TRANSLATION

ANDREW GAUDIO

A Translation of the Linguae Annamiticae seu

Tunchinensis brevis declaratio: The First
Grammar of Quốc Ngữ

Translator’s Introduction

T he Linguae Annamiticae seu Tunchinensis brevis declaratio by Alex-

andre de Rhodes stands as the first complete grammar of Vietnamese
and a major contribution to the development of quốc ngữ. As yet, an
English translation of the entire text has not been available. A Vietnamese
translation alongside a facsimile of the Dictionarium Annamiticum Lusi-
tanum et Latinum was published by Thanh Lãng, Hoàng Xuân Việt, and
Đỗ Quang Chính in . Moreover, fragments of this text have been
translated in footnotes and appendices scattered throughout many jour-
nals and monographs concerned with the linguistic features and history of
quốc ngữ.
Up to now, the fullest English translation appears in Kenneth Gregerson’s
 study of Middle Vietnamese phonology and comprises the first two
chapters of the Brevis declaratio. Gregerson was attempting to establish
a framework for Middle Vietnamese phonology and therefore only exam-
ined de Rhodes’ description of each of the letters of the newly romanized
Vietnamese alphabet and its diacritics to represent the various tones. Using
the Brevis declaratio as a starting point, he compared de Rhodes’

Journal of Vietnamese Studies, Vol. , Issue , pps. –. ISSN -X, electronic -.
©  by The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Please direct all
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79
80 GAUDIO

observations on the sounds of the letters to those of more recent phoneti-

cians. Since the chapters on the alphabet and tones were pertinent to his
work, he included only those sections in his appendix. Overall, Gregerson’s
translation is accurate and reflects the Latin of de Rhodes. The subject
matter of the Brevis declaratio, which is Annamese phonology and gram-
mar, is rather technical in nature compared to literary Latin works. This
technicality limits the variation in which the text can be interpreted. Fur-
thermore, the Latinity of de Rhodes is clear, accessible, simple, and
unadorned. His vocabulary is composed of grammatical and linguistic terms
that, when taken by themselves and considered in context, can mostly be
translated one way (i.e. litera labialis, labial letter; dentalis, dental).
Beyond phonetic reconstruction, the Brevis declaratio and Dictionarium
serve as key sources for those who seek to explain the processes by which
a group of seventeenth-century Jesuits evangelizing in Vietnam romanized
the native language and to whom the various roles and contributions
involved in this monumental endeavor can be attributed. The preface
(Ad lectorem) to the Dictionarium provides crucial information on the
origins of this text and of de Rhodes’ knowledge of quốc ngữ. He indicates
that his initial exposure to Vietnamese came from Francisco de Pina, whom
he knew for a little over one year until de Pina drowned in a shipwreck. De
Rhodes’ understanding of romanized Vietnamese was further augmented
by two of his confreres Gaspar do Amaral and Antonio Barbosa, who each
wrote a dictionary in Portuguese and Vietnamese. Unfortunately, these two
manuscripts have not survived.
Another document which sheds some light onto the origins of the Brevis
declaratio is a short and incomplete twenty-two-page tract discovered a little
less than three decades ago by Roland Jacques, who included a facsimile and
transcription of it in his  thesis, which was published as a more thor-
ough study in . Jacques reassessed the role of each Jesuit involved in
the inception and development of quốc ngữ before de Rhodes published his
dictionary and grammar in Rome. His two main claims are () this unfin-
ished grammar—called the Manuductio ad linguam Tunckinensem—was
written by Swiss German Jesuit Onofre Borges between  and  and
() due to similarities in some Latin explanations of the romanized Viet-
namese in both the Brevis declaratio and the Manuductio, in addition to
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 81

a nearly identical use of Vietnamese examples among the two texts, there
must have been an earlier source text which both de Rhodes and Borges
used for their respective grammars. He infers that the now-lost source text
was written by Francisco de Pina. The assertions Jacques makes based on the
available evidence are inconclusive and perhaps overstated. However, his
chief contribution is that he has assisted with dismantling the notion held
for centuries by many after the Dicitonarium and Brevis declaratio appeared
that de Rhodes was the chief originator of quốc ngữ. Gonçalo Fernandes and
Carlos Assunção are not convinced that the Manuductio is the work of
Borges, and instead ascribe it to de Pina. They also assert that Francisco
de Pina was the first to provide an account of the six Vietnamese tones.
The fact that Alexandre de Rhodes was not the creator of quốc ngữ should
not preclude recognition of his accomplishments. One primary reason that
de Rhodes has long been regarded as the father of quốc ngữ is in large part
due to the completeness of his dictionary and grammar. Both were printed in
 in Rome, the same year the Propaganda Fide published his bilingual
catechism, which was the first instance wherein an entire book had ever been
published in this newly romanized script. A fundamental significance of the
Brevis declaratio and more broadly the Dictionarium and catechism is that
they are finished works and as such furnish a larger view into the historical
narrative of early quốc ngữ than other extant contemporary sources.
It would be negligent not to include some context for the organizational
structure of the Brevis declaratio, and by extension all seventeenth-century
Jesuit grammars and even the Manuductio. The Ratio Studiorum of 
mandated that either the De institutione grammatica libri tres of Manuel
Alvares published in  or the edition of the same grammar edited by
Orazio Torsellini in  be the standard textbooks used by the Jesuits in
teaching their members Latin. At the end of the first book of Alvares’ text,
there is a thirty-six-page section called Rudimenta, sive de octo partibus
orationibus [Fundamentals, or on the Eight Parts of Speech]. He begins this
portion of the Rudimenta by listing the letters of the alphabet and describing
the sounds of each of the twenty-three Latin letters. He then introduces the
parts of speech: Partes orationis sunt octo, nomen, pronomen, verbum, par-
ticipium, praepositio, aduerbium, interiectio, coniunctio [The eight parts of
speech are the noun, the pronoun, the verb, the participle, the preposition,
82 GAUDIO

the adverb, the interjection, the conjunction]. Alexandre de Rhodes follows

this model and order. He begins with chapter  on the letters and syllables
that constitute this language. Chapter  covers accents and other vowel
signs. Chapter  is on nouns; chapter , on pronouns; chapter , on other
pronouns; chapter , on verbs; chapter  on the remaining indeclinable parts
of speech; and chapter , some pertinent lessons on syntax. It is worth
noting that chapter  continues the original order of Alvares as the parts
of speech discussed there occur in the same succession as they appear in the
Rudimenta: praepositiones ordinariae, interiectiones, and coniunctiones.
The author of the Manuductio states, “Mos est alias in tradendis, discendis
linguis ab alphabeto seu litteris initium ducendi…” [Elsewhere, the custom is
to relate and teach languages from the beginning by their alphabet or letters],
whereas he chose to begin with tones, because they are critical to under-
standing Vietnamese. In western European languages, tones are nonexistent.
Thus, other Jesuit grammars of nontonal languages would have begun with
the alphabet. “Elsewhere” is most likely a reference to Alvares’ Rudimenta
section that begins with the letters. De Rhodes expresses the same sentiment:
“Quibus duobus prius explicatis & positis tanquam fundamentis, de partibus
orationis, & praeceptis in ipsa oratione seruandis agendum postea” [After
these tones and accents are first explained and established, so to speak, as
foundational, providing lessons in this language regarding the other parts of
speech will serve as the agenda afterwards]. De Rhodes remains closer to the
De institutione grammatica, because he still begins with the alphabet,
whereas tones form the subject of chapter . While outside the scope of this
brief introduction, further inquiry regarding the influence of Jesuit language-
teaching practices and the De institutione grammatica libri tres on the mis-
sionaries in Vietnam would supply valuable elucidation on the means and
methods this group utilized in the formulation of quốc ngữ.
The clarity of the Brevis declaratio demonstrates that Alexandre de
Rhodes was a competent Latin writer. He implemented the same vocabu-
lary as his Jesuit linguist predecessors to describe grammatical terms and
conventions, but he was also able to creatively use Latin to illuminate this
new language previously unknown to Europeans and most of his brethren.
The Brevis declaratio is succinct and relatively easy to read. Though not the
original artificer of romanized Vietnamese, through his completed writings
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 83

in quốc ngữ itself and in Latin about quốc ngữ, he is ensured a rightful place
as a major figure in the history of the Vietnamese language.

Linguae Annamiticae seu Tunchinensis brevis

declaratio
A BRIEF STATEMENT ON THE ANNAMESE OR TONKINESE

LANGUAGE

The neighboring languages of the Oriental provinces, especially the Chinese

and Tonkinese locales, and even the Japanese region, require a largely
different method of learning than our native languages. They lack entirely
any grammatical classifications. In particular, they do not even have de-
clensions or any number. Certainly the Tonkinese language, which we now
discuss, has no conjugations, tenses, or moods. However, all these things
may be explained by the addition of some particle, or from inferred ante-
cedents and postcedents, so that those who have a practical knowledge of
this language may easily determine tense, mood, or number, which are
indicated by the words themselves. Indeed, the same word itself often has
the meaning of a noun and a verb. From these added particles, antecedents,
or postcedents, it can easily be understood whether in that place such
a word may be a noun or a verb.
Nevertheless, there are two features which must be observed in this
language, from whose foundations the entire method of learning this lan-
guage hangs, so that without them—from the point of view of our own
native tongues—this language would hardly be understood. Just as man
consists of a body and soul, so too is this language composed of letters
written down by us and is noted and pronounced using tones or accents.
After these tones and accents are first explained and established, so to
speak, as foundational, providing lessons in this language regarding the
other parts of speech will serve as the agenda afterward.

CHAPTER I: ON THE LETTERS AND SYLLABLES THAT

CONSTITUTE THIS LANGUAGE

We are not concerned here with the characters that the Tonkinese or
Annamese use in their writings. They are most difficult and nearly
84 GAUDIO

innumerable, especially those characters with which they write books,

which are the same as the Chinese and are said to reach a number of eighty
thousand. These people devote their entire lives to learning them, yet no
one ever arrives at a complete knowledge of them all.
Therefore, we will use our own letters, which are fewer and much easier,
because in their language the Tonkinese express all our letters except one,
which is z; although specifically they do not pronounce our f, but rather ph or
the Greek φ. Nevertheless, to express this sound, we will use our ph because we
can use the letters of our own alphabet more easily and conveniently without
confusion. However, there are four new letters that have been added to our
alphabet to denote particular pronunciations of this Tonkinese language that
our native letters do not express. There are only four of these aforementioned
letters, two vowels ơ and ư and two consonants and đ, whose characteristics
will now be explained along with the values of the other letters.
A is twofold: one pronunciation is evident just as our A, as in an
(peace), and the other is somewhat obscure, which is pronounced without
a wide-open mouth, as in ân (to hide).
B is also twofold: one pronunciation is ordinary, as in ba (three), and the
other is not entirely similar to ours but is pronounced not by sending out
breath but rather by drawing the breath in the mouth itself or through an
opening of the lips, as though someone would rather utter m and after-
wards utter b. The other is pronounced almost as the Greek β, as in ĕaò
(to enter). However, it is not completely similar to our consonant v, but
a little harsh. Regarding the opening of the lips, it is pronounced as a true
labial letter as the Hebrews speak, and not as a dental.
C is in use at the beginning of words such as cá (fish) and at the end of
words such as ác (to play). We will use the letter c in the initial position
only with the vowels a, o, ơ, ư, and u. For the vowels e and i, we will use
either k or the letter s, just as below we will use c with h to express what the
Italians write: cia. However, we will say cha because it is used in this way
among the Portuguese and is used frequently in the books and writings of
the Tonkinese language, so that cha would be the same as cia among the
Italians. Che would be the same as ce and so on—regarding all other vowels
with ch, which are pronounced in the Portuguese manner rather than the
Italian because it is considered more convenient by us.
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 85

D is pronounced and has the same value as the Latin d but with some
other differences, especially in words in which d carries the letter e with it—
as though affixed, but not entirely pronounced—as in dĕa (pelt, skin). But
when it does not have the half e (ĕ) affixed, it is entirely similar to our d, as
in dà (house). In certain villages of Tonkin, that d is pronounced as r and is
not a standard pronunciation. The other đ is denoted by that symbol
because it is completely different from ours and is pronounced by raising
the tip of the tongue to the palate of the mouth and by moving it imme-
diately without touching the teeth, as in đađa (partridge). This letter is also
very much in use at the beginning of words.
E is given two pronunciations: one is ordinary and standard, as in em
(younger brother or sister); the other is somewhat obscure as if it were
closed, like ệm (pleasant, soft, opposite of harsh or hard).
F or rather ph, because it does not suppose that the lips are separated
like our f but rather it gently separates them in pronunciation with some
blowing. Wherefore, in the dictionary we do not use the letter f, but ph,
because books already written use it.
G is in use just as we employ it among ourselves, as in gà (chicken).
Nevertheless, it must be noted that in writing ghe and ghi we will follow
Italian orthography, as it is more suitable for this language. Thus, gia, gio,
giu, giơ, and giư ought to be pronounced in the Italian manner. Thus it
seems more convenient and its use is frequent in already written books. We
will write ge and gi with the letter g, lest by writing with i, some conso-
nantal confusion occurs. The letter g has another use: by preceding it with
an n, as in ngà (ivory), whereby it is pronounced or is the equivalent of the
Hebrew ngain ‫צ‬. It is produced partly by a release via the nostrils and is
greatly in use within this language. It is often used at the end of a word
although g is not so clearly articulated as it is in the beginning of words, but
its pronunciation is somewhat obscured as if one would take the final letters
“uis” of the word sanguis, there would remain sang (noble). Such a pro-
nunciation is in use in many languages and it alludes to the French lan-
guage when g follows a vowel, as in le sang est beau (the blood is
beautiful).
H is very much in use and well aspirated, especially at the beginning of
words with all vowels, as in hà, (to open the mouth), and after k, as in khá
86 GAUDIO

(proper), and is equivalent to the Greek χ. It occurs after p, as in pha (to

mix), and has the same sound as φ in Greek. It is also found after t, as in
tha (to spare). It sounds like the Greek θ. Therefore, this language has three
aspirates just as in Greek, and they are adequately aspirated. We also
employ the letter h after c, as in cha (father), where it is equivalent to cia
in Italian, as we have said above in our discussion on the letter c. After
g—ghe (crest) and ghi (to record)—we use the Italian pronunciation. We
also employ the letter h with n, as in nhà (house), which produces the same
sound, gna, in Italian. It is also used after c and n. If one took the last
a from the Portuguese word cacha, the Tonkinese word cách (manner or
mode) would remain. Also, if one removed the final a from the word
manha, the Tonkinese word mạnh (strong) would remain.
I we will only employ as a vowel, because every use of a consonantal i is
better signified by the letter g. This vowel is implemented just as we use it.
In order to avoid confusion, we will only use the vowel i in the middle and
at the end of words; medially, as in biét, and finally, as in bí (Indian gourd).
Worthy of note is our use of y at the end of a word, where it indicates
a diphthong with a syllabic division, as in éy (he/that one). When we write
an i, it signifies an undivided syllable, as in ai, who. In order to avoid the
multiplication of syllables, we do not use two dots above the vowels. It is
necessary to mention that i occurring after a vowel and at the end of a word
does not make another distinct syllable. When it is written with a Greek y,
the syllable is divided, as in cai (higher/greater), cây (tree). In an initial
position, and mostly before other vowels, we will use the Greek y lest
someone interpret it as a consonant, as in yêó (weak), yả (to defecate).
K is used with the vowels e and i, as in kể (to count), kí (secretary). Since
we use c for the other letters—as we have noted above in the section on the
letter c—we thus use k with h in all syllables, as in khác (other). It has the
same sound as the Greek χ, as we have mentioned above for the letter h.
L is in use mostly at the beginning of words, as in lá (leaf). However, the
Japanese entirely lack this letter, just as the Chinese lack r. Moreover, note
that Latin is pronounced more easily by the Tonkinese than by the Japa-
nese. In addition, the Tonkinese have the letter l—a liquid—joined to the
other consonants, as in blả (to give back). Nonetheless, it is possible in
other provinces or regions to say t in place of b, as in tlả (to pay back), but
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 87

at the court, b is used. After m, the letter l is also added, as in mlẽ (reason).
Sometimes, even though it is rare, l is added to p, as in plàn (to roll down),
or làn without p. Very often, the letter l is added to t, as in tla (to season) or
tle (bamboo). However, many people pronounce a lot of these words with t,
and practice will inform which words.
M is used both at the beginning and end of words, as in ma (death). At
the end of words it is pronounced with firmly compressed lips, as in mâm
(a small table). It must be noted for the Portuguese, lest they confuse am
with a , which in this language are very different and often in use, as in am
(skilled craftsman), a (bee), mám (fish seasoned with salt), ma
(fingernail).
N is in use both at the beginning and end of words, as in non (imma-
ture). It is joined to the letter h both initially and finally, as we have
discussed for the letter h. However, the use mentioned here is exceedingly
common. Also, it is heavily used initially with the letter g, as in nghe (to
hear or listen). See the letter g above.
O has two uses like the letter a. One is standard, as in có (to have), while
the other is somewhat obscure, because it is uttered with the mouth hardly
open, as in cô (paternal aunt).
Ơ is almost like o and e, as if it were composed of those two vowels. It is
greatly in use both on its own, as in ở (to be), and with all the consonants,
for example ơ (wife), cơm (cooked rice), etc. Often, however, it is joined
immediately to the same word with the letter ư, which is almost like u but
somewhat obscure and is pronounced with compressed teeth and open lips,
as in nước (water), chước (diligence), ước (to think), and other similar
words that arise here and there.
P is not only employed at the beginning of a word, as we have discussed
above with the letter f, but rather ph, which has the same value as the Greek
φ, as in pha (to mix). Nevertheless, p occurs finally, as in báp (Indian fig
blossom), and is pronounced wholly like our p even at the end of words.
Q is in use just as it is in Latin with a liquid u, as in qua (to cross), que
(a stick), qùi (to kneel).
R is in use at the beginning of a word and not doubled as the Portuguese
are accustomed to do but kept single as is done by the Italians, as in ra (to
exit). It is even used as a liquid after t. However, it is not specifically an r
88 GAUDIO

but a t, and is pronounced with some aspiration and with the tip of the
tongue touching the palate, as in tra (to confer). Nevertheless, tr and tl can
be confused, and practice will inform their uses.
S is only in use at the beginning of a word and with more aspiration
than our s, as if it were doubled and with less hissing. However, it is
pronounced with the same curving of the tongue at the palate, as in sa
(to fall). It is never found in the middle or at the end of a word.
T is used both at the beginning and end of words, as in tật (chronic
sickness). In the initial position, it is like our t, as in tin (to believe), while
in the final position it is pronounced with some flexing and beating of the
tongue on the palate, as in bụt (idol). With that flexing of the tongue, t is
pronounced even at the beginning of a word that has r joined to it, as in tra
(to confer or to examine).
U is used both as a vowel and as a consonant. As a vowel it appears both
at the beginning of a word, as in u mê (an uncouth man), and in the middle
of a word, as in Latin, with the letter q, as in qua (to cross), and sometimes
with g, as in Italian, guet (the moon), and then as a liquid. It occurs at the
end of a word either with a semicircular apex that denotes a sound between
m and n, as in c (together), without that apex, as in dù (umbrella), or with
another vowel, as in càu (bridge), where it is noted that when u is placed at
the end after a, it is then understood as two syllables just as in Latin when
two dots are added above the vowels, as in aër. When we place o after a,
then a diphthong is understood, as in cao (high), lest the signs are multi-
plied which would create confusion.
Ư is greatly in use and is pronounced almost as u, but with open lips, as
in ưa (to favor), mưa (rain), dữ (bad or fierce).
X is also greatly in use and is pronounced as it is among the Portuguese,
or certainly like the letters sc by the Italians, as in xa (far away), xe (chariot).
Therefore, in this language there are seven vowels in total. They are a, e,
i, o, u, to which are added ơ and ư, as we have discussed. We will also use
the Greek y, especially at the end of words to signify syllabic division, lest
we are forced to use two dots as in Latin aër and lest a multitude of signs
produce confusion. It suffices that whenever we use the Greek y, it expresses
a different syllable as in yả (to release excrement), éy (he/that one), dạy (to
teach)—which has been discussed above under the letter i.
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 89

Diphthongs are composed of vowels already mentioned and include ai,

ao, ei, eo, and i. The letter i precedes all other vowels after the letter g, as in
gia, gie, etc., pronounced in the Italian manner. Regarding oi, ei, a , o , ơi,
ui, and ưi, their use must be learned.

CHAPTER II: ON THE ACCENTS AND OTHER SIGNS

RELATING TO VOWELS

We have said that accents are almost the soul of words in this language, and
for this reason they must be learned with the utmost diligence. We use,
therefore, three accents from the Greek language: the acute, the grave, and
the circumflex, to which—because they are not sufficient—we add the iota
subscript and our question mark. Also, all the tones of this language can be
reduced to six classes so that every word of this language pertains to one of
these six classes or tones.
Thus, the first tone is level, which is pronounced without any inflection
of the voice itself, as in ba (three). Because this is the case, even if someone
were to ask a question using chang, which is level, as in có chang (isn’t it
so?), in no way is the speaker to inflect voice in asking, because chang is not
marked with an accent. If the tone of the word would be inflected, then its
meaning may be different. Words which have a level tone are not noted
with an accent, and this is a sufficiently distinct mark when all other tones
have their own accents.
The second tone is the acute, which is uttered by accentuating the voice
and articulating the word as if someone were to display anger, as in bá
(mistress of the king or of some distinguished man).
The third tone is the grave and is spoken by lowering the pitch of the
voice, as in bà (grandmother or female in charge of the household).
The fourth is the circumflex, which is expressed by inflecting the voice
and bringing it forth from the bottom of the chest and afterwards raising
the voice, as in ã (to box one’s ears).
The fifth is called heavy or burdensome, because it is expressed by
a forced voice with some weight or heaviness from the deepest part of the
chest and is delineated with an iota subscript, as in bạ (abandoned objects).
Finally, the sixth is said to be smooth, because it is spoken with some
light inflection of the voice, just as when we are accustomed to ask
90 GAUDIO

a question, as in “is it not so?” and similar questions. Therefore, it is

denoted by a question mark for its accent, as in bả (a silken saffron robe
worn by the Tonkinese).
From these examples, it seems that the same syllable ba indicates varied
and completely separate things according to the difference of accents, which
also occur in other Tonkinese words. Although not every accent appears on
a specific word or syllable, it rarely happens that a certain word does not
permit the use of many accents with multiple meanings. Nevertheless, mul-
tiple accents are never found on the same word in the way that different
accents may be noted on the same word, since a variation of accent also
conveys with it a variation of the word and almost always its meaning.
We can apply these six accents to the tones of our music, so that they
seem to have some analogy with it through these words: dò (a snare), rẹ
(a root)—in the pronunciation of a certain province—mĩ (the name of
a certain family), fa or pha (to mix), sổ (a catalog), lá (leaf) so that from
these words, significant to the Tonkinese language—through the six tones of
the Tonkinese: dò, rẹ, mĩ, pha, sổ, lá—we are able to relate in some manner
the six tones of our music, not however so precisely that great differences are
not present. Wherefore no one can learn those tones except from someone
highly experienced in the language, he should hear them for himself often so
that he becomes accustomed to them. Thus, as we have said, there are five
accent signs because the level sound is not indicated by a tone mark.
We use three other signs above the vowels, with others omitted which
are considered less necessary lest the multitude of signs in printed type lead
to confusion. The first is the Latin circumflex accent which we apply to the
three vowels: â, ê, ô, and such a sign is added when these vowels ought to be
pronounced somewhat obscurely, that is to say with the mouth being less
open, as in ấn (a sign or seal), mềm (soft), ốm (sick). When such a sign is
not applied above these vowels, it is an indication that they should be
annunciated with a clear voice and open mouth, as in an (calm or peace),
em (younger brother or sister), hòm (chest or box). No sign is necessary for
this, as the lack of a sign is sufficient.
The second sign is a short mark as is used in the art of quantity in verse
or poetics, and similarly it is applied to the three vowels: ă, ĕ, ŏ, as in tăóc
(hair), dĕa (skin), tŏan (to stand). Only very briefly is the letter articulated
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 91

to which this sign is affixed, so that in fact the syllable and accent pertain to
the following vowel.
Indeed, the third sign is the apex, which in this language is wholly
necessary because of the difference of the final sound, which the apex
makes entirely distinct from the final sound m or n and with a completely
different meaning in the words to which it is affixed. However, this sign or
apex only affects or at the end of a word, as in a (bee), o (grandfather
or head of the household). It is pronounced so that neither the lips touch
themselves nor the tongue comes in contact with the palate.
Finally, we will discuss some basic parts of speech belonging to this lan-
guage one by one, and how many similarities this language has—to a certain
extent—with the Latin language. Nevertheless, someone may easily notice that
such a variety of parts of speech cannot be designated, not only as it is in the
Latin language but also neither as it happens in common European languages.

CHAPTER III: ON NOUNS

Although in this language certain words may always serve as nouns, they
always keep the meaning of nouns and never change to another meaning,
except as the meaning of another noun, as in blơì (sky), dất (ground),
người (man), etc. Yet, there are other words which are able to function
either as nouns or verbs which, from the context of the conversation, can be
discerned, as in cheò (an oar, to row). Thus, if I say: thuièn nầy cò hai cheò
(the small boat has two oars), cheò is a noun. If I say: tôi chèo thuièn nầy
(I row this small boat), cheò is a verb. Also, speaking of similar things,
plural and singular are determined from the antecedents and postcedents.
There are not any declensions, nor any cases or any other differing gender
—no masculine, feminine, or neuter—attributed to nouns. Nevertheless, all
these things can be explained by some analogy to our languages.
Firstly, the declension of cases in either number both in the plural and
singular forms can be discerned in this way, where the word thàng (boy) is
declined.

The Singular Number

The nominative thàng nầy (that boy); the genitive cha thàng nầy (the
father of this boy); the dative cho thàng nầy áo (I give clothes to this boy);
92 GAUDIO

the accusative keo thàng nầy (call this boy); the vocative ơ thàng kia (O
that boy); the ablative bởy thàng nầy (from this boy).

The Plural Number

The nominative những thàng nầy (all those boys); the genitive cha hai
thàng (the father of two boys); the dative cho nón ba thàng (I give hats to
three boys); the accusative dạy các thàng (I teach all boys); the vocative ơ
bốn thàng kia (O those four boys); the ablative bởi các thàng (from all
boys).
Regarding the cases, this paradigm may suffice. There are other methods
of discerning singular and plural. The first way is with particles, which
when added to the noun make it plural, as in chúng, mớ, ngững, or dững.
All these particles are added to pronouns, as in tôi (I), mầy (you), nó (that
man), chúng tôi (we), chúng mầy (you all), chúng nó (those men). Even
những or dững are added to the third person, but mớ is only used for the
first person and for the second person, as in mớ tôi (we) and mớ bay (you
all). Mớ mầy is not in use for the second person plural. Chúng mầy is
rarely used, in whose place chúng bay (you all) is said, or actually bay,
which only denotes the plural “you all,” without any additional particle.
Sometimes, two of those particles are added together, as in chúng mớ tôi,
and indicate “we all” [omnes nos].
Ta has a singular meaning when someone is speaking with reservation
to someone inferior, as in ta nói c bay (I speak to you all). Sometimes ta is
plural: firstly, when added to the particles, as in chúng or mớ, as in chúng
ta (we); secondly, with its addition to some plural number, as in ba ta (we
three); thirdly, when there are many people of equal status and one is
speaking with everyone, as in ta đi c nhau (let us go altogether); and
fourthly, from antecedents and postcedents whose uses will be learned from
practice. Also, ta after a word makes it plural, as in người (person), người
ta (people). Thus, after tổ t , tổ t ta means “our ancestors.”
Phô is a particle denoting the plural but implying honor, as in phô o
(lords or masters). Phô bà is fittingly added to mean “ladies or mistresses,”
những phô o (all lords/masters).
Kẻ added to various nouns makes them plural, as in kẻ quê (coun-
trymen), kẻ mọn (plebes or men of the lowest rank). Tôi là kẻ mọn
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 93

(I am among the lowest of men). Kẻ is only used for people with a low
status.
The second method of discerning the plural is when some universal
particles are placed near the word they modify, as in cŏên, các, mọi, nhềo,
muân, and hết: cŏên Chúa (soldiers of the king), các thầy (all the teachers),
mọi ngày (all days), nhèo người (many people), muân vật (ten thousand
things), that is, “all inferior things,” đi hết (everyone, go!).
The third method includes things that signify species or groups of living
things, even with no particle added, putting it in the plural. They signify
the plural, as in gà, lơn, and other similar things: mua gà, lơn (to buy
chickens, pigs), muâng chim, cây cối, hŏa quả, etc. Thus, when two names
are regularly joined to the same name or another similar word, they are
understood in the plural, as in anh em (brothers), chi em (sisters). Practice
will inform this. Otherwise, unusual instances from varying rules can be
discerned.
Here, however, it should greatly be noted that many nouns are made
either singular or plural from antecedents and postcedents. Each noun is
accustomed to having its own antecedent or postcedent. If the subject—
with an antecedent or postcedent next to it—is increased, the antecedent or
precedent is also increased. If the subject modified by the antecedent or
postcedent is in the singular, then that antecedent or postcedent is also in
the singular, as in chém đâù nó (cut off his head). The word đâù is in the
singular, because nó (his) is in the singular. If it is said: chém đâù ba nó
(cut off the heads of three men), that same word đâù unchanged by itself, is
plural, because the word ba (three) was added, which makes the subject
modified by it plural: ba nó (three men), and so on.
Nevertheless, nouns from absolute or positive adjectives are made com-
parative or superlative by the addition of some particles as a comparative
by the addition of hơn (more) or hơn nữa (even more). For example: tôt
(beautiful), tôt hơn (more beautiful), tôt hơn nữa (even more beautiful),
hŏa nầy tốt hơn hŏa kia (this flower is more beautiful than that flower),
lành (good), lành hơn (better), lành hơn nữa (even better). But hơn nữa
is always placed at the end of speech, as in blái nầy lành hơn blái nọ, blái
kia lành hơn nữa (this fruit is better than that fruit, that fruit is even
better). Sometimes from a question alone, without any additional particle,
94 GAUDIO

a comparative is understood, as in hai ngươi nầy ngươi nào lành (out of

these two men, who is the good man?), that is, “who is better?” The
superlative is explained by two particles, cực and rứt. For example, cau
(high), rứt cau (highest), mlớn (great), cực mlớn (greatest), thánh (holy),
rứt thánh (holiest). Rứt is used more to praise good things, whereas cực is
employed to magnify bad things, as in tôi cực tra (the greatest sin).
Therefore, cực alone by itself or cực là denotes the greatest suffering or
oppression of the heart, as in tôi đã cực (now I have arrived at the highest
misery), tôi đã cực là (I am now feeling the extreme oppression of my
heart).
Adverbs are used for verbs that must be magnified to a higher degree.
Lám, ráp, giagiét, thay signify an increase of intensity and are always
placed after the verb, as in tốt lám (beautiful or very good), xấu (bad),
xấu ráp (very bad), mlớn (great), mlớn giagiét (very great), lành (good),
lành thay (very good). However, these particles are always placed after the
verb. Sometimes, two particles are added to affect even more intensifica-
tion so that thay ought to be in the last position [be placed at the end].
The other particle can be used interchangeably, either before the word it
modifies or after it—however you wish—as in cao (high), cao lám thay
(highest). Giagiét is sometimes used as a particle of admiration, while at
other times that particle without the addition of any other word is used to
express admiration.

CHAPTER IV: ON PRONOUNS

There is an abundance of primary pronouns for varying ranks and different

people.
In the first person, those who are superior with respect to those who are
inferior use the word tao (I), as for a father with his sons; a head of the
household with his family; even a man with his wife uses this word and when
someone pays little attention to someone else, as boys do among themselves;
tao khién mầy (I command you). Tao (I) and mầy (you) are almost always
correlatives, but with someone who is angry, the words tớ (I) and ngươi
(you) are used, as in tớ làm chi ngưoi (what do I procure from you?).
It is a more moderate way of speaking by someone of superior rank
to a person of inferior rank when he [the one of higher rank] says ta or
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 95

qua, which both mean “I.” For example, these two forms can be used
when a general addresses his soldiers: ta nói c bay (I speak to you
all). The first person plural, “we,” uses the particles chúng and mớ, just
as we noted above under the section on nouns. No one is able to use
min (I) unless he has some level of preeminence over those with whom he
is speaking, and those same particles chúng and mớ may be made plural.
Tôi (I) is a common method of speaking whereby someone speaks to
anyone superior, although other pronouns may be added according to the
degree of superiority, at least when someone begins to talk. Regarding that
greatest man whom the Tonkinese call Bua who is the king or ancient
emperor—who alone holds that title and name, along with some other
preeminent figures—when someone speaks with him, at least in the begin-
ning of the dialogue, he always ought to add tâu bua vạn t é, that is, “I
speak with the king for whom I demand a life of ten thousand years, or,
long live the king,” and he would respond to the title “Your Majesty.” If
someone were to speak with the king who rules over his kingdom, to the
king he would also speak with prefatory remarks suitable for someone of
inferior rank so that the same man would convey the sense of the phrase
dọ Chúa muân nam, and the king would respond to the title “Your
Highness.” However, to the highest nobles, such as the prince or the gov-
ernors of provinces, it is said: thân đức o muân tuểi, and this phrase
equally denotes the same rank, and this person would respond to the title
“Your Excellence.” Those who speak with the king of Cochinchina are
accustomed to using only that title. With the highest-ranking religious
teacher, it is said bạch đức thày, and he would respond to the title “Your
Father.” Finally, with any other teachers of low rank, or even with teachers
of equal rank, tôi chièng o is frequently in use, and he would respond to
the title “Your Dominance.” With teachers who provide instruction in
letters and literature, chièng thày is in use. With any other teachers, even
those of the mechanical arts, students speaking to their teacher use this
same title. But with teachers of religious matters, even in the Sacrament of
Penance, I have attempted to use the title thưa thày, because it is possible to
answer with the title “Your Reverence.” Nevertheless, the word of humility,
tôi, can be added or omitted as one sees fit, by which I declare myself
subservient to someone when I speak with that person. When someone
96 GAUDIO

from the aforesaid titles is mentioned at the beginning of a conversation or

discourse, with regard to those titles, it is sufficiently understood: He is
considered a peasant or arrogant man who dares not to speak to some
superior without the preceding appropriate title, at least at the start of the
conversation. Often, however, when the discussion is lengthy, the same title
ought to be repeated for a second time so that the conversation remains
courteous, even if it is watched over by men equal to your status, especially
when important men are speaking among you.
In place of these primary pronouns in the first person, there are many
appellative nouns in use. Often, men of high rank use a particular noun with
their subordinates by which they are accustomed to be called when speaking
familiarly, as in John, đi có viẹc (John, I am going to work), or in the name
of duty, as in a teacher, thày, speaking to his students, haọc tlò: thày bảu
hạoc tlò (I am advising you), or in other words, “I the teacher am advising
you the students.” Thus, appellative nouns are greatly in use for the first
person, just as someone would use the noun where he would stand out due
to consanguinity, as in a father with his sons or by using the following: cha,
mẹ, anh, chị, chú, bác, o , bà, etc. So, when the Blessed Virgin is introduced
speaking to the Lord Christ, it is possible to use the proper subordinate word
mẹ (mother), for the first person, as in mẹ theo con (the mother follows her
son), that is, “I, the mother, follow you, the son.” Although the king of
Tonkin, speaking to his own mother, uses the word tôi which denotes
subordination, when the Lord Christ is introduced speaking to his Virgin
Mother, he uses the word con (son), which is in the first person, as in con
nói c mẹ (the Son addresses his mother), that is, “I the Son speak to you
my mother.” When God is speaking, this does not seem appropriate, as He
would acknowledge His servant while He speaks with His creation, even
though she is the Virgin Mother. Rather, if she had spoken the Tonkinese
language, I would conclude that the Virgin Mother would have used the
word tôi (female servant) [ancilla], when she had spoken to God the Son.
Although it does not seem inconsistent if she had used the word mẹ
(mother) when speaking familiarly and privately with her Son, nevertheless
every decision [relating to pronoun use] must be exercised with caution.
In addition, it should be noted that these nouns of consanguinity are in
use even for strangers and others who do not have such a kinship with the
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 97

speaker. For a man speaking with his wife, or when someone else speaks to
those of slightly lower rank, he uses the word anh (older brother). When
a wife is speaking to her husband, she ought to use the word tôi (female
servant) [ancilla]. Any woman speaking to someone of inferior status
should use the word chị (older sister). In the same sense one should speak
on the other aforementioned terms, cha (father), mẹ (mother), and the
remaining nouns for which people of high rank or age use regarding respect
from their inferiors or younger counterparts.
Primary nouns of the second person are in the singular only, e.g. mày
(you). It is not permitted to use this word except when speaking to those
very inferior to you or with boys. With one’s elders this word is not allowed
even if they may be much lower than you in rank as servants. Their own
names, such as Peter or John, must be used, e.g. Peter làm việc éy (let Peter
do his work). A man is able to use the word mày with his wife without
wrongdoing, but it is better to use the word em, that is, “younger sister” or
bạu (female companion). We may use in a modest way these words em
and bạu with all people of lower rank including servants. However, with
non-consanguine Christians if they are greatly advanced in age, we call the
men o (master of the household), the women bà (mistress of the house-
hold). For youths, we call them hăọc tlò, for students and for girls and
daughters we call them con. However, mothers and fathers indifferently
use the word con—which denotes both sons and daughters—when speak-
ing lovingly to their children. It is permitted to call only boys with the noun
tên tọuc, which is what they are called from infancy. For others, this noun
may even be insulting; how other boys may be called will be explained
below. On the contrary, if they are boys of noble rank, in no way are they to
be called by this noun except perhaps by their father or mother. Moreover,
in the house of the highest nobleman, such as a prince or men of similar
rank, it is not permitted to claim his/her title [nomen] even for other
occasions; for example, a certain governess had from infancy the name
tién, which signifies money, and it is not permitted inside nor outside her
house for household members to use her name tién. Instead, they ought to
say tŏàn. Sons along with their parents ought to completely protect their
familial reverence and rank, and this applies even to those people of the
lowest lot.
98 GAUDIO

In the plural, the word bay (you all) is ubiquitously in use with those of
inferior status if they are subordinates; e.g. a general speaking with his
soldiers or a teacher with his students, or even a master with his servants.
Nevertheless, when we are teaching something, or when we speak to those
in public, we would rather use the word anh em (brothers) with our
household members. Thus, generals or other men of high rank, by speaking
to many people with benevolence, use greater words of honor than that
common word bay. These words include: cŏên (soldiers), blai (students),
etc. If the king speaking with his generals states the name of their office, as
in chư tướng (generals), then he does not use the word tau (I), denoting
arrogance, but ta (I), indicating modesty.
Regarding other honorable titles that are applied to the reverence of
a superior ranking person with whom someone ought to speak, is already
stated in the first person. It should be noted, however, that there is great
variation in the nouns by which someone is addressed. Firstly, if someone
is very high in rank such as a general or a teacher, or even more so a king,
the noun used to refer to such a person is called ten quan, a noun of
honor, which at most consists of two Chinese letters, as in kieu louc, phù
d , mâu tài, etc. When this name is used honorifically, anyone either of
low or high rank is able to address someone by that noun. However,
subordinates toward their superiors add the word o (master or head of
the household), as in o mậu tài, etc. When someone young has a younger
brother, he is called by his brother’s name with an added cả, which refers
to his older age, so that if the younger brother is called trục, the older
brother will be called cả trục. If someone has a nephew from an older
brother, the nephew is called chú trục. If someone has a nephew from
a sister, the nephew is called cậu trục. If someone has a son called by that
name, he is called cha trục. If someone has a nephew from a son or
daughter, he is called o trục. Likewise, the same applies for women, but
any inferior household members are able to speak to their superiors using
the universal nouns cha (father) and mẹ (mother), just as servants and
subordinates commonly speak with their masters. Thus, Christians speak-
ing informally with us use the noun cha (father). Nevertheless, more often
they use the noun thày (teacher). The noun anh (older brother) is of great
honor and everywhere people of lower ranks use it with those superior
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 99

with respect to age rather than reverence. Likewise, sons speaking with
their father scarcely call him cha, but either anh or chú, that is, “a father’s
younger brother” or cậu (a mother’s brother). Eunuchs of the king or
queen are commonly called by this name cậu with honor, unless they have
some extremely high level of veneration. Then all remaining eunuchs are
greeted by a noun of their own worth equivalent to their level of honor. In
the Tonkinese language, o chữâng is the noun of common honor in the
second person for anyone occupying any lower status. However, in Co-
chinchina, only sons or brothers enjoying a blood relationship with the
king are affected by this honor. A son hardly calls his mother by the noun
designated for his mother, mẹ, but calls her chị, that is (an older sister), or
cô, that is a (father’s sister) or dì, that is, a (mother’s sister). Perhaps this is
not without some superstition, especially for very young boys, when they
are in this way ordered by their parents. Bác, that is, “a paternal uncle
older than one’s father,” is in use with one’s superiors or with those even
higher ranking, but they may not be of the highest veneration. Bác is even
in use for very important women, but not for women of the highest status.
The mother of the king is called đức lão, the queen is called Chúa bà, and
the daughter of the king is called bà Chúa. Practice will inform the re-
maining uses of second-person nouns.
Finally, when we would like to speak with reverence to many people at
the same time, we use the particle of the plural number, phô, as in phô o
(masters or heads of households), phô bà (mistresses or female heads of
households, or your households).
In the third person, for those of lower rank, we use the particle nó (he,
that man), as in chúng nó (those men). But for those of equal rank and
very superior, the noun denoting the honor of their personage is repeated.
Just as we would signify some worthiness or preeminence of a man’s rank,
the word người also denotes a man with honor, as in con người (the son of
a man with honor), etc. Nevertheless, when we speak about God the Father
or the Holy Spirit or the Holy Trinity, we are not able to use that word
người which denotes a man with honor and dignity. Instead, we ought to
repeat the name itself or the person about whom we are speaking, as in con
Chúa blời (the Son of God). This rule even applies when speaking of
angels. While the plural in the third person is the same as what was said
100 GAUDIO

above about nouns, or even about what was said concerning the second
person, those rules ought to be applied to the third person as well.
The reflexives (himself, herself, itself, his own, her own, its own) [sui,
sibi, se] are explained by the word mình, as in ai néy lo sự mình (every
person cares about his own things). Certainly, the same substantive is
repeated, as in cha lo viẹc cha, con lo việc con (the father cares about the
work of the father, the son cares about the work of the son). When mình
means one’s own body, it can only be used when it refers to bodies posses-
sing reason, that is, only people.
The demonstrative pronouns: nầy (this, these) [hic, haec, hoc]; nầy (that
person or thing near you) [iste, ista, istud]; éy or nọ (he, she, it) [is, ea, id];
éy or nọ (that, those) [ille, illa, illud]; kia, or te in some other provinces
(that other man) [ille alius]. For example: đàng nọ đàng kia (this way,
that other way) [illa uia, illa alia]; viẹc này viẹc nọ (this work, that work, i.
e. various works) [negotium hoc, negotium illud]; o nọ o tê (this head of
the household, that other head of the household) [Dominus ille, ille alius]—
this pronoun is always placed after the noun itself. Nó also signifies the
demonstrative pronoun (that man) [ille] but implies a slight contempt
toward the animated persons. It is said instead of using an honorific pro-
noun. Người is only used for people. There is a difference between nọ and
nó, because nọ is thought to be in agreement or in the same case as the
substantive to which it is attached. Nó is added and placed after the sub-
stantive and is understood to be in the genitive case, as in nhà nọ (that
house) [domus illa]. However, the phrase nhà nó (his/her house) [domus
illius] has the implication of a possessive pronoun. In fact, these two pro-
nouns are used in the oblique case as possessive pronouns, as in cha tôi
(my father) [pater meus], as if it is said “the father of mine” [pater mei]; cha
mày (that father of yours) [pater tui], that is, “your father” [pater tuus].
Since the pronouns have no cases, out of two substantives, the pronoun
which is placed after the first is understood to be in the genitive.

CHAPTER V: ON OTHER PRONOUNS

The relative pronouns (who, which, that, whose, whom) [qui, quae, quod]
are not supplied on their own but are implied by placing the noun before
[i.e. by placing the direct object before the subject] and by making from the
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 101

passive voice an active voice, as in mày đăọc sách (you read the book). If I
would say sách mày đăọc, that is, “the book read by you,” or “the book
which you read”; nó làm viẹc (he does the work). If I would say viậc nó
làm (the work done by him, or the work which he does), etc. The relative
pronoun is also inferred from the manner of speaking, and the word ai is in
use for people, especially when it is not an interrogative pronoun but is
added to the particle thì. In this way, ai múân thì làm means “he who
wants it, let him do it”; ai có cơm thì ăn (he who has cooked rice, he ate it).
In the plural, kẻ is said, as in kẻ có tài thì hăọc (those who have talent, let
them learn). Ai and kẻ are only used for people as nào is in use for both
people and other things, as in bò nào béo thì mạnh (the ox that is fat, it is
strong), thàng nào lành thì dĕạy (teach this boy who is good or of good
innate character), áo nào dài thì tốt (the shirt which is long, it is beautiful).
Practice will inform the use of the remaining relative pronouns, as in Cha
chúng tôi ỏ tlèn blời (our Father who is in heaven), and lạy Cha chúng tôi
ở tlên blời (our Father, you who are in heaven).
The interrogative pronoun ai [quis] (who, whom, whose) is only used
for people, as in ai nói (who is speaking?). In the plural, những or dững is
added, as in những ai làm (who did this?). Nào is used universally both for
people and for other things. It occurs after the substantive, as in nhà nào
(which house?), viẹc nào (which work?), thầng nào (which boy or who?).
This last use of the interrogative “who” connotes contempt, while the use of
người nào (which man?) denotes honor.
Ai is able to be declined like the interrogative “who”: in the nominative,
ai đến (who came?), in the genitive áo ai (whose shirt?), in the dative cho ai
(it is given to whom?), in the accusative keo ai (whom are you calling?), in
the ablative đi c ai (he is with whom?). In the plural, it is possible for the
particles những or dững to be added.
Ai, when it is placed after a verb, sometimes denotes “someone,” as in có
ai đi c (isn’t there someone also?), ai là ai or ai nấy (whoever), ai là ai
muấn thì làm (whoever wants it, let him do it), ai nấy nghe thì thưâng
(whoever hears this feels pity).
Nào is often placed after the substantive, as in nhà nào (which house?),
and ordinarily occurs to the right of the substantive or in the case in which
the substantive is. The difference between nào and ai can be discerned,
102 GAUDIO

because ai is always placed after the substantive and in an oblique case, as

in nhà ai (whose house?). Nào in this manner is used to a lesser extent, as
in nhà nào (whose house?). However, when nào is placed before the
substantive, it sometimes denotes where something is, as in nào sách
(where is the book?), nào thàng áy (where is that boy?). Sometimes, by
asking a question, nào denies that there is something which is sought after:
nào có (where is it?), or, in other words, “it is not here”; nào có mlẽ gì
(what reason is there?), that is, “there is no reason.”
What [quid], as in “what is this?”: cái nầy la đi gì? (why?); làm chi, as in
đi đấng ấy làm chi? (how or why did he go on this road?).
How many [quot]: mấy, as in mấy người? (how many people?); bao
nheo, bao deo, or bán bao nheo? (how much is he selling?). The word bao
is added to a question concerning the quantity of all types of things, that is,
indistinguishable items or separate items, as in bao mlớn? (how great?),
bao cao? (how high?), bao sâu? (how deep?), bao dài? (how long?), bao giờ?
(which hour, or, when?), etc. Practice will easily advise the uses of this word.
As much as you wish [quantumlibet]: bao nheo bấy nheo (whenever);
bao giờ bấy giờ; cho tôi bao nheo gạo, thì toi blả bấy nheo bạc (how
much rice will you have given me? As much money as I owe you).
Interrogatives on the nature of things: đi gì or gì, as in muấn đi gì (what
does he want?); có việc gì (what business does he have?).
Interrogatives denoting an end result: làm chi, as in đi đàng kia làm chi
(why is he going on the other road?); interrogatives denoting intention: iấy
làm sao (what was his intent?).
Interrogatives of manner: cách nào thẻ nào (how / by what method?);
việc ấy làm cách nào (how is that activity done?).
Interrogatives of cause: cớ sao, or cớ nào, nhin sao, vì sao, í sao.
Ordinarily, sao is placed before all propositions, as in nhin sao đức Chúa
blời ra đời (how for our cause the Lord of heaven was born in the world).
At other times sao is placed after the proposition, as in Chúa chiụ cớ sao
(for what cause has the Lord suffered?).
Bao nả (how are you? How is it going with you?). Nả is even neatly
affixed to other questions, as in có việc gì nả (is this not some work?);
thàng ấy ờ kẻ nào nả (what country is that boy from?). Practice will teach
the use of the remaining interrogatives.
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 103

CHAPTER VI: ON VERBS

The number and person of verbs can be inferred from the pronouns
mentioned above, as in tối iêo (I love), mày iêo (you love), nó iêo (he
loves), chùng tôi iêo (we love), chúng bay iêo (you all love), chúng nó
iêo (they love). Nevertheless, the rules of honor regarding pronouns listed
above ought to be maintained. The tenses of verbs are distinguished by
some added particles.
Verbs in the present tense do not necessarily have an added particle,
though sometimes they do, as in tôi mạc việc bay giờ (I am now busy
with work).
The preterite imperfect tense: hôm qua tôi mạc chép thư, nói chảng
được (yesterday I was busy writing letters, I was not able to talk).
The preterite perfect tense: đã về (he has returned already); đã nói
(he has spoken already). The pluperfect tense: hôm kia khi o đến
đã chép thư đŏạn (when you came three days ago, I had written
the letters).
The future tense: sẽ đi (I will go immediately).
Similarly, the past, present, or future tense is understood only from
speaking—if some action had been sought and had already been com-
pleted—as in ai làm (who did this?). In this instance, the preterite tense
is better understood. If by an action something happens, the present tense
is understood. If something is about to be done by an action, that is
understood to be in the future tense. Bao giờ, when placed before the verb,
makes the future tense, as in thày bao giờ đi (when will the teacher go?).
When bao giờ is placed after the verb, it indicates the preterite, as in thày
về bao giờ (when the teacher returned). Sometimes bao giờ even indicates
the present tense, because it can be inferred from the manner of speaking
and from antecedents and postcedents: xem thấy o bao giờ thì tôi mầng
(when I see you, then I rejoice).
These methods of speaking are understood by a certain proportion, as
the indicative mood occurs when a person, without any other particle
added, is joined with a verb, as in tôi đi (I go).
The imperative is also deduced by this manner of speaking, as in mầy đi
cho cháŏ (go immediately!). The particle đi added to any verb makes it
imperative, as in chèo đi (row!), hăọc đi (learn!). Such a method is not in
104 GAUDIO

use unless one is speaking to subordinates. For someone of the same status
as yourself, say the verbs ra and ĕaò, which mean “to exit” and “to enter.”
These verbs—which denote an action by entering or exiting—when added
to other verbs, make the imperative, as in léy áo ra (bring the shirt, or take
the shirt by carrying it), cất sách ĕaò (put the book away) or “to take the
book by putting it away.” An imperative particle is hãy, as in hãy làm việc
này (do this work). Prohibitive particles can be applied to the imperative, as
in chớ and đừng (do not): for example: chớ đi (do not go), đừng làm (do
not do it). The particle mựa (do not) is less used, although it is an ade-
quately polite way of speaking: mựa hề nói dối (in no way should you lie,
lest they be bitten by dogs). They are accustomed to say mựa and often
repeat the same word so that dogs, used to those words, refrain from biting.
Khŏan đã (wait!), dựơm or dựơm đã (wait!), khŏan đã nao (why aren’t
you waiting?). Because that which was asked for did not happen, can it be
that you will wait with a complaint?
The optative is expressed by the particles chớ gì (if only), as in chớ gì tôi
kính mến Chúa tlên hết mọi sự (if only I would love the Lord above
everything else).
The subjunctive mood can be made by the addition of various particles,
as in nếo (if): nếo hăọc thì biét (if you had learned it then you would know
it). Có has the same force as có đi thì đến (if you had gone, you would have
arrived); có tim thì đựơc (if you had searched for it, you would have found
it); hŏạc or hŏạc là (if by chance); hŏạc or hŏạc là có biét người (if perhaps
I knew that man); đâù or dù, dầu mà or dù mà (although or even if): dù
mà có tài thì phải hăọc (although you have innate talent, you ought to
study). C or sa le, both meaning nevertheless, can be elegantly added, as
in dù mà có đạo sa le c phải giữ (although you have law, it nevertheless
must be protected).
The infinitive mood is understood when there is a verb wholly without
any pronoun, as in kính mến Chúa blời, tlên hết mọi sự (to love God
above everything else). Similarly, when two verbs are joined together that
have different meanings, the second verb is understood to be in the infin-
itive: mày phải làm (it is fitting for you to do this); tôi di xem lễ (I go to
hear the religious service). But when verbs have the same meaning, it is not
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 105

necessary to put the second one in the infinitive, as in thầy dĕạy dĕổ người
ta (the teacher teaches the men).
Gerunds ending [in Latin] in di are easily distinguished from substan-
tives, as in gerunds relating to time: đã đến giờ hăọc (the hour of teaching
has arrived); gerunds relating to intention: thàng áy có í hăọc (that boy has
a mind for learning); gerunds relating to action: làm chảng c (it is not
time to stop working).
Gerunds ending [in Latin] in do can be conveniently explained by the
particle thì, as in an thì mới no (you will be satisfied by eating), làm thì
mới giàu (you will be enriched by doing work), and so on.
Gerunds ending [in Latin] in dum are aptly explained by the particle mà,
as in tôi ngồi mà nghe (I sit to hear). Sometimes, mà is implied but not
expressed, as in mầy đi làm việc (go to do your work!).
Say the same thing for supines ending in tum: mầy đi mà nàm or mầy
đi nàm (go to bed!). The supine ending in tu is expressed by the words
nghĩ or dễ, both meaning easy, and khó, meaning difficult: nói thì dễ làm
thi khó (easy to say, difficult to do).
There are no negative verbs. They are only made negative by adding
negative particles, as in chảng (not). In other provinces, the word nỗ
occurs, but this is nonstandard. Chảng is always placed before the verb
when making it negative, as in chảng có (it is not so). If chảng lacks its
accent and is placed after the verb, the resulting phrase becomes a question,
as in có chang (is it not so?). Sốt and đâu are placed after the verb and add
the sense of negation, as in chảng có đi gì sốt (there is nothing at all);
chảng phải mlẽ đâu (in no way is there anything similar to reason). The
particles chốc and giốc can affirm a statement with some emphasis, as in
phải chốc (it is entirely so).
The passive voice in its own right is not available in this language. We
can say the impersonal particle đŏạn meaning something which has been
completed, as in việc nầy đã đŏạn, (this work has been completed). Finally,
word order can be inverted, and we have mentioned above that there are
many verbs that at the same time function as nouns. Based on the ante-
cedents or postcedents, it can easily be deduced whether a word is a noun
or a verb. In the phrase chèo này dài (this oar is oblong), chèo is a noun. If
106 GAUDIO

I say chèo đi cho mạnh (row more vigorously!), then chèo is a verb, and so
on and so forth.
This language lacks participles, and in their place the Tonkinese use a verb
with a particle signifying a relative pronoun, as in ai iêo (he who loves),
which means “a lover”; kẻ iêo (those who love), which means “lovers.”

CHAPTER VII: ON THE REMAINING INDECLINABLE

PARTS OF SPEECH

Ordinary prepositions that occur in this language compare well to ours: bởi
(by or from), léy (through/via), vì (on account of), vì —which is the same
word— (for), thay vì (in one place or another), tlước (before), sau (back or
backwards), tlên (above), dưới (below), chung quanh (around), xa (far
off), gần (near), áp (close/next to), bên nầy (close), bên kia (across), ngŏài
(beyond), tla (within), ở nơi (in the power of), cho (toward/to), c or c
ối, và (with), ở (in/into), dồ (about/around), chảng kể (besides), tlộm
(secretly), tlước mạt (openly), vô, chảng có (without), bởi (out of/from).
This language is very often better understood without any preposition, as in
ĕaò cửa (to enter into the harbor), ra cửa (to exit from the harbor), thề
Chúa blời (to swear by the Lord in heaven). For the other prepositions,
practice will inform their use.
This language abounds with adverbs that are often duplicated. [Adverbs]
of wishing: chớ gì (oh, if only!). [Adverbs] of calling: ơ hởi. Here, the ơ is
placed before the person whom you are calling, while the hởi is placed after,
as in ơ Peter hởi. [Adverbs] of asking: sao, nhin sao, vì sao, ì sao (how?),
làm chi (why so?), làm sao, thể nào, nhường nào, dường nào (in what
way?), thể nào thể nào (in whatever way). [Adverbs] of answering: in
answering respectfully in the affirmative to one’s superiors, use dạ; for
those with equal status use phải; for subordinates use ưg. [Adverbs] of
confirming: át thật (surely). [Adverbs] of negating: chảng, chảng có, chảng
phải. However, as stated above, the honor appropriate to the rank of some-
one’s superiors should be recognized. [Adverbs] of doubting: âu là, hŏạc là.
[Adverbs] of ordering: hãy. [Adverbs] of prohibiting: chớ, dừng (not).
[Adverbs] of demonstrating: ấy (behold!/look!). [Adverbs] of comparing:
hơn, which is used to a great extent for every type of good or evil thing; cho
chá (quickly); chậm (half-heartedly); sẽ sẽ (gradually). [Adverbs] of time:
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 107

hôm nay (today), mai (tomorrow), hôm qua (yesterday), etc. [Adverbs] of
place: đây (here), đây (there). [Adverbs] of number: once, twice, that is,
một lần (one time), hai lần (two times). [Adverbs] of the first order: tlước
hết, đầu hết; sau hết (finally); tình cờ, vô í (perhaps); như, như bàng (just
as); c ậy or c ậy (similarly); khác (otherwise). [Adverbs] of quantity:
nhềo or dềo (greatly), ít (very little), mà thôi (only), thường or thường lề
(regularly); lien (always). Often however, the Tonkinese use nouns for
adverbs, as in ban ngầy (by day), an đêm (at night), ban mai (in the
morning), ban hôm (late; in the evening).
Interjections. [Interjections] of joy: mầng hẻ. [Interjections] of sadness:
thương hẻ, khó hẻ, cha ôi, hĩ ôi. [Interjections] of pity: hại hẻ. [Interjec-
tions] of mourning: hơi hư hư. [Interjections] of mocking: hệ hê. Let it be
noted that in this nation, the Tonkinese introduce lamentations for their
dead, in which they list all of them, which moves them to tears. After saying
some rhymes and with a mournful voice, the interjection ôy is added after
a certain time.
Finally, conjunctions. Copulative [conjunctions]: hŏà, và (as, and); mà,
c , ối (sometimes, even). Disjunctive [conjunctions]: hay là, hay (or).
Adversative [conjunctions]: dù mà, dâù mà, tuy là (albeit, although); sa ,
sa le (nevertheless). Collective [conjunctions]: thì, ậy thì (therefore,
wherefore). Comparative [conjunctions]: ví bang (just as, how). [Conjunc-
tions] giving a reason: ví chưng (for, because), nhin vì sự áy (therefore,
why). Expletive [conjunctions]: át là, thật là (certainly). With regard to
these parts of speech, these words sufficiently constitute an analogy to the
Latin language.
Hence this language in particular does not have a difference of classifi-
cation that can be derived from the endings of words. Only in sensitive
[perceptible] things, in which there is a difference of genders, are certain
words only said to be masculine or feminine. Concerning birds, só de-
notes the masculine, as in gà só (rooster); mái the feminine, as in gà mái
(hen). In other quadruped animals, đực is masculine, as in bò đực (bull),
while cái is feminine, as in bò cái (cow). Nevertheless, it ought to be placed
after the noun to carry that meaning. For cái placed before the noun is said
for inanimate and technical objects and material items in general, as in cái
này. Con is said for all animals, as in con gà (chicken), con bò (cattle), etc.
108 GAUDIO

If a word is placed after con, it indicates a small not yet fully grown
member of that species, as in gà con (chick), bò con (calf), etc. However,
concerning people, con is commonly understood to refer to females,
although it is sometimes accepted even for males. Just as the word đứa is
indifferently accepted both for males and females, as in tôi có hai đứa, một
blai một gái (I have two children, one male, the other female). But blai
always refers to males, while gái refers to females. O refers only to men,
whereas bà, referring to women, denotes honor. However, ngừơi, which
designates honor, refers to both men and women. Thầng is only used
scornfully for men, just like referring to boys. Referring to any tree, cây
is said, as in cây dừa (coconut palm). Blái, in actuality, refers to any fruit, as
in blái cam (orange). Regarding the preterites and the supines, see what
was said above in the chapter on verbs.

FINAL CHAPTER: SOME PERTINENT LESSONS ON SYNTAX

First, the nominative ought to come before the verb. Otherwise, if it follows
after, it is not the nominative of the verb, as in mầy cười (you laugh). If you
say in inverse order cười mầy, that means “they laugh at you.”
Second, a noun that follows the verb is the case designated by the verb,
as in tôi mến Chúa (I love the Lord). If I say Chúa mến tôi, that is “the
Lord loves me.”
Third, the substantive regularly precedes and the adjective follows, as in
Chúa cả (the good Lord), thầng nhỏ (the small boy). I said regularly, but
this rule permits the exception, as in cả là (a big heart), in other words,
“boldly”; cả gan (a big liver), in other words, “nobly.” This is a more
metaphorical method of speaking, for in the simple method of speaking
this rule remains.
Fourth, referring to two substantives at the same time, the one in the
second position is placed in the oblique case, as in Chúa nhà (the master
or head of the household). If I say nhà Chúa, that means “the house of the
master.”
Fifth, adjectives by themselves convey a substantive word so that it is not
necessary to add it, especially if it precedes some demonstrative pronoun—
as in núi nầy cao (this mountain is high), thầng ấy lành (that boy is good)
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 109

—or even some substantive, as in áo mày cũ (your shirt is old), mlời Chúa
thật (the word of God is true).
Sixth, rarely are the copulative conjunctions used. Conversely, without
them many things can be listed together with elegance as in kẻ có đạo thì
thức sớm, dăọc kinh, lần hột, đi xem lẽ, thí cuả cho kẻ khó, làm phúc
(those who have law, that is the Christians, they rise early, they recite
prayers, they run through the rosary, they go to listen to religious rites,
they distribute alms to the poor, they perform good deeds). All these things
are able to be said with the copulative conjunction. Nevertheless, they are
said more elegantly without it.
Seventh, the nominatives that are set in front of verbs are elegantly
repeated again and again, as in tôi lạy thầy, tôi bởi làng mà đến, tôi đã
nhạoc, tôi xin xưng tội, tôi xin chiụ mình Chúa (I show respect to the
teacher, I came from the countryside, I am exhausted, I seek to confess my
sins, I intend to accept the body of Christ). Tôi (I) is elegantly repeated,
which in the Latin language is redundant.
Eighth, certain particles in this language have emphasis that can hardly
be expressed adequately in one word in the Latin language. Among those is
the particle thì, which sometimes is causal, as in có muấn thì làm (if you
are willing, do it), có tội thì phải xưng (you have sinned, therefore you
must confess). Sometimes it is divided, as in có kẻ thì lành, có kẻ thì dữ
(some people are good, other people are bad). When there is an obvious
thing, thì chớ is said, as in chảng nghe thì chớ (he does not listen, he may
not listen). For even greater emphasis, the particle vi is added, which in the
affirmative or negative adds strength, as in chảng đi thì chớ vi (he is not
about to go, certainly he may not go). Phải vi is greatly harmonious with
reason. In the place of vi, la is said to those of inferior rank, as in phải la
(you speak properly).
Finally, just as we have noted above that the pronoun tôi (I) is elegantly
repeated even if it is employed very often, so too is the pronoun nó ele-
gantly repeated but with a contemptible connotation, as if we speak about
the devil: ma quỉ nó nghét ta, nó có nhéo chước dĕổ là người ta, nó đi,
nó Iai, nó muấn ta sa đia ngục c nó (the devil hates us, he has many skills
to influence the hearts of men, he goes, he returns, he desires that we be
destroyed with him in hell). That pronoun nó, having been repeated many
110 GAUDIO

times, has its own emphasis. Practice itself will teach many other things, but
it is sufficient to have examined these few things beforehand.

Notes from the Translator on Key Linguistic Terms

Some Latin words in the Brevis declaratio were employed with slightly
different albeit similar meanings when compared to the definitions they
held in classical Latin. These small changes in de Rhodes’ usage reflect the
linguistic nature of the text. Below is an explanation of these terms.

Aspirata (aspirate). The breath of air accompanying the release of a plosive

consonant. De Rhodes is describing the use of h after k, p, and t, which he
compares to Greek sounds.

Dentalis (dental). A consonantal sound made by the tongue touching the

teeth. Regarding the letter b, de Rhodes is referring to what linguists now-
adays call a voiced labiodental fricative.

Dictio. Typically in classical Latin, dictio meant a “saying”. However, de

Rhodes is using this term to mean “word.” For example, in his section on
the letter c, he states that “C. Est in usu in principio dictionis ut, cá, piscis, in
fine ut ác, ludere. [C is used at the beginning of words such as cá (fish), and
at the ends of words such as ác (to play).]

Labialis (labial). Any consonant whose pronunciation involves movement

of the lips, briefly mentioned in de Rhodes’ discussion of the letter b.

Liquescens (liquids). Lateral and rhotic consonants (l and r respectively),

whose use in Vietnamese de Rhodes explains in his discussions on the
letters l, q, r, and u.

Vocabulum. In classical Latin, this meant a name or noun used to des-

ignate a thing or an idea. De Rhodes is using the term more generally to
only mean “word.” This is evident in the opening sentence of his dis-
cussion on the letter d: “D. Pronunciatur & valet idem quid, d, Latinum
cum aliqua tamen differentia, praesertim in vocabulis in quibus, d, affert
secum literam, e, quasi addixam, sed non clare pronuntiatem, ut dĕa,
pellis.” [D is pronounced and has the same value as the Latin d but with
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 111

some other differences, especially in words in which d carries the letter e

with it—as though affixed but not entirely pronounced—as in dĕa (pelt,
skin).]

Vocalis. Originally an adjective meaning relating to the voice (i.e. vocal) or

tuneful, vocalis later assumed the grammatical definition of “vowel,” which
is how de Rhodes uses it throughout his text.

Vox. Denoting “voice” in classical Latin, this term keeps its original mean-
ing, but de Rhodes also employs it several times to mean “word.” An
example of its original use for “voice” is “Primus igitur tonus est aequalis,
qui sine ulla uocis inflexione pronunciatur, ut ba, tres.” [Thus, the first tone
is level, which is pronounced without any inflection of the voice itself, as in
ba (three).] An instance in which he uses vox to indicate “word” is: Et
primo quidem declinatio casuum in utroque numero, tam plurali, quam
singulari dignosci hoc modo potest, ubi uox, thàng, puer declinatur.” [Firstly,
the declension of cases in either number both in the plural and singular
forms can be discerned in this way, where the word thàng (boy) is
declined.] Here, vox cannot mean voice, as it is referring to the specific
word thàng. A general rule is that if vox is used in the context of inflection
and accentuation, it should be understood as “voice.” When it points to
specific words or is mentioned in the context of tones or accents, it should
be read as “word.”

ANDREW GAUDIO is a reference librarian and collection specialist in classics,

medieval studies, and linguistics at the Library of Congress. He would like
to thank his wife Anh Tú for her assistance in translating some Vietnamese
phrases within the original Latin text.

ABSTRACT

The oldest known surviving grammar of quốc ngữ, called the Linguae
Annamiticae seu Tunchinensis brevis declaratio, was published in  in
Rome and written in Latin by French Jesuit missionary Alexandre de
Rhodes. Presented here is the first complete English translation of de
Rhodes’ text. It comprises eight chapters: quốc ngữ letters; accents; nouns;
personal, reflexive, and demonstrative pronouns; relative and interrogative
112 GAUDIO

pronouns; verbs; additional parts of speech; and syntax. This English

version makes this Latin text, which is a fundamental work highlighting the
origins of quốc ngữ, accessible to non-Latin-reading scholars of the Viet-
namese language for the first time. Included with this translation is an
introduction that situates de Rhodes’ work in the context of other con-
temporary Jesuit linguists also working on quốc ngữ and points out that
the Brevis declaratio follows the model of the grammar book of Manuel
Alvares. Appended at the end of the translation is a glossary that clarifies
some linguistic vocabulary de Rhodes used.

KEYWORDS: Quốc ngữ, Alexandre de Rhodes, middle Vietnamese, first

Vietnamese grammar, English translation, Brevis declaratio

Notes
. The original Latin text of the Linguae Annamiticae seu Tunchinensis brevis
declaratio can be found at [Link]
&view=up&seq=. The printing process for early modern
texts such as this required manual typesetting which often resulted in the
frequent misplacement of letters and symbols. Furthermore, the typesetters
working in Rome would have been unfamiliar with Vietnamese. Regarding this
grammar, these two factors naturally led to some errors in the application of
diacritics and spelling, even among instances of the same word. Lastly, the
spelling of some middle Vietnamese words differs from that of modern
Vietnamese. Any inconsistencies, errors, or archaic spellings which appear in
this translation reflect the original document. For a thorough discussion on the
activities of Alexandre de Rhodes in the Far East, see Peter C. Phan, Mission
and Catechesis: Alexandre De Rhodes and Inculturation in Seventeenth-Century
Vietnam (Ossining, NY: Orbis Books, ), –.
. Alexandre de Rhodes, Tư ’điêñ Annam-Lusitan-Latinh: Thươǹg gọi tư ’điêñ
Việt-Bồ-La [Annam-Portuguese-Latin Dictionary; often called Vietnamese-
Portuguese-Latin Dictionary] (Khoa Học Xã Hội, ).
. Kenneth J. Gregerson, “A Study of Middle Vietnamese Phonology,” Bulletin De
La Société Des Études Indochinoises , no.  (): –.
. Alexandre de Rhodes, Dictionarium Annamiticum Lusitanum et Latinum
[Annamese, Portuguese, and Latin Dictionary], Rome, : In hoc autem opera,
praeter ea quae ab ipsis indigenis didici per duodecim ferme annos quibus in illis
regionibus tam Cocincinae quam Tunkini sum commoratus, ab initio magistrum
 A TRANSLATION OF THE LINGUAE ANNAMITICAE SEU TUNCHINENSIS BREVIS DECLARATIO 113

linguae audiens P. Franciscum de Pina lusitanum e nostra minima Societate

IESU, qui primus e nostris lingua[m] illam apprime calluit & primus sine
interprete concionari eo idiomate caepit; aliorum etiam eiusdem Societatis
Patrum laboribus sum usus praecipue P. Gasparis de Amaral & P. Antonii
Barbosae, qui ambo suum composuerant dictionarium, ille a lingua Annamitica
incipiens, hic a lusitana, sed immatura uterque morte nobis ereptus est.
[In this work, besides what I have learned from the natives for the almost
twelve years during which I remained in these regions both in Cochinchina
and Tonkin, and listening from the beginning to Father Francisco de Pina,
a master of language and a Portuguese member of our small Society of Jesus—
he was the first of us to learn this language to a high degree, and the first to
publicly speak it without a translator [i.e. to preach in that language]—I mainly
employed the works of Father Gaspar do Amaral and Father Antonio Barbosa,
each of whom composed a dictionary; the former beginning with the
Annamese language, the latter with Portuguese. However, both were taken
from us by an early death.]
. Roland Jacques, Portuguese Pioneers of Vietnamese Linguistics Prior to 
(Bangkok: Orchid Press, ).
. Gonçalo Fernandes and Carlos Assunção, “First Codification of Vietnamese by
th-Century Missionaries: The Description of Tones and the Influence of
Portuguese on Vietnamese Orthography,” Histoire Epistémologie Langage ,
no.  (): –.
. Originally called the Ratio atque Institutio Studiorum Societatis Iesu [Plan and
Arrangement of Studies of the Society of Jesus], this document provided the
standard outline for all Jesuit education (Allan J. Farrell, The Jesuit Code of
Liberal Education: Development and Scope of the Ratio Studiorum, Milwaukee,
WI: Bruce Publishing, , –). The grammar of Manuel Alvares was
ultimately based on the Institutiones grammaticae of Priscian, the sixth-century
grammarian from North Africa. Priscian’s grammar served as the classic text-
book for the study of Latin in the Middle Ages and Renaissance.
. De Rhodes uses the term consequens as an opposite to antecedens, or
antecedent. In English this is rendered as postcedent.
. De Rhodes indicates this as vitium linguae, which literally means a defect of the
language, though nonstandard pronunciation is most likely what he is trying to
express.
. In two of these instances, tốt is spelled incorrectly: it is lacking a rising tone
(acute) mark over the circumflex. This is likely to be a printing error, since it is
spelled correctly as an entry in the dictionary portion of the work.
. Regarding the modern Vietnamese việc, there is much spelling variation for this
word in de Rhodes’ Dictionarium and Brevis declaratio. Its entry in the
114 GAUDIO

Dictionarium is spelled as uiẹc and viẹc, both without the circumflex. In the
Brevis declaratio, it appears as viẹc, việc, and viậc.
. In Latin, there are numerous classes of demonstrative pronouns that vary
in intensity. It is difficult to translate demonstrative pronouns from Latin
to English because of the paucity of equivalent words in English regarding the
differing degrees of intensity. The English demonstratives employed throughout
this translation for all Latin demonstratives are this, that, these, those.
. If we look at the English words much and many, the former refers to
uncountable items (much money) whereas the latter refers to countable items
(many coins) De Rhodes is describing here that bao can be used to denote
quantity and connotes items of both attributes. Bao can also be used to ask
quantity of adjectives, as his examples show, as in “how high?”
. In English, there is no word equivalent to the Latin quantumlibet, which
translates to “as much as you wish.”
. A gerund in the accusative with ad was used in Latin to express purpose,
whereas English uses the infinitive to denote purpose. Therefore, the Latin for
this example is ito ad faciendum opus which literally means “go! for the purpose
of working.” This would be rendered in English as “go to do work!” or simply as
“go and work.”
. De Rhodes is referring to his previous statement about gerunds ending in dum,
that mà is normally added but can be left out. This applies to supines ending in
tum as well.
. An expletive conjunction connects two thoughts which are not expressed in the
same sentence. The conjunction refers to the preceding thought, sentence or
clause.