Northern Ireland
Introduction:
The conflict in Northern Ireland is one of the most complex and long-standing political and
cultural struggles in modern European history. While it is often viewed through the lens of
the late 20th-century violence known as “The Troubles”, the roots of this conflict stretch
much further back in time. At its core, the division is shaped by a deep history of
colonization, religious and ethnic difference, political power struggles, and contested national
identities. To understand why Northern Ireland became a place of such persistent division, it
is essential to explore the historical foundations that created and sustained opposing
communities.
Northern Ireland: A Multi-Phased Conflict Rooted in History
The conflict in Northern Ireland is best understood as a multi-phased historical process,
shaped by deep-rooted divisions in religion, identity, power, and territory. According to
Jennifer Todd, three major phases created overlapping layers of conflict.
The first phase began in the 17th century with the Plantation of Ulster, when Protestant
settlers from Britain were granted land taken from Irish Catholics. This colonial act created
lasting communal divisions, reinforced by state-supported inequality and religious difference.
Over time, Protestants relied on British support to maintain dominance, while Catholics
became an oppressed majority with limited rights.
The second phase, however, was a turning point. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, Ireland
experienced a wave of nationalist mobilization, as Catholics increasingly demanded Home
Rule and independence. At first, nationalism was not explicitly sectarian, but by the late
1800s, political and religious identities converged. Catholics became associated with Irish
nationalism; Protestants, particularly in Ulster, with unionism and loyalty to Britain. Fearing
subjugation in a Catholic-majority state, unionists resisted Home Rule.
The crisis culminated in the Partition of Ireland in 1921, dividing the island into an
independent south and Northern Ireland, which remained in the UK with a Protestant
majority. Partition institutionalized division, creating a state where unionists ruled and
nationalists were systematically excluded. Political and economic discrimination reinforced
Catholic alienation, while unionist dominance felt justified by fears of nationalist threats.
The third phase erupted in the late 1960s with the civil rights movement, leading to The
Troubles—a violent, sectarian conflict that lasted until the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.
While peace was achieved, the legacy of partition and structural inequality from the second
phase continues to shape Northern Ireland’s divided society.
Here is the detailed paragraph-based overview
of the historical context leading to the creation of
Northern Ireland, accompanied by the map and
timeline provided above.
Green: Catholic/nationalist majorities
(Irish Free State).
Orange: Protestant/unionist majorities
(Northern Ireland).
Partition selected 6 counties of Ulster
to ensure a Protestant majority.
1
Northern Ireland Profile
Northern Ireland is one of the four constituent nations of the United Kingdom, situated in the
northeast of the island of Ireland. It shares its only land border with the Republic of Ireland to
the south and west, while the rest of its territory is surrounded by the Irish Sea to the east and
the Atlantic Ocean to the north and west. Covering approximately 14,130 square kilometers,
Northern Ireland is the smallest UK nation in terms of land area. Its population, estimated at
around 1.9 million as of 2024, is concentrated in urban centers such as Belfast, the capital and
largest city, and Derry/Londonderry, the second-largest city. Belfast, once a global center of
shipbuilding, is historically known for constructing the RMS Titanic and today serves as a
hub for government, commerce, education, and culture. Politically, Northern Ireland
functions under a devolved system of governance, established by the Good Friday Agreement
(1998), which created the Northern Ireland Assembly at Stormont. This legislative body has
power over regional matters such as health, education, and justice, and is built on a
convocational power-sharing model, requiring joint administration by representatives from
both Unionist (pro-British) and Nationalist (pro-Irish) communities. The region’s political
landscape remains shaped by its past conflict—the three-decade ethno-nationalist struggle
known as The Troubles—which stemmed from disputes over identity, discrimination, and
constitutional status, leading to over 3,500 deaths. Although peace has largely held since
1998, tensions occasionally re-emerge, particularly in response to political developments
such as Brexit. Following the UK’s departure from the European Union, Northern Ireland
was granted a special trade status through the Northern Ireland Protocol, allowing it to remain
aligned with certain EU regulations to avoid a hard border with the Republic of Ireland—an
arrangement that has generated political debate, especially among unionist communities.
Economically, Northern Ireland has transitioned from traditional industries like textiles and
shipbuilding to modern sectors such as information and communication technology (ICT),
financial and professional services, advanced manufacturing, agri-food, and tourism. It
benefits from strategic access to both UK and EU markets, making it an attractive location for
foreign investment. Culturally, Northern Ireland is a rich tapestry of both British and Irish
identities, with deep-rooted traditions in music, sport (including Gaelic games, rugby, and
football), festivals, and literature. The region is also linguistically diverse, with English as the
dominant language, but with increasing support for the Irish language and Ulster Scots, both
recognized under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. In the post-
conflict era, Northern Ireland remains a symbol of fragile but enduring peace, balancing
complex political identities, preserving cultural heritage, and playing a pivotal role in UK–
Ireland and UK–EU relations.
Northern Ireland Political or Constitution System
Northern Ireland forms part of the United Kingdom, which is a unitary state with a devolved
system of governance. While sovereignty legally remains with the UK Parliament at
Westminster, devolved powers are granted to Northern Ireland through legislation,
particularly following the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. Devolution in the UK is
asymmetric, meaning the powers devolved to Northern Ireland differ from those in Scotland
and Wales. Northern Ireland operates under a parliamentary system within this devolved
framework, where the executive the Northern Ireland Executive is drawn from and
accountable to the unicameral Northern Ireland Assembly at Stormont. There is no president;
instead, leadership is shared between a First Minister and Deputy First Minister, who must
represent different communities typically one Unionist and one Nationalist as part of the
power-sharing arrangement. This consociation structure aims to ensure political balance
between the historically divided Unionist (pro-UK) and Nationalist (pro-Ireland)
2
communities. The party system in Northern Ireland reflects this divide and is multipartite and
ethno nationally segmented. Key Unionist parties include the Democratic Unionist Party
(DUP) and the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), while the main Nationalist parties are Sinn Féin
and the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). There are also cross-community parties
such as the Alliance Party, the Green Party, and People before Profit, which do not align
strictly along sectarian lines. Elections to the Assembly are conducted using the Single
Transferable Vote (STV) system, a form of proportional representation that allows voters to
rank candidates in order of preference, thereby encouraging broader representation. The
Assembly consists of 90 Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs), elected from 18
constituencies, and holds powers over a range of devolved matters, including health,
education, agriculture, justice, and local government. However, reserved and excepted
matters, such as foreign policy, defense, and constitutional affairs, remain under UK
parliamentary control. Notably, the Assembly has faced several suspensions due to political
deadlock most significantly between 2002–2007, 2017–2020, and again from 2022–2024
highlighting the fragile nature of the political system. Overall, the asymmetric and
consociation nature of Northern Ireland's governance reflects its unique historical and societal
context, requiring mechanisms such as cross-community consent and mutual vetoes to
maintain peace and ensure both communities are equally represented.
The Troubles (late 1960s–1998)
The conflict in Northern Ireland, known as “The Troubles” (late 1960s–1998), was a violent
and political struggle mainly between two communities: the Unionists (mostly Protestant),
who wanted Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom, and the Nationalists
(mostly Catholic), who wanted a united Ireland. The conflict was not just about territory—it
was also about identity, representation, and rights. Nationalists felt politically marginalized
and socially discriminated against, especially in areas like voting, housing, jobs, and policing.
Civil rights movements in the 1960s, inspired by the U.S. civil rights movement, demanded
equal rights, but peaceful protests were met with violence, leading to the rise of paramilitary
groups on both sides, such as the IRA (Irish Republican Army) and UVF (Ulster Volunteer
Force). Over 3,500 people died during this time. The constitutional solution to the conflict
came with the Good Friday Agreement (1998), which introduced a consociational model of
power-sharing, as described by political scientist Arend Lijphart in his theory of
“consociational democracy” (see Democracy in Plural Societies, 1977). This model is
designed for societies with deep divisions, where no group can dominate the other. Under this
system, the Northern Ireland Assembly was created, with a power-sharing executive (led
jointly by a First Minister and Deputy First Minister from different communities), a
proportional electoral system (Single Transferable Vote), and cross-community voting for
key decisions. It also recognized both British and Irish identities, allowing people to hold
either or both citizenships. Institutions like the North-South Ministerial Council (linking
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland) and the British-Irish Council (linking the UK
and Ireland) were formed to encourage cooperation. The Good Friday Agreement is widely
considered a success in transforming a violent conflict into a political one, using
consociational rather than federal or majoritarian (centripetal) approaches. For deeper
analysis, see also Making Peace by George Mitchell (1999), the US Senator who helped
broker the Agreement.
Ethnolinguistic Composition of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland’s population is predominantly White (97.2%), with most people identifying
as either British or Irish. This reflects two main communities: Protestant Unionists, who
generally identify as British and support remaining in the UK, and Catholic Nationalists,
who identify as Irish and often favor reunification with the Republic of Ireland. Religiously,
3
45.7% are from a Catholic background and 43.5% from Protestant or other Christian
denominations.
English is the main language, but Irish (Gaeilge) is spoken by 12.4%, mainly among
Nationalists, and Ulster Scots by 8.1%, mostly among Unionists. Immigration has introduced
minority languages like Polish, Portuguese, and Arabic.
In terms of national identity, 31.9% identify as British only, 29.1% as Irish only, and
19.8% as Northern Irish only, with others selecting mixed identities. This reflects Northern
Ireland’s complex cultural landscape, shaped by overlapping and sometimes opposing
identities.
4
The data presented in the chart and summary regarding Northern Ireland's ethnolinguistic
composition are sourced from the 2021 Census, conducted by the Northern Ireland
Statistics and Research Agency (NISRA).
Major Identities Marker in Northern Ireland
1. Religion – The historic divide:
o Catholics → Irish identity, Nationalist
o Protestants → British identity, Unionist
2. National Identity – Who people feel they are:
o British (31.9%), Irish (29.1%), Northern Irish (19.8%)
3. Territorial Identity – Where you live reflects who you are:
o Flags, murals, and parades mark community lines
4. Language – Symbols of culture:
o Irish (12.4%) → Nationalist areas
o Ulster Scots (8.1%) → Unionist areas
5. Ethnicity – Mostly White (97.2%), but growing diversity
Territorial Distribution of Socio-Economic Resources
Northern Ireland shows clear geographical concentration, not dispersion, of ethnolinguistic
groups, shaped by religion, language, and national identity.
1. Catholic / Irish-Identifying Population
• Geographically concentrated in the west and south:
• Areas: Derry/Londonderry, Newry, Fermanagh, West Belfast
• Stronger affiliation with Irish national identity and Irish language revival
• Support for Gaelic-medium education and bilingual signage
2. Protestant / British-Identifying Population
• Concentrated in the east and northeast:
• Areas: Antrim, North Down, East Belfast
• Associated with British unionism
• Some cultural use of Ulster Scots, especially in rural area
3. Language Use
• English: Spoken by over 95% of the population; universal primary language
• Irish (Gaeilge):Known or used by around 13-15%Most visible in Catholic-
majority areas
5
• Ulster Scots:Spoken by a small minority (~1%), mainly in Protestant
communities
4. Spatial Segregation
• Residential areas, schools, and even social spaces remain largely segregated
• Physical divisions like peace walls still exist in Belfast
• Segregation reinforces ethnolinguistic concentration, limiting integration
Territorial distribution of socio-economic resource of Nothern Ireland
The socio-economic landscape of Northern Ireland exhibits notable regional disparities,
underscoring patterns of uneven development across various sectors.
Productivity Disparities:
Northern Ireland ranks as the UK’s poorest-performing region in terms of productivity, with a
17% gap compared to the UK average. This shortfall is attributed to factors such as lower
employer-provided training and reduced foreign direct investment per job.
Economic Growth:
In the third quarter of 2024, Northern Ireland’s economy grew by 1.3%, surpassing the UK’s
growth rate of 0.1% for the same period. This growth was primarily driven by the services
and construction sectors.
Infrastructure Challenges:
The region faces significant infrastructure challenges, notably in sewage systems, which have
hindered housing construction and contributed to a housing shortage. Approximately 19,000
homes across 23 towns are awaiting sewage connectivity, exacerbating the housing crisis.
Regional Economic Indicators:
In 2022, Northern Ireland’s Gross Value Added (GVA) per head was £26,119, representing
78.6% of the UK average. Between 2021 and 2022, the region experienced a 2.9% real-term
increase in GVA, which was lower than the UK’s 4.1% growth during the same period.
6
VA Growth (2021–022): Derived from NISRA and ONS reports comparing regional
economic performance across years.
References
1. NORTHERN IRELAND: A MULTI-PHASED HISTORY OF CONFLICT, A
MULTI-LEVELLED PROCESS OF SETTLEMENT Jennifer Todd
2. Reckoning with the Past Teaching History in Northern Ireland By Margaret
Eastman Smith · 2005
3. The Troubles: Root Causes of Tension in Northern Ireland Eleanor M. Snyder
St. Mary's Academy
4. Kingsley, H. (2019). Ulster-Scots and the Northern Ireland Peace Process:
Language, Identity and Politics. Springer.
5. Nic Craith, M. (2002). Ireland and the Celtic World: Language, Culture,
Identity. Irish Academic Press
6. Dunn, S., & Morgan, V. (1994). Protestant-Catholic Relations in Northern
Ireland. Avebury.
7. Graham, B. J., & Shirlow, P. (Eds.). (2012). The End of Tradition? Northern
Irish Society After the Good Friday Agreement. Pluto Press.
8. Gray, A. M. (2005). Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles, 1968-1999.
Blackstaff Press.
9. McGarry, J., & O'Leary, B. (2009). Power Sharing in Northern Ireland: Positive
Theory, Normative Future. Oxford University Press.
