's educational attainments and family
income would be unlikely to consider shoe-size as a significant variable, and therefore not include it in the
research frame. However, in contemporary Euro-America, children's choice of and access to certain brand-
name (training) shoes might be significant and probably should be included within the research frame (Nike
or Adidas?). In visual research the frame initially appears to be the frame around the image as published or
experienced, but further investigation often shows that the frame needs to be considerably broadened. This
can be taken in both a literal sense - what is not shown, just beyond the frame of the image seen? - as well
as metaphorically - what social and hence sociological factors influence the photographic frame selected?
Research investigations directed towards an image's external narrative (see below) often broaden the frame
considerably.

Narrative

At its broadest, the term refers to the intentional organization of information apparently presented within - for
our purposes - an image or sequence of images. More narrowly, and deriving from the use in academic as
well as non-academic speech, it refers to the ‘story’ told by these images. At this point cultural specificity must
be highlighted: not all societies would necessarily recognize the logical ordering of events that make a ‘good’
story for Euro-Americans. Narrative structures are established and understood by convention and are not in-
nate or universal. In this book, however, as elsewhere (e.g. Banks, 2001), I take the broader meaning of the
term, but distinguish two kinds of narrative - internal narrative and external narrative. The internal narrative of,
say, a photograph is simply addressed by the question: ‘What is this a picture of?’ (answer, in a descriptive
mode: a cat, a woman, a man with a gun; but, more interpretatively, also: my pet, his wife, a murder). The
external narrative is the story constructed by answering such questions as: ‘Who took this picture?’, ‘When

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was it taken?’, ‘Why was it taken?’ Although some clues to aid in constructing the external narrative of an im-
age can be derived from the image itself, for the most part the external narrative is constructed by conducting
research elsewhere: in brief, by considering the image as a node or a channel in a network of human social
relations. Such an exercise enlarges the (metaphorical) frame of the image (see above) to consider persons
and events that may extend quite widely in time and space.

Ocularcentrism

This ungainly term refers to the apparent privileging of vision above all other senses in contemporary Western
society (and increasingly elsewhere). The importance of vision as a way of knowing the world is associated
with the rise of modernity and subsequently postmodernity, partly because of the sheer volume of images that
surround us in these periods (magazines, television, advertising hoardings, etc.) and partly because, as the
French sociologist Michel Foucault has observed, vision becomes a tool and a means by which power is ex-
ercised in society. His most famous example, and one much cited and drawn upon since, is the panopticon,
the eighteenth-century design for a prison in which the warders can see all the prisoners but cannot be seen
by the prisoners (see Chapter 3). For some researchers ocularcentrism is merely a descriptive term, morally
and socially neutral; for others it is implicitly a term of criticism, associated with the perpetual surveillance of
modern life in the form of CCTV cameras on every street corner (see also Rose, 2001, p. 9). For the social
researcher interested in visuality (the social construction and use of vision) it is ironic that the social sciences,
like most other branches of academic study, are profoundly logocentric, preferring the word over the image to
present their findings.

Perspective

This again is a term with both a technical meaning (as in ‘vanishing-point perspective’ as a compositional
rule in fine-art painting and technical drawing) and everyday more casual and metaphorical usage, which is
constantly invoked in social science, including visual research. One reason for including it here in this list is
that its use normally implies a knowing - and seeing - agent, someone from whose perspective something is
observed.

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Reflexivity

Described more fully in Chapter 3, a reflexive approach in social research implies an awareness of the re-
searcher's own role in the research process (as Becker, 1998, puts it, ‘how to think about your research while
you're doing it’). This can range from a minimal awareness of one's own biases or subjectivities to a full-blown
autobiographical frame for the research. The mode of investigation, and the type of data considered, influ-
ence the level of reflexivity to some extent. For example, an analysis of public images used in advertising may
require the researcher to confront her own subjectivity - as a woman, as a mother, as a consumer, and so on
- but probably only to a minimal degree, or not at all. A project involving the creation and subsequent analysis
of a community video, on the other hand, may involve a great deal of consideration of the researcher's rela-
tionship to the community in question, which itself will be predicated on her age, gender, class position, and
so forth.

Representation

This term dominates much writing on the visual in both sociological writings and that of other disciplines, such
as art history. The key point, in the case of visual representation, is that the thing seen - the representation - is
a thing in its own right, not merely a substitute for the thing unseen, the thing represented. As Elizabeth Chap-
lin, amongst others, notes, a (visual) representation has three additional properties: its form is not dictated
solely or even at all by the thing represented but by a set of conventions or codes (vanishing-point perspec-
tive, for example, allows a three-dimensional scene to be represented in two dimensions but only to viewers
who understand the convention); it is embedded in, reflects and constitutes social processes (so, for exam-
ple, a two-dimensional painting of a landscape may reflect and thus represent the wealth and aspirations of
the landowner who commissioned it); and finally, the representation has some kind of intentional force behind
it (see agency above) and presumes a viewer or a consumer (for example, the viewer of the landscape paint-
ing) is impressed, even awed, by the landowner's wealth and ownership of such beauty (Chaplin, 1994, p. 1).
But as Chaplin also notes, terms such as ‘representation’, ‘picture’, ‘image’ and so on are often used loosely
in the literature, and readers are advised to study the context within which a term is used in order to assess
the specificity of meaning intended (Chaplin, 1994, p. 183).

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Organization of this book

This rest of this book is organized in the following way. Chapter 2 briefly outlines the history of visual methods
in various social science disciplines and points to some key moments; initially popular in the late nineteenth
century, the methodological use of still and moving images increasingly fell out of favour as researchers
turned to what they considered to be more robust methodologies and as they discovered images to be far less
pliant than they had imagined. It was only in the latter decades of the twentieth century that the expressive
power of images began to be seen as a way of enriching sociological analysis. The point of the chapter is to
indicate that there is little new in the current enthusiasm for visually oriented research and that an awareness
of past ventures can provide a firm background.

Chapter 3 surveys a number of current analytical approaches towards the study of visual materials, while
Chapter 4 outlines a number of recent field-based methods suitable for visual research. While in the course
of an actual social research project, a researcher will normally collect (or generate) visual materials (or ‘data’)
first, and go on to analyze them subsequently, I have a good reason for placing the analysis chapter before
the methods chapter. Simply, most researchers today would recognize that there is no such thing as value-
free data gathering. At the most basic or weakest level, human intentionality - the decision of a researcher
to conduct a piece of research - presumes some kind of prior epistemological standpoint. More strongly, all
researchers are likely to have some kind of theoretical or analytical intention in mind before executing the
research. Consequently, it is necessary to examine those intentions before actually commencing the investi-
gation, and consequently Chapter 3 precedes Chapter 4.

Chapter 4 falls into three main sections in which the visual field research methods described progressively
become more active and engaged. After a brief introduction, the first section considers methods that largely
utilize found, or preexisting, images, such as photo-elicitation. The following section then considers method-
ological issues that arise when social researchers create their own images, such as making ethnographic
films. The final section moves on to consider a variety of collaborative strategies, in which the line between
the researchers’ interests and those of the people that she is researching is difficult to draw. The chapter con-
cludes with a discussion of ethics in visual research. This section could perhaps have been placed at any
point in the book and certainly ethical concerns permeate all aspects of the research process, from initial
planning to the final report and beyond. But it makes sense to place it in the central chapter, to emphasize the
centrality of the issue.

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Chapter 5 moves from the field back to the academy and considers the ways in which visual research is pre-
sented. The ‘audience’ is an important consideration for a researcher, almost as important as the research
itself, for if the research is poorly presented or targets the wrong audience, then much of the effort of re-
search will have been wasted. The chapter considers two important audiences -fellow professionals, and the
research subjects themselves - before going on to consider the value of computer-based systems that may
help overcome some of the difficulties encountered in presenting visual research results.

The concluding chapter returns to some of the issues raised in the introduction with regard to the robustness
of qualitative research methodologies, and particularly visual methodologies.

Images in the book

This book contains only a small number of images. I could have included far more - perhaps one for almost
every sentence at some points in the text - and I also considered including none at all. To some extent the
images introduce material that may be (visually) unfamiliar to many readers, and they are largely intended as
illustrations, as a visual ‘way in’ to a point made in the text, rather than as ‘data’ to be analyzed. The rela-
tionship between image and text is discussed in Chapter 5, but after reading this book I hope the reader will
bring a critical eye to all illustrated texts she encounters, both academic and non-academic. She should ask
herself questions such as: why these pictures and not others? what work are these pictures doing - are they
extending the text or supporting it? what lies beyond the frame? and, crucially, what sociological insights are
these pictures providing?

Key points

• Visual research methodologies should only be used as part of a more general ‘package’ of research
methodologies and their use should be indicated by the research itself, not just because the re-
searcher enjoys taking pictures.
• Visual research can take longer than expected, and may involve additional costs; researchers should
plan for this at the outset.
• In planning a project, researchers should try to identify the fundamental sociological questions that
lie behind the specific investigation; at the same time, visual research methodologies are often used

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in an exploratory manner, to discover things the researcher had not initially considered.

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https://doi.org/10.4135/9780857020260

Notes

Chapter 1

1 A note on terms and limitations: although I am a social anthropologist by training, I have tried as hard
as possible to make the discussion in this and subsequent chapters relevant to researchers across a broad
range of social science disciplines. I have therefore adopted the rather bland terms ‘social research’ and
‘social researcher’, though I recognize that there is no such thing as a generic social researcher. The reader
will therefore have to ask herself how what I am discussing might be made most relevant to a psychological
study, or a political science study, and so forth. I also use the term ‘sociological’ as a catch-all term to cover
the insights gained from any kind of social research. Similarly, although in this and subsequent chapters I
will be talking about ‘pictures’ and ‘images’, I generally have in mind photographs and, to some extent, film
or videotape. Again, the particular medium used for image creation and dissemination is important, and the
researcher should also be asking herself whether what I say about photography, for example, also applies
to painting, or sand drawing, or whatever. Finally, I adopt the admittedly depersonalizing term ‘research
subjects’ to indicate the men and women (and children) from whom fieldworking social researchers gather
data. Particular disciplines may customarily use generalizing terms such as ‘informants’ or ‘respondents’,
and particular authors may avoid all such terms and instead specify through description (‘a neighbour’) or
pseudonym (‘Jane’). My use of ‘research subjects’ is intended to cover all of these without prejudice.

2 In the wake of George W. Bush's declaration of a ‘war’ on terror, and the consequent tightening of security
at airports in the US and elsewhere, research into biometric identification systems is on the increase. While
iris scanning seems relatively well developed, the far less intrusive computer comparison of faces with
photographs is not currently well advanced. Variations in lighting and posture, and changes due to age, illness
or cosmetic surgery, all serve to introduce too much variation.

Chapter 2

3 This is a hugely superficial summary of only one part of the Victorian anthropological project. For critical

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overviews of the (spurious) notion of there being a social evolutionary progression from ‘primitive’ to ‘civilized’
society, see Fabian (1983), Kuper (1988) and Stocking (1982). Edwards (1992, 2001) provides more
information on the role of photography in these projects.

4 The quotations from the FSA shooting scripts are taken from appendixes to a longer, unpublished version of
Suchar's paper, given as a presentation to an International Visual Studies Association meeting in 1989 (see
Flaes, 1989). More information on the FSA photographic work can be found in Trachtenberg (1989), while
Collier and Collier's early work on visual research methods (1986, originally 1967) grew out of John Collier's
work for the FSA in the 1940s.

5 Although I will mention his work in passing elsewhere in this book, this is not the place to discuss the
enormous influence David MacDougall has had on the history of post-1960s ethnographic film, both through
his own films (often jointly with Judith MacDougall) and through his writing on film and visual anthropology.
See Grimshaw (2001) and Loizos (1993) for appraisals, as well as MacDougall (1998) for some of his essays.

6 Briefly, and anticipating the discussion of Chapter 3, I am therefore excluding firstly the many studies of
advertising and other images that are consumed within Euro-American society. This is on the grounds that
such studies pay scant attention to the human agents involved in the production of such images, generally
ascribing them to ‘society’ in a rather vague sense; that is, ‘society’ somehow produces images that employ
codes that Euro-Americans read or that reflect Euro-American ‘society's’ norms or values. Such studies
therefore begin the work of sociological analysis at far too late a point in the process, however valuable the
subsequent semiotic analysis may be. Secondly, I exclude the literature from design that discusses the ‘best’
way to present visual material - again, largely and unquestioningly oriented towards an essentially a-historical
Euro-American understanding of society. This literature is both interesting and valuable for those involved in
the relevant industries, but again, it does not strike me as especially sociological, except in the presumptions
made.

Chapter 3

7 Jenkins makes these remarks in praise of the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu's skill in this area, but achieving a
productive dialogue between ‘theory’ and practice is a goal for all anthropologists.

8 In order for me to be able to formulate some of these statements, it should, I hope, be obvious that I situate

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myself within a broadly interpretivist and reflexive paradigm. That is, my personal epistemology contains
within it the apparent ability to think both within the paradigm and at the same time to stand outside it and
consider both it and the other major paradigm. While admittedly paradoxical, there is not very much I can do
about this! All I can say is that I hope I can present the various perspectives discussed in the text in as fair a
fashion as possible.

9 Of course, there are entire disciplines wholly concerned with image analysis, most notably art history and
film studies. Although there are important exceptions, these disciplines have not historically been overly
concerned with social issues, nor have they taken a distinctively sociological approach to the study of visual
images. I do not discuss them further here.

10 I have of necessity to be selective in what is covered in this section. Perhaps the most significant omission
is a sustained discussion of psychoanalytical approaches; Gillian Rose provides an admirable summary
(2001, chap. 5).

11 I have expanded imaginatively on Lister and Wells's discussion of the image.

12 I am well aware of the irony of making this statement and indeed providing this example in a book intended
for use on research methods courses.

13 Strictly, Haddon was of course studying the things - baskets, pots, or whatever -rather than images as
such. For Evolution in Art he examined objects in a variety of museums, as well as drawings and photographs
made by others. The point seems banal, but is typical of the slipperiness and elisions that exist between
things and images of things in much analysis.

14 The underlying theoretical influence implied appears to be a form of Durkheimian functionalism; see
Besnard (1994) for a recent, non-visual and more explicitly Durkheimian example, and see of course
Durkheim's Suicide (1951).

15 Heath and Hindmarsh also provide an outline of an extended transcription system for annotating the video
material.

16 At a more abstract level, Giddens (1991) uses the term to indicate the constant process of self-examination
and refashioning that modernity demands of society's members . This macro-perspective can be understood
as a context for the more narrowly methodologically practical discussion of the term here.

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17 Key works normally associated with identifying (or, some would say, creating) this ‘crisis’ are Clifford and
Marcus (1986), Marcus and Fischer (1986), Marcus and Cushman (1982) and Clifford (1988). From these,
especially various contributions in the first volume, there spiralled out a vast literature.

18 Regardless of underlying theoretical presumptions it is, I think, possible to discuss ‘good’ and ‘bad’
applications of method or analysis; that is, some projects are simply poorly conceived and poorly conducted.
While the standards by which projects are measured are in part set by the framing theoretical paradigm (for
example, within a quantitative, positivist paradigm, the failure to distinguish between a ‘random’ dataset of
images selected to investigate, say, gender inequality in advertising, and an ‘opportunistic’ dataset is a serious
flaw), I think it is possible to identify some universal weaknesses that any social scientist, no matter what
their theoretical persuasion, would regard as compromising to the project. Chief amongst these would be the
elevation, usually implicit, of a researcher's opinion (on, for example, what a photograph ‘means’) to the level
of a ‘truth’ that is valid for all members of their society and, indeed, for humankind universally. This kind of
flaw is more common than might be imagined, and is often concealed by bombastic or supposedly ‘difficult’
prose.

Chapter 4

19 Many of the examples described in this chapter and the next are drawn from my earlier book on visual
methods (Banks, 2001), although often recast to suit the agenda of this volume.

20 By ‘the field’ I merely mean any real-world context in which people are going about their daily business
and into which the researcher aims to insert herself for a shorter or longer duration, in contrast to the library
or office, or the experimental laboratory.

21 The anthropologist Janet Hoskins (1998) considers the reverse situation, where a discussion of objects
can help illuminate the biographies of people.

22 As an aside, some teachers of both film and visual anthropology occasionally set a training exercise for
students in which a ‘picture off’ button would be very useful. A sequence of film without sound is played to
a class, followed by a soundtrack with no accompanying picture. The students are asked to describe what
they understand: where in the world are we? what are they doing? how might soundtrack help to structure the
images? what kind of pictures might accompany these sounds? and so on. However, the point of this exercise

Page 34 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

is not so much to conduct any kind of experiment with the students, but rather to use it as the starting point for
developing their visual literacy, helping them to make explicit and self-conscious their tacit film reading skills
(see also Martinez, 1990, p. 46).

23 Barbash and Taylor's comprehensive Cross-Cultural Filmmaking (1997) is valuable for far more than
strictly ethnographic film production, and covers a huge range of technical issues as well as more general
discussions of film styles, ethics, and so forth (see also Asch, 1992). Nothing quite equivalent exists for either
still photography or video (though some useful insights are to be found in Wright, 1999, for the former and
Harding, 1997, for the latter). Sarah Pink's Doing Visual Ethnography (2001) contains two chapters on the
use of photography and the use of video in ethnographic field-work, which while not strictly technical do make
a number of practical points.

24 Some commentators (e.g. Ruby, 2005, p. 112) understand the cine-trance idea to mean that the subjects
of the film (rather than the filmmaker) enter into a trance-like state and in doing so reveal themselves and their
culture to the camera in a way that would not be possible by other means. It is entirely possible that Rouch
used the idea in both ways, and it is certainly in accordance with the idea discussed in the section about
collaboration in this chapter that the very fact of engaging with social research causes research subjects to
reflect on themselves and their social position.

25 Almost every anthropologist from Euro-America who has worked in the developing world has worked with
people who have expectations, some realistic, some not, of what the anthropologist may be able to do for
them: providing jobs overseas, intervening with local officials, acting as a channel for aid projects or tourist
ventures, and so forth.

26 Chalfen's introduction to the second edition of the book (originally published in 1972) summarizes the
responses to the project (Chalfen, 1996).

27 I should quickly say that I have no problem with advocacy projects conducted by social researchers. My
point here is merely to create a category distinction between visual projects commissioned by a group of
research subjects for their own ends in which the researcher is essentially a facilitator, and those in which the
political or social goals of the group are matched by a disciplinary, rather than an ethical or political, interest
on the part of the researcher. The distinction is, I admit, a fine one.

28 This is most easily accessed online at www.theasa.org.

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29 Some anthropologists have found to their cost that this may not be sufficient. In groups that have a strong
sense of collective identity, the fact that the identity of specific individuals is concealed is irrelevant. If an
anonymized individual is described as doing something shameful, illegal, or merely embarrassing, the group
as a whole (or leaders claiming to speak on behalf of the group as a whole) may take offence at the circulation
of the representation.

30 I am not a lawyer and my understanding of these issues is at a very superficial level. Social researchers
who think they have good reason to be concerned about such matters should consult a media lawyer or any
other lawyer practiced in these issues. My understanding, however, is that there are many grey areas and few
clear-cut answers.

31 That the subjects of images have no automatic legal entitlement to copyright in those images was
shown in 1998, when the Diana, Princess of Wales, Memorial Fund sought legal action against a North
American manufacturer of commemorative items claiming that a ‘Diana’ doll it was producing ‘exploited’ the
late woman's identity (Electronic Telegraph, issue 1089, 19 May 1998); a year earlier the Memorial Fund had
sought to register Diana's image as a trademark. Both actions failed.

Chapter 5

32 That said, there are many social science departments in the UK - including my own at doctoral level - that
would not accept a film (for example) as an inherent part of a dissertation's argument, but only as an annexe
to a written dissertation that the examiners would not necessarily be obliged to view.

33 One could also argue the contrary position, that photographs are and remain too powerful in their
representational properties to be constrained in this way.

34 I regard the first ‘audience’ as somewhat self-evident and it is disingenuous to pretend otherwise.

35 ‘Research footage’ is of course another matter; when a social researcher has shot film or videotape as
part of a data-gathering exercise it is likely she will form the sole audience, certainly for the entirety of the
material, though extracts may be screened in the course of conference presentations.

36 Ironically, perhaps, Bell had not at the time of publication deposited copies of the images he took to the
Purari Delta as local storage conditions are not yet sufficient to preserve paper in the humid climate, though

Page 36 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

this is planned (J. Bell, 2003, p. 119). But he is quite clear - as am I - that he repatriated the idea or meaning
of the images and that within the local cultural context the oral and material discourse surrounding the images
is more important than the photographic objects themselves.

37 In the course of his article, Geffroy - who has psychoanalytical training - does in fact make some
psychoanalytical readings of the villagers’ photographs, especially regarding gender and marital relationships.

38 Quality can in fact be diminished if ‘lossy’ compression formats such as JPEG are used, which drop
supposedly redundant pixels; TIFF is a preferred format for image files. Equally, scanning (or still digital
photograph creation) should be done at the highest possible resolution, regardless of file size. Resolution can
be diminished, for example to create small files for electronic transmission, but it can never be augmented.
Electronic file storage is now so cheap and computer processing power now so great that the huge file sizes
of high-resolution TIFF images are not the obstacle that they once were.

39 The Uduk people have been refugees since the late 1980s, forced to cross the border between Sudan
and Ethiopia a number of times. James's recent work has documented the upheavals in their lives, a corpus
that includes both the television film (Orphans of Passage, MacDonald, 1993) and the journal article upon
which this multimedia project is based (James, 1997). The multimedia project itself was devised as a kind
of annexe to an earlier large-scale project, ‘Experience-Rich Anthropology’ (ERA), which sought to create
multimedia texts based on the work of a variety of anthropologists, which could be used in teaching the
discipline. The ERA projects, coordinated by Michael Fischer and David Zeitlyn, can be found online at
era.anthropology.ac.uk.

40 A full discussion of manual and computer-based coding systems for text is well beyond the scope of this
book; see J. Fielding (2001) and Gibbs (2007) for good introductions.

Chapter 6

41 In 2002 the then US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld commented on the likelihood of linkages
between Saddam Hussein's regime in Baghdad and terrorist organizations such as al-Qaeda by referrring
to the ‘known knowns’, the ‘known unknowns’ and the ‘unknown unknowns’; this gnomic statement was
subsequently rendered into poetry form by Seely (2003). In many ways, visual research methodologies
provide access into not just the ‘known unknowns’ but also the ‘unknown unknowns’.

Page 37 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

42 Where this is less true is when language, or more particularly linguistic analysis, is involved. Because at
the level of langue and perhaps at the level of parole language does exhibit regularities and rule-governed
behaviour, it is possible to assign categories for analysis and to standardize and regularize lexical items as
data. This process may, however, overlook the ways in which language is put to social use, such as irony.

Page 38 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

Glossary

Agency The ability of a person or group to exercise social action (see also Chapter 1).

Anthropometry The measurement of the human body; anthropometric photography seeks to capture data
about body shape and type in a standardized form.

Choreometrics A system, devised by Alan Lomax, to analyze dance movement cross-culturally.

Conversation analysis The study of language use in specific real-world situations; increasingly, film and
videotaped recordings of conversational encounters allow consideration of gesture as well.

Data A datum (singular) is a discrete item selected or created for analysis, such as a set of figures or an
instance of behaviour (see also Chapter 1).

Documentary With regard to film, generally covering all non-fiction film that has a narrative (as opposed to,
say, a newsreel) (see also Chapter 1).

Ethnographic film A documentary film genre seeking to portray (some part of) the life of a society or social
group.

Ethnography The on-the-ground qualitative study of the life of a society or social group, typically through
participant-observation (see also Box 4.1 in Chapter 4).

Ethnology A now largely discarded term indicating the ethnographic study of a society, or often, the
comparison of a feature or features across several societies.

Fieldwork A broad term indicating the researcher's presence among the research subjects in their normal
environment of social interaction; the researcher will use a variety of methods during fieldwork (see also Box
4.1 in Chapter 4).

Figure/ground Along with perspective and representation, this is one of a number of terms taken from the
visual arts to draw attention to the viewer and their engagement with an image; in this case, how the key
elements of a composition are related to the embedding context (see also Chapter 1).

Frame Literally, the frame around an image (or a single image in a sequence, such as in a film strip), but also
the intellectual questions that delineate the parameters of a piece of research (see also Chapter 1).

Frame-still A still image extracted from a sequence of moving images and reproduced, for example as an

Page 39 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

illustration in a book.

Jump-cut A form of film or video editing where two scenes of similar content are edited together such that
the action appears to jump rather than flow smoothly.

Latent The underlying meaning of something (a statement, an image, etc.) rather than the apparently
obvious, or manifest, meaning.

Manifest The on-the-surface appearance of something, or the intended meaning of something; see also
latent.

Materiality A term to draw attention to the social significance of the material properties of things.

Metadata Data about data; if an object or image is understood as an item of data, then the description of the
item constitutes its metadata; metadata are typically far more structured and regular than the data items they
describe and hence allow more systematic analysis.

Multivocality See polyvocality.

Narrative Briefly, the ‘story’ told by a sequence of words, actions or images, and more generally the
organization of the information within that story (see also Chapter 1).

Ocularcentrism A term to denote the apparent centrality of vision in the modern world's understanding of
itself (see also Chapter 1).

Participant-observation A fieldwork method used by anthropologists and others where the researcher seeks
as far as possible to participate in the social life of the research subjects, as well as - paradoxically - standing
apart from that social life in order to observe it.

Perspective An interest in perspective in the technical sense encourages visual research to pay more
attention to the location and viewpoint of the observer (see also Chapter 1).

Polyvocality The ‘many voices’ with which images may speak, that is, the different meanings that can be
attributed to an image by different observers.

Proxemics The study of the (social) use of space and what is sometimes called ‘personal territory’; as with
choreometrics, film and videotape are often used to capture data for subsequent analysis.

Reflexivity The process by which a researcher considers and accounts for their own role in the conduct of

Page 40 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

research and analysis of the findings (see also Chapter 1).

Representation One thing (a verbal utterance, a picture, etc.) standing for another thing (an act witnessed,
a person) but not identical to it; the representation is a thing-in-itself, not just a substitute for something else
(see also Chapter 1).

Scopic regime A form of social control or order which rests primarily upon vision - the act of seeing and the
condition of being seen - to maintain that order.

Semiotic analysis The study of signs or symbols, particularly systems of linked signs, and how meaning is
communicated in predictable and structured ways by them.

Page 41 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

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Page 55 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

Author index

• Abu-Lughod, L. 62–4, 71
• Adair, J. 1–3, 81, 95
• Asch, P. 71–2
• Asch, T. 71–2, 106
• Aston, J. 107–8, 111
• Baily, J. 77
• Ball, M. 45–9
• Barbash, I. 76
• Barnouw, E. 12
• Barry, A. 42–3
• Barthes, R. 40–1
• Bateson, G. 29
• Becker, H. 15, 89
• Bell, J. 102–4
• Bell, P. 86–7, 89
• Bentham, J. 35–6, 42
• Berelson, B. 44
• Berger, J. 38, 96
• Bertillon, A. 25
• Biella, P. 77, 106, 111
• Blackwood, B. 28–9
• Bourdieu, P. 40
• Caldarola, V. 73–1
• Carelli, V. 83
• Chagnon, N. 106
• Chalfen, D. 3
• Chaplin, E. 15–16, 51, 53
• Chiozzi, P. 66–70, 80, 82
• Collett, P. 62
• Collier, J. 65, 73–4, 80, 101, 114
• Collier, M. 65, 114
• Connor, L. 71–2
• Constable, J. 53

Page 56 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

• Cool, J. 76
• Coover, R. 107
• Danforth, L. 98
• Darwin, C. 25
• Doisneau, R. 41–2
• Durkheim, É. 48
• Eco, U. 95
• Emmison, M. 94
• Evans, J. 40
• Faris, J.C. 84
• Fischer, M. 106–7
• Flaherty, R. 28–9
• Foucault, M. 14, 23–6, 35–6, 40–4, 73, 87
• Geertz, C. 22
• Geffroy, Y. 66–9, 102–3
• Gell, A. 11, 53
• Ginsburg, F. 84, 95
• Glaser, B.G. 48
• Gold, S. 68–9
• Goodwin, C. 50
• Grady, J. 97
• Grierson, J. 12
• Haddon, A. C. 19–21, 27–8, 44–7
• Hagerman, D. 89
• Hall, S. 40
• Halpern, S.W. 89
• Hamilton, P. 26
• Hargreaves, R. 26
• Harper, D. 26, 97
• Hawkins, R. 30
• Heald, S. 30
• Heath, C. 49
• Henley, P. 76
• Hindmarsh, J. 49
• Huxley, T. H. 23, 25
• Iedema, R. 47–8
Page 57 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research
Sage Sage Research Methods
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• James, W. 107–8
• Jay, M. 40
• Jenkins, R. 37
• Jenks, C. 40
• Jewitt, C. 47
• Kess, G. 47, 98
• Kingston, D.P. 104
• Krebs, S. 70–2
• Kroeber, A. 46
• Leach, E. 51
• Lévi-Strauss, C. 47–8
• Lister, M. 40–1, 52
• Llewelyn-Davies, M. 30
• Lombroso, C. 25
• Lull, J. 61
• Lutkehaus, N. 76
• Lynd, R. 26–7
• MacDougall, D. 30, 77
• Malinowski, B. 43
• Martinez, W. 95, 99
• Marx, K. 40, 48
• Mead, M. 29, 95
• Merleau-Ponty, M. 117
• Michaels, E. 85
• Minh-ha, T. T. 88
• Mirzoeff, N. 40–1, 64
• Mizen, P. 5–6
• Mohr, J. 96
• Monmonier, M. 33
• Morley, D. 53, 62, 64
• Morphy, F. 83
• Morphy, H. 83
• Niessen, S. 69–71, 79
• Oyama, R. 47
• Pink, S. 50–1, 79–82, 85, 97, 105, 111
• Pinney, C. 25, 54
Page 58 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research
Sage Sage Research Methods
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• Quinlan, T. 83–4
• Richardson, J. 46
• Robinson, D. 46, 59
• Rose, G. 94
• Rouch, J. 76, 98
• Ruby, J. 51, 77, 92–3
• Rumsfeld, D. 114
• Rundstrom, D. 77
• Russell, K. 41
• Sapir, E. 2–3, 29
• Saussure, F. de 48
• Schratz, M. 78
• Seaman, G. 106
• Sharples, M. 5–6
• Shwartz, D. 97
• Silverstone, R. 65
• Smith, G.W.H. 45–9
• Smith, P. 94
• Snow, J. 32–3
• Spencer, B. 28
• Stanton, J. 104
• Steiger, R. 74–5, 101
• Steiner-Löffler, U. 78
• Stoller, P. 116–18
• Strauss, A.L. 48
• Suchar, C. 26
• Tagg, J. 42
• Tapakan, J. 71–2
• Taylor, L. 76
• ten Have, P. 49–50, 72
• Tsiaras, A. 98
• Tufte, E. 32–3
• Turner, T. 84
• van der Does, P. 101, 114
• van Leeuwen, T. 41, 47, 98
• van Wezel, R. 82–3, 96
Page 59 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research
Sage Sage Research Methods
Contact SAGE Publications at http://www.sagepub.com

• Wells, L. 40–1, 52
• Williams, M. 22
• Worth, S. 1–3, 81, 95
• Zeitlyn, D. 106–7

Page 60 of 60 Using Visual Data in Qualitative Research

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