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Vernacular Culture and Urban Economic Development: Thinking

Outside the (Big) Box
a b c d
James H. Carr & Lisa J. Servon
a
National Community Reinvestment Coalition
b
Columbia University , New York, NY
c
George Washington University , Washington, DC
d
Milano the New School for Management and Urban Policy
Published online: 30 Dec 2008.

To cite this article: James H. Carr & Lisa J. Servon (2008) Vernacular Culture and Urban Economic Development: Thinking Outside the (Big)
Box, Journal of the American Planning Association, 75:1, 28-40, DOI: 10.1080/01944360802539226

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 75-1 04 354090 Carr qc2 12/2/08 2:51 PM Page 28

28

Vernacular Culture and

Urban Economic
Development

Thinking Outside the (Big) Box

James H. Carr and Lisa J. Servon

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hat makes a city an attractive place to live and work? A long line of

W
Problem: This article addresses the
increasing homogeneity of urban commercial urban theorists concur that the answer centers on the city’s diversity,
areas and the loss of local culture associated uniqueness, and surprise factors (Filion, Hoernig, Bunting, & Sands,
with this trend. It seeks to identify strategies
2004; Florida, 2002; Gratz, 1994; Jacobs, 1961; Rypkema, 2003). Well-
that build effectively on vernacular culture
as an asset in neighborhood development. functioning urban neighborhoods1 are dense and dynamic and accommodate
Purpose: We aim to identify tools that
a mix of uses and users. Yet, many cities pursue development strategies that
advance the cultural preservation approach result in homogeneity rather than preserving what distinguishes them from
to urban economic development and to other cities.
describe instances in which planners and We argue for another way of pursuing neighborhood economic devel-
neighborhood groups have applied these opment, a way that leverages local culture. This topic is timely given that
tools successfully.
amenity-based development strategies are currently popular, but often ignore
Methods: We completed a wide-ranging local culture. Some urban theorists argue that cities must compete for economic
literature review to identify the characteristics
of places that have employed cultural
development not only by making themselves attractive places for industry to
preservation approaches and conducted six locate, but by offering amenities that continue to attract new residents (Clark,
case studies involving 43 interviews in five Lloyd, Wong, & Jain, 2002; Hansen, Ban, & Huggins, 2003). The challenge,
cities.
Results and conclusions: Our inter-
views and case studies showed us that there Takeaway for practice: We argue that nity Reinvestment Coalition, an association
are at least three types of anchors in neigh- it is both possible and preferable to advance of 600 local development organizations
borhoods with strong vernacular culture: an urban economic development strategy across the nation dedicated to improving the
1) markets; 2) ethnic areas and heritage sites; based on the local cultural assets that exist flow of capital to communities and promot-
3) and arts-and-culture venues and districts. in urban neighborhoods. Our research ing economic mobility. He is also a visiting
Although the balance between preservation illustrates different paths that places have professor at Columbia University in New
and development will be different in each taken to advance this kind of strategy and York and George Washington University in
place, we did cull some widely applicable provides several ways for local planners and Washington, DC. Lisa J. Servon (servonL@
lessons learned while conducting our field- policymakers to integrate the maintenance [Link]) is dean of Milano the New
work: a) involve residents; b) find assets in of vernacular culture into their larger School for Management and Urban Policy.
local needs; c) transfer lessons rather than economic development plans. She teaches and conducts research in the
replicating others’ work; d) create oppor- areas of community economic development,
tunities for ownership; e) if it doesn’t exist, Keywords: cultural preservation, gentrifi-
cation, local economic development, place community development finance, and urban
invent it; and f) balance culture and com- poverty.
merce. Our analysis also suggests that a neigh- and space
borhood wishing to pursue a neighborhood Research support: Our research was Journal of the American Planning Association,
development strategy based on vernacular supported by the Fannie Mae Foundation. Vol. 75, No. 1, Winter 2009
culture should have at least one of the anchors About the authors: DOI 10.1080/01944360802539226
listed above and strong, community-based © American Planning Association, Chicago, IL.
James H. Carr (jcarr@[Link]) is chief
organizations. operating officer at the National Commu-
 75-1 04 354090 Carr qc2 12/2/08 2:51 PM Page 29

Carr and Servon: Vernacular Culture and Urban Economic Development 29

we argue, is to do so in a way that does not compromise approaches. In order to accomplish this, we employ a
the vernacular culture of these places. literature review, case studies, and interviews to identify the
If local policymakers and planners care about preserving characteristics of places that have used cultural preservation
the diverse urban fabric of their neighborhoods, their eco- approaches. Fortunately, a number of strategies and examples
nomic development plans must also maintain vernacular exist to help us model what healthy, indigenous, commu-
culture. Enabling cookie-cutter commercial strips that nity economic development looks like. Unfortunately, these
mimic suburban areas is not a strategy with staying power. examples are dispersed and the strategies are fragmented
And, while tourist-oriented mega-development projects and insufficient for many areas; there is no consolidated
have their place, so too does a more neighborhood-based toolkit to help local planners and policymakers buck
brand of economic development. Local planners and current trends.
policymakers should consider incorporating an urban
economic development agenda based on vernacular culture
into their work for several reasons. A Theoretical Understanding of
First, neighborhoods characterized by vernacular culture Place, Vernacular Culture, and
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incubate a disproportionate number of small businesses.

Many of these small businesses grow to be big businesses.
Neighborhood Development
Others remain small but become stable and serve key niche Among planners, urban theorists, geographers, and
markets. Second, these neighborhoods attract tourism sociologists, concern that cities are losing their distinctive-
dollars, and cultural tourism is growing rapidly. Richards ness is pervasive but not new (Billig, 2005; Gieryn, 2000;
asserts that, “depending on the source and the destination, Gratz, 1994; Jacobs, 1961; Montgomery, 1998; Sorkin,
between 35 and 70% of international travelers are now 1992). Just what is unique to place and why should we
considered cultural tourists” (as cited in McKercher and du care if it is lost? Hayden (1997) asserts that “‘place’ is one
Cros, 2002, p. 1). Failure to nurture the authentic flavor of of the trickiest words in the English language, a suitcase so
these neighborhoods will ultimately arrest cities’ abilities to overfilled one can never shut the lid” (p. 15). The notion
attract these tourism dollars. Public officials may need to of place we invoke here has to do with the personality of a
create and enforce regulations that ensure that the culture location, an amalgam of characteristics that elude indicators.
that drew cultural tourists initially is not destroyed by the As Jackson (1994) puts it, “we recognize that certain locali-
growth of tourism itself.2 ties have an attraction which gives us a certain indefinable
Third, the economic contribution of some types of sense of well-being and which we want to return to, time
culturally authentic urban neighborhoods, such as arts and again” (p. 158). Gieryn (2000) contends that place has
districts, has been significantly undervalued (Markusen & three features: 1) “A place is a unique spot in the universe;”
Schrock, 2006). And finally, capitalizing on a city’s dis- 2) “place has physicality;” and 3) “without naming, identi-
tinctive tastes and preferences can result in important fication, or representation by ordinary people, a place is
economic development agglomerations. Several researchers not a place” (pp. 464–465).
make the link between economic competitiveness and Contributing to Gieryn’s (200) third feature that
playing up a city or region’s uniqueness. Cortright (2002), places become what they are through the people who live
for example, maintains that “being different is an essential there, Jiven and Larkham (2003) argue that it is the people
source of innovations” (p. 14). “that integrate the features of topography, natural condi-
We argue that it is both possible and preferable to tions, symbolic meanings and the built form through their
advance an urban economic development strategy that stems value systems, to form a sense of place” (p. 118). Hayden
from neighborhoods’ local cultural assets. The primary (1997) adds that “indigenous residents as well as colonizers,
research question we seek to answer is, “What are the most ditchdiggers as well as architects, migrant workers as well as
effective strategies for building on vernacular culture as an mayors, housewives as well as housing inspectors, are all
asset in neighborhood development?” The purpose of this active shaping the urban landscape” (p. 15). Indeed, we use
article is to explore how a range of neighborhoods have used the term vernacular to convey that the people who create
vernacular culture. We identify tools that advance the cultu- the culture and the businesses must own the culture and be
ral preservation approach to urban economic development rooted in place. We recognize that notions of culture and
and describe instances in which planners and neighborhood cultural production shift over time, that most communities
groups have applied these tools successfully. We illuminate incorporate layers of residents, each contributing to the
how a neighborhood development strategy based on ver- personality of the place. Our approach values all the various
nacular culture offers an alternative to one-size-fits-all cultural layers that together define a community’s culture.
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30 Journal of the American Planning Association, Winter 2009, Vol. 75, No. 1

Although urban areas have historically celebrated their Methods

unique cultures, economic development planners have not
always recognized the importance of place to their work. In order to probe the concepts outlined above more
Teitz (1989) argued that neighborhoods are “problematic as deeply, we devised a research strategy that included a wide-
targets of economic development strategy” (p. 112) because ranging literature review focusing on cultural tourism,
they lack power and capacity, and are influenced by exter- equitable development, inner-city competitiveness, gentrifi-
nal economic forces. This line of thinking has merit, but cation, historic preservation, and downtown redevelopment.
it is possible to think of neighborhood economic develop- We also conducted interviews with 43 people, most of
ment from another perspective. Perhaps local economic whom were involved in projects promoting vernacular
development planners and policymakers can create positive culture. This group included community development
outcomes by leveraging neighborhoods’ undervalued assets. practitioners, local merchants, bankers, policymakers, and
Teitz (1989) argues that a neighborhood contributes community residents and entrepreneurs. We developed
four primary assets to its regional economy: the human and protocols for each category of interviewee. We employed
other capital resources of its residents; its physical stock of the snowball method, asking each of these interviewees for
names of other practitioners and field experts. Given the
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buildings, infrastructure, and amenities; its location within

the region; and the political strength of its residents (p. 118). stature of the interviewees and the kind of information
We argue that many possess a fifth asset, bringing to the sought, we conducted the interviews as guided conversa-
economy the unique, locally rooted characteristics of the tions, using the interviewees’ responses to direct interview
neighborhood that can attract investment. We call this flow (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). We analyzed the text of our
vernacular culture. interview notes to discern trends and to ensure that the
Although economic development strategies typically quotations we used to illustrate points typified interviewees’
aim to attract investment, succeeding at this has dangers. comments.
Typically, rising real estate costs displace low-income
residents and indigenous businesses. Neighborhood revi-
talization efforts may destroy authenticity in communities Case Studies
with great traditional and cultural significance, especially Our interviews and literature review helped us to
for low-income people of color. When private investment create a short list of likely places to conduct case studies.
changes the physical environment of poor communities, We then conducted telephone interviews with key actors
it may not benefit residents unless they own assets in the at each place on our short list to determine if it met our
neighborhood. Understanding gentrification processes is criteria. We sought places that were exemplars of the
important because culturally strong neighborhoods often concept we are trying to articulate here, but that have
experience gentrification pressures. In addition, once a traveled different paths to achieve it. We also looked for
neighborhood finds itself within the gentrification stage, it places in which enough work had been done for us to
is generally too late to shift the trajectory of neighborhood study results. Ultimately, we conducted case studies of six
change. And, while neighborhood revitalization can support sites in five cities. One of the neighborhoods we studied,
more equitable and diverse neighborhoods, it can also lead the U Street corridor in Washington, DC, is a culturally
to gentrification and increased inequality (Servon & authentic neighborhood at risk of losing its uniqueness;
Rausch, 2008). In this article, we recognize, but do not although currently an exemplar of vernacular culture,
fully resolve, the implicit tension between maximizing homogeneity may not be too far down the road. For each
vernacular culture and seeking development and growth. of the case studies, we toured the sites, met with and
Achieving a balance between culture and commerce is not interviewed key stakeholders, reviewed relevant documents,
easy and, as the cases below demonstrate, requires significant and, when possible, sat in on meetings.
capacity at the local level. The case studies we conducted illustrate the potential
An economic development strategy grounded in ver- for economic development to stem from, preserve, and
nacular culture achieves a balance between small, culturally celebrate the unique cultural attributes of a community.
diverse businesses and larger chain establishments, develops We discovered through our interviews that places charac-
and celebrates the historical character and nature of the terized by strong vernacular culture all had a public market,
community to make it attractive to residents and investors, an arts-and-culture venue, or an area of ethnic significance
and fosters uniqueness that serves the needs of the resident or heritage site that helped to stabilize the area and attract
community and likely attracts outside shoppers and tourists people and businesses. We call these sites anchors. We
as well. discuss these anchors in greater detail below.
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Carr and Servon: Vernacular Culture and Urban Economic Development 31

We conducted case studies at the following locations: REDA’s efforts have transformed the West Side of St. Paul
The area around 14th and U Streets in Washington, DC, into a destination community and have encouraged busi-
is a heritage district; the District del Sol in St. Paul, MN, ness owners to work together for the benefit of the entire
is an ethnic neighborhood; Mercado Central and Midtown district. Even the local Burger King has voluntarily used
Global Marketplace in Minneapolis, MN, are public District del Sol logos on its tables and followed the local
markets; and Market Creek Plaza in San Diego is primarily design guidelines for its exterior.
a market but combines elements of all three types of anchors; The marketing of District del Sol is closely connected
an arts venue anchors Chinatown in Honolulu, which is to the annual Cinco de Mayo Fiesta, which draws more
also an ethnic neighborhood that contains public markets. than 100,000 people to the neighborhood (C. Romano,
We collected information about each site in order to personal communication, July 2006). The district’s redevel-
compare their development methods, processes, and results. opment builds on the success of two longstanding Latino
businesses, Boca Chica restaurant and El Burrito Mercado
grocery and restaurant, which anchor opposite ends of the
district. Authentic Latino foods and the Cinco de Mayo
Findings
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Fiesta draw Latino and non-Latino customers to this small

Table 1 summarizes key attributes from the cases. The but vibrant section of the city. In addition, new locally
sections that follow provide brief descriptions of how each owned businesses in District del Sol have benefited from
site employed a cultural preservation approach to urban REDA’s partnerships with other CDCs that offer Spanish
economic development. language entrepreneurship classes.
Although REDA’s work in District del Sol to date has
St. Paul: Building a Destination been impressive, much remains to be done. In the center
District del Sol is a mile-long commercial corridor of District del Sol, a street carrying a high volume of traffic
located on St. Paul’s West Side, which is separated from between the city and its suburbs cuts through the commu-
the rest of the city by the Mississippi River. The West Side nity, making it appear that the commercial district has ended.
has been recognized as a Latino community since the This area contains undeveloped land, a vacant boarded-up
1930s and is home to the city’s oldest Mexican restaurant. building, and wholesale businesses with no sidewalk pres-
Prior to the redevelopment efforts, Concord Street on St. ence. REDA intends to revive this section of the district
Paul’s West Side was an unimpressive commercial corridor and has a purchase agreement for the vacant building, but
marred by vacant buildings, absentee landlords, and crime. still needs to obtain a partner for the development process.
Local Latino businesses saw each other as competitors and To some extent, District del Sol’s small size and relative
did not work together. Efforts to improve the West Side and isolation from the rest of St. Paul provide natural protection
brand the commercial corridor began in 1999 with a public for its uniqueness. The district does not have the physical
awareness campaign by the Riverview Economic Develop- space required by many national chains, and therefore may
ment Association (REDA), a community development not need to limit businesses’ size or restrict formula busi-
corporation (CDC) that received funding from the Local nesses (C. Romano, personal communication, July, 2006).
Initiatives Support Corporation (LISC) to pursue com- Both its separation from and proximity to downtown St.
mercial revitalization under the National Trust for Historic Paul allows District del Sol to serve as a destination district
Preservation’s Main Street program. within the Twin Cities. Metropolitan area residents come
In 2000, after a collaborative effort between REDA, for dining and to attend festivals such as the Cinco de
local businesses, and a marketing consultant, the area was Mayo Fiesta and the Taste of Minnesota festival at nearby
renamed District del Sol to reflect the Latino character of Harriet Island. These special events draw diverse patrons to
the neighborhood and to create a positive image for the District del Sol. The 2006 Cinco de Mayo Fiesta drew a
commercial corridor.3 The branding effort also included crowd that included 54% non-Latinos, with 21% of the
selecting a vibrant sun logo, installing adobe-style benches, attendees coming from more than 15 miles away (Salk &
trash bins, murals and other public art, and changing the Schneider, 2006).
main street’s name from Concord Street to Cesar Chavez The case of District del Sol demonstrates that even a
Street. These changes helped to emphasize the area’s small neighborhood can become a tourism destination
uniqueness and to create a recognizable identity. REDA while continuing to serve local residents. This case also
has also used building and store design to prevent crime illustrates that bringing business owners to the table and
through façade and lighting improvements, in turn, making creating a unique identity can be a way to recognize under-
the district more hospitable to new shoppers and developers. utilized assets and use them to achieve commercial success.
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32 Journal of the American Planning Association, Winter 2009, Vol. 75, No. 1

Table 1. Case study characteristics.

Case Anchor(s) Types of key actors Strategies

U Street Corridor, Washington, DC Ethnic neighborhood Local elected official Main Street program (now defunct)

District del Sol, St. Paul Ethnic neighborhood Community-based Branding

organizations Main Street program
Special events
Purchasing vacant properties
Spanish-language entrepreneurship classes

Mercado Central and Midtown Ethnic neighborhood Community-based Business incubator

Global Market, Minneapolis Public market organizations Linkage of small business training with commercial
Local for-profit real estate development
developer Spanish-language entrepreneurship classes
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Creation of private/nonprofit partnerships

Co-op–based business ownership opportunities

Market Creek Plaza, San Diego Public market Community-based Deep and broad community participation
Arts venue organizations Incorporation of a range of vernacular culture
Community foundation Community development initial private offering
Mix of chain and locally owned businesses
Policy to hire locally

Chinatown, Honolulu Arts venue Community-based Local ownership of key property

Ethnic neighborhood organizations Key partnerships
Public market Community foundation Community organizing

Minneapolis: Immigrants as Assets owners and NDC. Local residents and business owners
Mercado Central and Midtown Global Market, located advocated for a diverse international marketplace to reflect
half a mile apart on Lake Street in Minneapolis, are both the diversity of the local immigrant population rather than
thriving public markets created by immigrant entrepre- a culturally linked big box store, and the concept of a
neurship. Mercado Central, which opened in 1999, is a global market emerged out of these discussions. Instead of
Latino cooperative and retail business incubator envisioned national chains like Subway, Taco Bell, and McDonald’s,
and developed by the Minneapolis Latino immigrant the Global Market includes Holy Land Grocery and Deli,
community with the assistance of Whittier CDC, the Manny’s Tortas, West Indies Soul, Starlight Cafe, Pham’s
Neighborhood Development Center (NDC), and the Deli, and La Loma Tamales. These businesses reflect the
Project for Pride in Living.4 NDC offers entrepreneurship range of ethnic groups in the area. This diversity of local
training classes in Spanish, and many of the business owners vendors makes people want to return “again and again,”
in Mercado Central have taken these classes.5 The Mid- and links the commerce to vernacular culture (Jackson,
town Global Market is an internationally themed public 1994, p. 158).
market with a mission of building on the surrounding The Midtown Global Market’s development partners
community’s economic, social, and cultural assets. include NDC, the Powderhorn Philips Cultural Wellness
Midtown Global Market anchors the ground floor of Center, the LEDC, and the African Development Center
a redeveloped Sears building, an historic property that the (ADC), as well as the for-profit developer Ryan Companies.
City of Minneapolis wanted to preserve and connect to the These organizations were able to obtain small business
ethnic diversity of the neighborhood. The Latino Economic assistance to meet the needs of entrepreneurs from various
Development Center (LEDC) and a group of Latino immigrant groups, for example, offering financing that
business owners expressed interest in opening a chain accommodates Muslims whose religious beliefs do not
Latino grocery and began meeting with Latino business allow the payment of interest. Patricia Brown, a market
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Carr and Servon: Vernacular Culture and Urban Economic Development 33

specialist from NDC who formerly managed the Mercado Neighborhood Innovation (JCNI), and neighborhood
Central, manages Midtown Global Market and ensures residents, the project turned a blighted 10-acre site into
that it retains an international character. Mercado Central a retail and cultural center that includes the first major
and Midtown Global Market demonstrate the value of grocery store to locate in the area in 30 years,7 locally
integrating place-based commercial redevelopment with owned ethnic restaurants, a fitness center, a bank, a gift
people-based microenterprise. They also illustrate how shop where local craftspeople rent space to market their
diversity and uniqueness can contribute to downtown work, a coffeehouse, a bill-paying center for the regional
revitalization (Rypkema, 2003). utility company, and an open-air amphitheater. Some of
NDC’s approach of linking small business training the businesses are locally owned and some are national
with commercial real estate development has proven to be chains, reflecting the preferences of the community. Unlike
an effective strategy for both the community and its resi- the other cases highlighted in this article, Market Creek
dents, and the community played an important role in Plaza is a created place; there was no history of culture or
starting and stabilizing both Mercado Central and the commerce. Although our concept of vernacular culture
Midtown Global Market. Both developments serve pri- generally relies on history and a layering of cultural influ-
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marily as start-up and expansion locations for low-income ences over time, the developers of Market Creek Plaza have
entrepreneurs from South Minneapolis, not just as outlets successfully created a place that includes Gieryn’s (2000)
for well-established ethnic businesses (Project for Public three defining characteristics of a place: it is unique, it has
Spaces, 2005; Reid, 2006). Atum Azzahir of Powderhorn physicality, and it is named, thus giving it an identity.
Phillips Cultural Wellness Center emphasizes the grass- Market Creek Plaza was designed and built, and will
roots nature of local revitalization in Minneapolis, saying, be owned and operated, by residents, combining social,
“We are the ones that we’ve been waiting for” (A. Azzahir, economic, and physical development into one model
personal communication, July 2006). project. Early in the development process, JCNI facilitated
The combination of asset-based community develop- the creation of the following community teams to shape
ment and technical assistance has helped Mercado Central and implement the various facets of the project: community
succeed and seems likely to do the same for the newer outreach, business development, art and design, construction
Midtown Global Market. Ramón León, former Mercado collaboration, ownership design, employment development,
Central co-op president and current director of LEDC, and resource development. These were intended to leverage
says Mercado Central has surpassed expectations; sales are neighborhood residents’ creativity, problem-solving abilities,
now over $7 million per year from the 43 small businesses and willingness to take risks, as well as to distinguish Market
in the market (R. Leon, personal communication, July Creek Plaza from other developments.
2006). The Midtown Global Market opened too recently As facilitator of the Plaza development, JCNI both
to provide similar evidence of success, but it already has a trained local residents in construction skills and provided
booming lunch business from a ready base of potential access to capital by creating a local Community Devel-
customers in and around the Midtown Exchange building opment Financial Institution (CDFI) to make loans to
where it is located. commercial tenants. JCNI also monitored local hiring and
John Flory of LEDC does worry that rising rents minority contracting policies for the Plaza and helped
resulting from the area’s success may drive away businesses residents design the 501(c) 3 community foundation that
that do not own their buildings. But Mercado Central and will reinvest Plaza profits into the neighborhood. According
Midtown Global Market show that low-income immigrant to Jennifer Vanica, president and chief executive of the
communities can contribute substantial assets to local Jacobs Center and of the Jacobs Family Foundation, “For
commercial revitalization if flexible support mechanisms community revitalization to be effective, residents must
are in place to foster entrepreneurship and ownership by own their own change, including planning, implementa-
the entrepreneurs themselves. tion, and ultimately the assets” (J. Vanica, personal com-
munication, July 2006). As a result, this development
San Diego: The Power of appears to reflect the needs and culture of Diamond
Community Ownership Neighborhoods of San Diego.
Market Creek Plaza is a mixed-use commercial and As the development evolved, community residents
cultural development project in a diverse and undercap- expressed a desire for literal ownership of Market Creek
italized area in the Diamond neighborhoods of San Diego.6 Plaza. JCNI responded by creating the nation’s first com-
Developed through a partnership among the local Jacobs munity development initial public offering (CDIPO),
Family Foundation (JFF), the affiliated Jacobs Center for which offered community members the opportunity to
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34 Journal of the American Planning Association, Winter 2009, Vol. 75, No. 1

purchase shares of the shopping center for as little as $200. tourists and local office workers, and crime has decreased.
As a group, residents can own up to 20% of the company. The neighborhood, which has a historic preservation
JCNI will own 60% and the Neighborhood Unity Foun- designation and consists largely of appealing two-story
dation will own the remaining 20%. By 2017, JCNI buildings, is now home to a range of old Chinatown busi-
“plans to retire its shares so that Market Creek will be nesses that include traditional Asian restaurants, bakeries,
completely owned by residents and the Unity Foundation, and lei shops, as well as new galleries, restaurants, and
which residents control” (Stuhldreher, 2007, p. 1). clubs catering to a younger clientele from outside the
The development has an outdoor public art collection neighborhood. The result is an amalgam similar to what
of mosaics, totems, and murals, and the architecture of the Hayden (1997) describes as she praises the vernacular.
Plaza’s buildings reflect the artistic traditions of the neigh- The ARTS at Marks Garage (Marks) is a project of the
borhood’s ethnic and cultural groups. Relatively early in Hawai’i Arts Alliance. It was founded with seed funds from
the development process it became clear that community the city and county in 2001 as an incubator for arts enter-
art could foster social integration. One concept that re- prises. It contains a collaborative gallery and performance
ceived overwhelming support was a project honoring local and office space for businesses and nonprofit organizations,
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heroes by hanging their portraits on the outside of the and demonstrates that culture and arts businesses are
development. In early meetings of the art and design team economically viable and contribute to the vitality and
(made up of artists, architects, and community residents), quality of life in the community. Erik Takeshita, executive
participants were encouraged to bring in samples of items director of Marks, wants his organization to help move the
from their cultures. One table was full of traditional cloth- arts from “a luxury to a necessity, a vehicle for connecting
ing and fabrics, and it became apparent that many of these people” (E. Takeshita, personal communication, August
were common to more than one of the cultures represented 2007).
locally. It was on that table that the potential to unify these As a collaborative neighborhood-based arts center,
cultures around the project first became apparent. In honor Marks is a key player in the emerging Honolulu Culture
of that discovery, tiles on three walkways at the Plaza and Arts District, intended to create an aesthetic, social
reproduce culturally significant fabric designs: African batik, and economic renaissance in historic downtown Honolulu.
Samoan tapa cloth, and traditional Laotian cloth. The back In 2006, for example, Marks hired community organizer
wall of the amphitheater also consists of leaves made of Wiwik Bunjamin-Mau to facilitate a discussion with the
tiles painted by neighborhood children, which are attached entire range of community residents about the transition
to a copper tree. The amphitheater itself seats 500 and the neighborhood is undergoing. Bunjamin-Mau invited
hosts performances by local dance studios, spoken word those who live, work, and play in the area to the Talk Any
groups, and cultural music groups. Kine (TAK) festival. Over 300 people came to Smith-
The community has plans for an office building to be Beretania Park to participate in this interactive exhibition.
located adjacent to the Plaza. The first floor of the building They were given the opportunity to speak out and share
will hold a community center and public meeting space; their concerns and recommendations on issues such as
the rest of the building will house community organizations getting around Chinatown, homelessness, affordable rental
and a catering training kitchen. housing, creating a better business environment, and safer
neighborhoods. This information was presented at a summit
Honolulu: The Arts as a Bridge to organized by the Honolulu Mayor’s Office.
Social Integration As part of its community organizing work, Marks
Chinatown is a neighborhood adjacent to Honolulu’s provides residents of affordable housing with afterschool
central business district that, until recently, was home to and out-of-school arts programming as a way to build a
successive waves of Asian immigrants as well as drugs, stronger sense of neighborhood identity and community
prostitution, and other crime. “It was a war zone,” says pride. Marks also produces a map that initially showed 6
Andrew Friedlander, principal of real estate company, galleries and now features 39 galleries and other art venues,
Colliers Monroe Friedlander, one of the pioneers in the guiding the approximately 5,000 people who now attend
area’s rebirth as an arts district (A. Friedlander, personal gallery walks on the first Friday of every month. Marks is
communication, August 2007). The arts are newly promi- also launching a collaborative Healthy-Bound Chinatown
nent in urban economic development agendas (Florida, initiative that aims to strengthen the community using
2002; Markusen & Schrock, 2006; Strom 2002), and food as a common denominator. As part of this initiative,
Honolulu’s Chinatown is one example. In recent years, Marks is working with other community-based organi-
restaurants and galleries have begun to open, drawing in zations on a guide to the neighborhood’s public produce
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Carr and Servon: Vernacular Culture and Urban Economic Development 35

markets, aiming to leverage these local assets by helping and the neighborhood is currently racially and ethnically
locals and visitors navigate the markets and prepare their diverse. An array of public and private initiatives and
more exotic offerings. redevelopment projects helped to restore historic homes and
Other community-based organizations, such as the make the area a destination for locals and tourists by in-
Honolulu Culture and Arts District Association, have vesting in historic signage, facilitating façade improvements,
reinforced this revitalization effort, helping to create a and restoring important local sites.
district for the arts, entertainment, and dining out. “Change Investors also stimulated the opening of new and
never happens as fast as everyone wants it,” executive former businesses. In the latter half of the 1990s, many
director Ed Korybski told us. “But we have seen a great area business owners signed 10-year leases for $8 to $10
deal of progress in the last three years” (E. Korybski, personal per square foot. As the neighborhood has revitalized, rents
communication, August 2007). have increased. Scott Pomeroy of Midtown Redevelopment
Associates, who formerly headed the U Main Street pro-
Washington, DC: The Risk of Gentrification gram,8 worries that these businesses will be unable to afford
The U Street corridor on the northwest side of Wash- rents likely to go as high as $40 per square foot when
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ington, DC, is in the midst of a period of rapid residential current leases expire. Over the past four years, property
and commercial redevelopment. This corridor, in a neigh- taxes in the area have increased 400% as new development
borhood once called Uptown and now called Shaw, has has raised property values. Although community groups
fostered the creation of indigenous businesses and leveraged helped several businesses to purchase their properties, most
its own unique assets, but does not have the necessary tools did not have the resources to do this. As in many cities, the
to protect its vernacular culture. We include this case to few resources that do exist for small businesses in DC are
illustrate the need for innovative policy tools and strategies fragmented and burdensome to access.
for maintaining the unique attributes of neighborhoods As the neighborhood began to redevelop, residents
such as this one. faced the risk of displacement as well. Pomeroy worked
This neighborhood was once a thriving African- with Deborah Thomas of the Advisory Neighborhood
American community, including an entertainment district Commission (ANC) to keep 102 housing units valued at
called Black Broadway. But when Stokely Carmichael from $350,000 to $1,000,000 as affordable co-ops, enabling
urged black owners to leave their businesses following the current residents to purchase them for between $110,000
assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., more than 400 and $145,000. Although the neighborhood is currently
of these businesses were torched, resulting in damages of thriving from an economic development perspective, the
more than $24 million. This was followed by a period increases in rents and housing prices threaten to destroy
during which the neighborhood was characterized by the unique character of the area.
poverty, and many storefronts stood vacant. Then, in
1986, the Reeves Center, a municipal office building,
opened at the heart of this community on the corner of Anchors of Places Characterized by
14th and U Streets. The U Street Metro station on the
Vernacular Culture
system’s new green line opened in the center of the U
Street corridor in May of 1991. These developments Our interviews and case studies showed us that neigh-
helped spur new businesses, primarily restaurants, to open borhoods with strong vernacular culture possess three types
along U Street in the early 1990s. This was followed by a of anchors: 1) markets; 2) ethnic areas and heritage sites; 3)
second wave of businesses in the mid 1990s, some started and arts-and-culture venues and districts.9 Neighborhoods
by Ethiopians who moved to the area at about this time. characterized by vernacular culture often contain two or
These were joined in the late 1990s by a wider range of even three of these anchors. For example, the historically
primarily indigenous businesses and some larger chain African-American Overtown neighborhood in Miami is a
establishments, including some retail stores. heritage site, and as its first project, the Black Archives, a
Many now tout the rebirth of the U Street corridor as nonprofit organization, restored a theater, adding a cultural
a pure success story. In 2001, the Historical Society of dimension as well. Public markets, such as the night market
Washington, DC, and Cultural Tourism DC opened what in San Francisco’s Chinatown, give some ethnic neighbor-
they called City Within a City: Greater U Street Heritage hoods their identities. At Market Creek Plaza in San Diego,
Trail, one of a citywide system of historic walking trails, to what began as a retail center anchored by a grocery store
celebrate the culture of the area and to contribute to the has evolved into a cultural and community center, bank,
branding of the neighborhood. Businesses are now thriving and retail stores tied together by public art. Thus, the
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36 Journal of the American Planning Association, Winter 2009, Vol. 75, No. 1

categories of anchors are narrowly drawn, but help organize nizes the market potential for cultural and heritage tourism
and analyze the characteristics of culturally authentic places. it sometimes erases a place’s gritty aspects to sell it to mon-
eyed visitors, losing attributes that sustain the inhabitants
Public Markets in the process. Successful heritage sites balance preservation
We use the term public markets to refer to markets that with dynamism that keeps communities relevant. Com-
embody many of the characteristics of vernacular culture. mercial strips such as Liberty Avenue in Richmond Hill,
According to a report by the Project for Public Spaces and Queens, NY, and the Chinatown night market in San
Partners for Livable Communities (2003), public markets Francisco, CA, often enhance the vernacular culture of
“include vendors or merchants who meet at the same ethnic neighborhoods. A recent study of immigrant entre-
location on a regular basis under the aegis of a sponsoring preneurs in New York City shows that “immigrant-run
entity that has legal and financial responsibility to oversee businesses are . . . helping the city recapture tax revenue
operations and, sometimes, structures or facilities to house from suburban shoppers . . . [as] ethnic retail strips . . .
the market activity” (p. 6). The same report defines public have become destination shopping districts throughout the
markets as: a) having public goals; b) being located in region” (Bowles, 2007, p. 4).
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and/or creating a public space in the community; and

c) being made up of locally owned, independent businesses Arts Districts
operated by their owners (p. 7). We depart from this Artists are often at the forefront of revitalizing particular
prescription in that we studied some places that, rather neighborhoods in cities. The arts have become a focal point
than banning chain stores in their markets, sought balance of many cities’ economic development efforts (Currid,
between national retailers (some of which are franchises 2007; Florida, 2002; Markusen & Schrock, 2006; Strom
that provide ownership opportunities to local residents) 2002). According to Strom (2002), this relatively new
and local businesses.10 inclusion of the arts in city economic development agendas
Markets exist in many forms, from temporary flea results from: a) cities becoming more dependent on con-
markets and farmers’ markets to fixed establishments such sumption; b) an expanded definition of arts and culture
as the former Mart 125 in Harlem and Market Creek Plaza that now includes popular as well as high art; and c) urban
in San Diego described above. Local public markets can cultural institutions’ demonstrated interest in “improving
provide important opportunities for small entrepreneurs to their surroundings” (p. 3). At one end of the spectrum,
meet customers. These markets often attract tourists as well these efforts include large-scale projects such as the New
as neighborhood residents and bring together diverse Jersey Performing Arts Center in Newark and the Avenue
people.11 of the Arts in Philadelphia.13 On a smaller scale, many
cities have promoted mixed-use development and live and
Ethnic Areas and Heritage Sites work housing that is attractive to artists (Fulton & Newman,
A populous urban area may contain neighborhoods 2003). The latter, more neighborhood-based efforts, are
densely populated with people sharing a common culture more likely to integrate vernacular culture.14 Researchers at
or national origin, and thus can support businesses catering the Social Impact of the Arts Project found that arts-and-
to these specialized clientele. Such businesses serve recent cultural institutions play an important role in strengthening
immigrants from the immediate neighborhood, those who neighborhoods (Stern & Seifert, 1998).15 Currid (2007)
moved elsewhere in the metropolitan area but return for focuses on the “cultural production system.” Her interviews
products and services, and cultural tourists from within with a range of actors within the cultural economy lead her
and outside the city. Visiting one of these areas provides a to argue that “artistic and cultural producers are densely
taste of a different culture. Stores in these areas sell clothing agglomerated” and that the arts-and-culture industries
and food that is unavailable in the rest of the city, and “depend on unique kinds of social interaction” (p. 455).
restaurants sell ethnic food prepared in the authentic Markusen and Schrock (2006) argue that the arts’ con-
manner. Historically African-American neighborhoods tributions to regional economies have historically been
such as Harlem in New York, Overtown in Miami, and underestimated, and that what they call the “artistic divi-
the U Street corridor in Washington, DC, also fit this dend” for regional economies consists of both “current
category. income streams and . . . returns to the region as a whole on
Heritage sites are locations that leverage the historic past investments” (p. 1662).
attributes of an area and market these in a way that attracts At the same time, the movement of artists into a
tourists and new residents.12 Heritage sites are perhaps the particular neighborhood is often a leading indicator that
most difficult of our anchors to define. When a city recog- gentrification will follow, ultimately pricing out these same
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Carr and Servon: Vernacular Culture and Urban Economic Development 37

artists.16 The promotion and maintenance of arts districts local assets and opportunities creates more sustainable
is therefore a tricky endeavor which requires awareness of success than is possible by focusing only on needs.
the local risks of gentrification. Transfer Lessons; Don’t Replicate. Too often, cities
Arts districts provide direct and indirect economic redevelop by trying to import what worked elsewhere, as
benefits and host a mix of nonprofit organizations, retail, with festival marketplaces. During our interviews and site
and live and work spaces. Both for-profit and nonprofit visits, we were told again and again that each place is unique
arts organizations provide employment and generate local and requires a strategy tailored to its uniqueness. This
and tourist spending. Non-arts organizations also benefit finding resonates with the work of others discussed earlier
from increased spending at restaurants, and in the retail in this article (Filion, et al., 2004; Gratz, 1994; Jacobs,
and hospitality industries. Taken together, these businesses 1961; Rypkema, 2003). While it is important to learn
generate significant tax revenues and stimulate the local from successes in other places, we advocate transferring
economy. Nationally, nonprofit arts organizations and their lessons rather than replicating what was done someplace
audiences pay $6.6 billion per year in local government else. This lesson counters perhaps most directly the copycat
taxes and fees (Americans for the Arts, 2003). The clus- school of economic development that has resulted in so
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tering of creative energy and opportunities in arts districts much homogeneity in the urban landscape.
attracts individuals and businesses, which furthers local Create Opportunities for Ownership. The importance
economic development. Beyond these financial benefits, of local ownership cannot be overstated. With ownership
arts districts also benefit the public in less quantifiable ways comes control and a true stake in the community. Tools
(McCarthy, Ondaatje, Zakaras, & Brooks, 2004). must be developed and used to create opportunities for both
business and home ownership. A specialist in the develop-
ment of co-ops was brought in to ensure entrepreneur
Lessons From the Case Studies ownership of Mercado Central. In the case of Market Creek
Plaza, the community development initial public offering
and Interviews allows residents and others involved in the community to
The case studies demonstrate that an economic devel- experience ownership after investing as little as $200,
opment strategy based on vernacular culture must bubble providing residents with an opportunity to own a piece
up from the grassroots. The balance between preservation of the community.
and development will be different in each place, but we did If It Doesn’t Exist, Invent It. When the mechanisms
cull some widely applicable lessons from our fieldwork. These or policies to do what they wanted to do did not exist, key
broad themes applied at all the sites and were echoed by actors in the communities we studied created them, even
many interviewees: after being told something could not be done. Stubborn-
Involve Residents. Members of the local community ness and creativity led to the creation of the Market Creek
played key roles in all six sites. Ownership of key decisions Plaza community development initial public offering. We
and processes by a broad group of stakeholders fostered saw similar examples in other interviews and the literature:
community buy-in. Community-based organizations were the application of the land trust strategy in Overtown; the
also major actors in the development of five of the sites and opening of a grocery store in a distressed area of Kalama-
the remaining site (Market Creek Plaza, where a commu- zoo; the adaptation of the Planned Industrial Expansion
nity foundation played a lead role) had a very high level of Authority (PIEA) in the Crossroads Arts District; and the
community involvement at all stages. Many planning and formation of an immigrant-owned co-op in Minneapolis.
visioning processes pay lip service to the idea of resident Shaffer, Deller, and Marcouiller (2006) call this practice,
involvement; the success stories we witnessed were distin- “changing the rules,” meaning that “the community seeks
guished by the genuine authority given to community a change in rules that would benefit the community or
members. seeks a reinterpretation of rules” (p. 71).
Find Assets in Local Needs. Each site we studied Balance Culture and Commerce.. Neighborhoods like
crafted renewal out of distress by finding local assets and the U Street corridor and Honolulu’s Chinatown have
putting them to work. The stimulus for developing Market benefited from investment, but are at risk of losing their
Creek Plaza was the presence of blighted property in a uniqueness. Community actors must “anticipate gentri-
neighborhood with insufficient commercial opportunities; fication pressures at a point when the process can still be
a viable market existed, but only the visionaries recognized affected, and build the political capital needed to implement
it. In Minneapolis, low-income immigrants rejuvenated or expand the strategies in the neighborhoods undergoing
the Lake Street commercial corridor. Capitalizing on unique gentrification” (Kennedy & Leonard, 2001, p. 3). Only in
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38 Journal of the American Planning Association, Winter 2009, Vol. 75, No. 1

this way can these neighborhoods avoid overgentrification According to Jackson (1994), the Latin expression
and achieve a balance of culture and commerce. genius loci, often literally translated as sense of place, means
“not so much the place itself as the guardian divinity of
that place” (p. 157). Unique urban neighborhoods are
endangered and need local economic development planners
Generalizing From the Cases
and policymakers to play the guardian’s role. If local policy-
We believe our case studies represent the larger universe makers and planners care about preserving the diverse urban
of transitioning urban neighborhoods and are not unique. fabric of their neighborhoods, they must integrate the
We assembled these case studies in hopes that they would maintenance of vernacular culture into their larger economic
advance understanding, and would permit generalization. development plans.
Our analysis suggests that, in order for a neighborhood Although we are encouraged by the examples of eco-
to pursue an economic development strategy based on nomic development leveraging vernacular culture that we
vernacular culture, it should have at least one of the three uncovered in the course of conducting this research, these
types of anchors we identify and have strong, community- examples remain isolated. To a large extent, their successes
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based organizations. The importance of the latter cannot have not come not from public policy, but in spite of it,
be overstated as community-based organizations have been since supportive public policy is generally lacking. We
extremely proactive as shapers of urban space. The sites recognize that pursuing vernacular culture as a component
diverged on the strategies they employed to promote of a larger economic development strategy requires a
vernacular culture, employing a range of locally appropriate change in orientation for many local planners and policy-
strategies to balance the attraction of commerce with the makers, but our recommendations match other recent
preservation of culture. These strategies ranged from con- research. For example, Currid (2007), focusing on the
ducting entrepreneurship classes in Spanish to purchasing relationship between place and culture, argues that “places
vacant land. can strategically encourage environments that are conducive
Identifying these necessary preconditions is important to the production of art and culture” (p. 465).
because the vernacular culture approach is not the answer We hope that the examples and lessons we have iden-
for every transitioning neighborhood. Possessing assets is tified here will inspire other communities to devise locally
a necessary but not sufficient condition for this kind of appropriate economic development strategies based in
approach. We recognize that the neighborhoods studied here vernacular culture. At the same time, we recognize that
are somewhat exceptional. And, although the community- these tools are insufficient and that many neighborhoods
based organizations that played key roles at the case study lack the grassroots capacity and monetary support to adopt
sites had significant capacity, most community-based similar programs. We hope that local officials will abet
organizations lack the resources, political capacity, and these processes by first recognizing and then fostering and
technical expertise to shape development (Kromer, 2001). protecting their cultural authenticity.
Neighborhoods that lack anchors and local actors with
sufficient capacity would be wise to hold back from investing
in an economic development strategy based on vernacular Acknowledgments
The authors gratefully acknowledge the terrific research assistance of
culture.
Maya Brennan, Kara Masi, and Jennifer McCloskey on this article.
Thanks also to Bob Beauregard, Alec Gershberg, Peter Eisinger, Mike
Teitz, David Perry, and Jeannette Rausch for extremely useful comments
on an earlier version of this article. The anonymous reviewers and editor
Conclusions also provided very valuable input.
Our case studies illustrate the economic development
potential of vernacular culture. Too many urban neighbor- Notes
hoods are changing in ways that put their distinctiveness at 1. For the purposes of this article, we adopt Teitz’s definition of a
risk. If trends continue, cities will become as homogenous neighborhood as “a contiguous subarea within a city or region that is
as their suburbs, losing their uniqueness, their competitive seen by its inhabitants and others as possessing internal coherence and
edge, and their ability to nurture indigenous businesses. In social meaning” (1989, p. 114). According to Teitz (1989), neighbor-
hoods are “best seen as social communities” rather than economic ones
short, they are regressing to the mean rather than lifting up
(p. 111).
what makes them special. It is imperative that local planners 2. We recognize that there are often tensions between tourists and the
and policymakers confront these issues because they concern communities they visit. See Harrill and Potts (2003) for a closer look at
the long-run competitiveness of cities. this issue in Charleston, SC.
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Carr and Servon: Vernacular Culture and Urban Economic Development 39

3. The part of the West Side where District del Sol is located is pre- munity arts programs are strategically located to serve as facilitators of
dominantly Mexican and Mexican American (C. Romano, personal community economic revitalization” (p. 4). This research was conducted
communication, July 2008). in Philadelphia. In later work testing these findings in Chicago, Atlanta,
4. NDC is a community-based nonprofit organization that works in the and San Francisco, the authors argue that the findings hold across these
low-income communities of St. Paul, Minneapolis, surrounding suburbs, sites (Stern, 1999).
and elsewhere in Minnesota. NDC helps emerging entrepreneurs de- 16. Some publications sell the arts district idea to economic developers.
velop successful businesses and helps community groups build stronger A 2001 report distributed by the NGA Center for Best Practices, for
neighborhood economies. Project for Pride in Living is a nonprofit example, focuses on the potential of arts-oriented strategies to bring in
organization assisting lower-income people and families throughout the dollars without mentioning the costs of such success to indigenous
Twin Cities metropolitan area to work toward self sufficiency through populations (Psilos & Rapp, 2001).
housing, employment training, support services, and education. Whittier
CDC is a nonprofit organization that works to strengthen the business
community located in the Whittier neighborhood and South Minneapolis. References
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