ASEAN Employment

Outlook
The Quest for Decent Work in Platform
Economy: Issues, Opportunities and
Ways Forward

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 1
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ASEAN Employment
Outlook
The Quest for Decent Work in Platform
Economy: Issues, Opportunities and
Ways Forward

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 1
 The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established on 8 August 1967. The Member States
are Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore,
Thailand, and Viet Nam. ASEAN Secretariat is based in Jakarta, Indonesia.

This publication was produced with the financial support of the European Union. The information and
views in this report are those of the authors (Connie G. Bayudan-Dacuycuy and Leonardo A. Lanzona, Jr.)
and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion of the European Union, ASEAN Member States, ASEAN
Secretariat, or any person acting on their behalf. Neither the European Union, ASEAN Member States,
ASEAN Secretariat, nor any person acting on their behalf may be made responsible for the use that may
be made of the information contained therein. Responsibility for the information and views expressed lies
entirely with the authors.

For inquiries, contact:

The European Union Delegation to ASEAN ASEAN Secretariat

Menara Astra 38th Floor ASEAN Secretariat
Jl. Jend Sudirman Kav 5-6 Community Relation Division (CRD)
Jakarta 10220 70 Jalan Sisingamangaraja
Indonesia Jakarta 12110
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Fax : (62 21) 2554-6201 Phone: (62 21) 724-3372, 726-2991
Fax: (62 21) 739-8234, 724-3504
E-mail : delegation-asean@[Link]
E-mail: public@[Link]
Website: [Link]

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward
Jakarta, ASEAN Secretariat, March 2023

ASEAN: A Community of Opportunities for All

The text of this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted, provided proper acknowledgement is given
to the financial support of the European Union, and a copy, containing the reprinted material with the
disclaimer, is sent to the Community Relations Division (CRD) of ASEAN Secretariat, Jakarta.

General information on ASEAN appears online at ASEAN Website: [Link]

Copyright Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) 2023.

All rights reserved.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This ASEAN Employment Outlook was coordinated by ASEAN Secretariat under the guidance of ASEAN
Senior Labour Officials Meeting (SLOM), with the support of the European Union (EU) through the Enhanced
Regional EU-ASEAN Dialogue Instrument (E-READI).

ASEAN Employment Outlook aims to investigate emerging issues in the world of work in Southeast Asia
that have not been widely covered by other studies or research. This Outlook focuses on workers in the
platform economy. It offers a comprehensive analysis of the effects and challenges of the rise of labour
platforms across ten ASEAN Member States (AMS), identifies good practices from AMS and the EU, and
provides recommendations on how ASEAN can ensure human capital development and social protection
for the workers in non-traditional work arrangements amidst the changing world of work. It is hoped to
support AMS and other stakeholders for evidence-based policies and strategies to better provide decent
work conditions for workers in the platform economy.

Acknowledgement and sincere appreciation go to the following individuals and organisations for sharing
their technical expertise and knowledge that led to the completion of this Outlook:

· To the SLOM focal points from the labour ministries of ASEAN Member States for their invaluable time
and efforts to share data, information and insights through the conduct of surveys and interviews,
validation workshop and ad-referendum consultations;
· To the focal points of the ‘ASEAN Digital Senior Officials’ Meeting (ADGSOM) and ASEAN Coordinating
Committee on Micro-, Small- and Medium Enterprises (ACCMSMEs) for their highly-valued time and
information shared through surveys, interviews and validation workshop;

· To ASEAN Secretariat under the leadership of H.E. Ekkaphab Phanthavong, Deputy Secretary-General
for ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community including Director Rodora T. Babaran of Human Development
Directorate, and the Labour and Civil Service Division led by Ms. Mega Irena (Head and Assistant
Director) and her team members, in particular Ms. Madyah Rahmi Lukri, Mr. Carl Rookie O. Daquio, Mr.
Alvin Pahlevi and Ms. Felicia Clarissa for the professional coordination, facilitation of consultations and
stakeholder participation, and feedback to the Outlook;

· To the EU Delegation to ASEAN and the team of E-READI, for the unwavering support throughout the
study and feedback to the Outlook;

· To the Senior Non-Key Experts, Dr. Connie G. Bayudan-Dacuycuy and Dr. Leonardo Lanzona, for bringing
their expertise into the Outlook;

· To the Junior Non-Key Experts, Mr. Gerald Gracius Pascua and Ms. Maria Francesca Tomaliwan, for their
excellent research assistance;

· To the peer-reviewers from the International Labour Organization (ILO) represented by Ms. Sara Elder;
the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) represented by Ms. Mariya
Aleksynska; ASEAN Social Security Association (ASSA) Chair from BPJS Ketenagakerjaan of Indonesia
represented by Mr. Indrajid Nurmukti and his team; ASEAN Future Workforce Council (AFWC)
represented by Dato Palaniapan Joseph; JustJobs Network represented by Ms. Sabina Dewan; and The
Asia Foundation (TAF) represented by Mr. John Karr;

· And to the respondents of this Outlook from ASEAN Business Advisory Council (ASEAN-BAC) members
of Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand and Viet Nam, social security organisations, platform companies,
workers associations, academia and the workers.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 3
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY............................................................................................................................................. 14
FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS BASED ON THE ANALYSIS OF QUANTITATIVE DATA.................................... 14
FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS BASED ON THE ANALYSIS OF QUALITATIVE DATA....................................... 17
Policies to explore at the National level...........................................................................................................................................19
Policies to explore at ASEAN level......................................................................................................................................................21
1. BACKGROUND.................................................................................................................................................... 23
1.1. Approach and sources.............................................................................................................................................................................24
1.1.1. Primary data...................................................................................................................................................................................25
1.1.2. Secondary data.............................................................................................................................................................................25
2. PLATFORMS: FEATURES, DEFINITIONS, AND CHALLENGES......................................................................... 26
2.1. Business models........................................................................................................................................................................................26
2.2. Definitions and typologies....................................................................................................................................................................27
2.3. Benefits of work on labour platforms................................................................................................................................................31
2.4. Decent work on labour platforms.......................................................................................................................................................31
3. CONCEPTUALISATION, SIZING, AND FUTURE PROSPECTS........................................................................... 36
3.1. Conceptual issues on the use of the platform economy...........................................................................................................36
3.2. Relevance to ASEAN.................................................................................................................................................................................40
3.2.1. Macroeconomic trends..............................................................................................................................................................40
3.2.2. Labour market trends.................................................................................................................................................................47
3.3. COVID-19 and the new normal...........................................................................................................................................................52
3.4. ASEAN labour markets and the fourth industrial revolution (4IR).........................................................................................56
3.5. Trends, drivers, and development paths..........................................................................................................................................58
3.5.1. Platform revenues and market power from network effects......................................................................................59
3.5.2. Supply of platform workers......................................................................................................................................................61
4. INFORMAL LABOUR MARKETS IN ASEAN AND THE EXTENSION OF SOCIAL PROTECTION.................... 69
4.1. Magnitude and description of the informal sector......................................................................................................................55
4.2. Social protection for the self-employed...........................................................................................................................................73
4.3. Transition from informal to formal sectors through online labour platforms...................................................................74
4.4. Barriers to the transition: Labour market power and decent work......................................................................................76
5. ENVIRONMENTS FOR LABOUR PLATFORMS IN ASEAN................................................................................ 78
5.1. Employment environment.....................................................................................................................................................................78
5.2. Infrastructures.............................................................................................................................................................................................80
5.3. Government programmes and initiatives in the digital economy.........................................................................................83
6. GLOBAL, REGIONAL, AND LOCAL PLATFORMS.............................................................................................. 86
6.1. Global stage: Crowdwork platforms..................................................................................................................................................86
6.2. Regional stage: On-demand platforms............................................................................................................................................87
6.3. Local stage: On-demand platforms...................................................................................................................................................90
7. WORK ON LABOUR PLATFORMS: SYNTHESIS OF DESK RESEARCH AND QUALITATIVE DATA
COLLECTED IN THE AMS................................................................................................................................... 91
7.1. On-demand work......................................................................................................................................................................................91
7.1.1. Legal framework and regulation............................................................................................................................................91
7.1.2. Social protection...........................................................................................................................................................................94
7.1.3. Collective voice and representation......................................................................................................................................95
7.1.4. Skills development.......................................................................................................................................................................98

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 7.1.5. Inclusivity and diversity..............................................................................................................................................................98
7.2. Crowdwork...................................................................................................................................................................................................99
7.2.1. Legal framework and regulation............................................................................................................................................99
7.2.2. Social protection........................................................................................................................................................................100
7.2.3. Collective voice and representation................................................................................................................................... 100
7.2.4. Skills development....................................................................................................................................................................101
7.2.5. Inclusivity and diversity...........................................................................................................................................................102
8. GOOD PRACTICES IN PLATFORM WORK IN ASEAN AND EU..................................................................... 103
8.1. ASEAN.........................................................................................................................................................................................................103
8.2. EU ...........................................................................................................................................................................................................105
9. RECOMMENDATIONS...................................................................................................................................... 108
9.1. Summary of findings and recommendations: Quantitative data analysis....................................................................... 108
9.2. Summary of findings and recommendations: Qualitative data analysis.......................................................................... 110
9.2.1. Policies and initiatives to explore for platform work................................................................................................... 111
9.2.2. Policies and initiatives to explore specific to on-demand work.............................................................................. 112
9.2.3. Policies and initiatives to explore specific to crowdwork.......................................................................................... 114
9.3. ASEAN.........................................................................................................................................................................................................115
9.3.1. Initiatives to explore for platform work............................................................................................................................ 115
9.3.2. Initiatives to explore specific to on-demand work....................................................................................................... 115
9.3.3. Initiative to explore specific to crowdwork..................................................................................................................... 116
10. REFERENCES................................................................................................................................................... 117
11. ANNEX............................................................................................................................................................ 126
11.1. Supplementary Tables....................................................................................................................................................................... 126
11.2. Linking Platform Use to Structural Transformation to Employment............................................................................... 183

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Number of workers on selected platforms...........................................................................................................................29

Table 2. Estimated number of crowdworkers from ASEAN.............................................................................................................30
Table 3. Domains of decent work and work on labour platforms................................................................................................34
Table 4. GDP per capita (PPP Current International US$) and average GDP growth rates in ASEAN,
2011-2020..........................................................................................................................................................................................41
Table 5. Average Gross Capital Formation, % of GDP, 2011-2020................................................................................................42
Table 6. Human Development Index, selected years.........................................................................................................................43
Table 7. Average share of GDP by economic activity (in %)............................................................................................................43
Table 8. Average share of merchandise trade in GDP (in %)...........................................................................................................44
Table 9. Average share of services trade to GDP (in %)....................................................................................................................46
Table 10. Average employment shares by economic activity (in percentage), 2011-2019...................................................48
Table 11. Growth rates in employment by major economic activities, 2011-2019..................................................................49
Table 12. Average labour force participation rates by Sex, 2011-2021.........................................................................................50
Table 13. Average distribution of the workers by educational attainment (in %), 2011-2019.............................................51
Table 14. Growth rates in GDP and key sectors, 2020-3Q2021........................................................................................................54
Table 15. Frequency of OLPs platforms reporting revenues, 2019.................................................................................................59
Table 16. Estimated average annual revenues of sample platforms, 2019 (US$million)........................................................60
Table 17. Means and standard deviations of variables used in the regression analysis.........................................................65
Table 18. Fixed effects estimates of global worker shares in crowdwork, 2017-2020.............................................................66

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 5
 Table 19. Fixed effects estimates on the impact of crowdwork platform on unemployment..............................................67
Table 20. Informal employment by age groups, %...............................................................................................................................70
Table 21. Rate of informal employment by sex......................................................................................................................................71
Table 22. Distribution of informal markets by education...................................................................................................................72
Table 23. Percentage distribution of workers by nature of the contract, 2011-2020..............................................................72
Table 24. Social protection in the AMS......................................................................................................................................................73
Table 25. Comparison of employment status on selected platforms in the AMS.....................................................................81
Table 26. Rank of the AMS in various digital indicators......................................................................................................................82
Table 27. Secure internet servers and the average price of 1 GB, growth rate..........................................................................82
Table 28. ILO Convention 87 and 98, Ratifications by country.........................................................................................................96

Table A1. List of interviewees.....................................................................................................................................................................126

Table A2. Composition of employment by economic activity by gender and economic activity, 2011-2019............ 129
Table A3. Average unemployment rates by sex and age, 2011-2022......................................................................................... 130
Table A4. Legal framework on labour and employment and information on social security in the AMS.................... 132
Table A5. Platforms at the global level...................................................................................................................................................134
Table A6. Comparison of a global platform and a platform hiring in a specific local labour market............................ 137
Table A7. Platforms at the regional level...............................................................................................................................................140
Table A8. Platforms in Brunei Darussalam.............................................................................................................................................146
Table A9. Platforms in Cambodia..............................................................................................................................................................148
Table A10. Platforms in Indonesia........................................................................................................................................................... 150
Table A11. Platforms in Lao PDR.............................................................................................................................................................. 152
Table A12. Platforms in Malaysia............................................................................................................................................................. 153
Table A13. Platforms in Myanmar........................................................................................................................................................... 158
Table A14. Platforms in the Philippines................................................................................................................................................. 161
Table A15. Platforms in Singapore.......................................................................................................................................................... 167
Table A16. Platforms in Thailand............................................................................................................................................................. 169
Table A17. Platforms in Viet Nam............................................................................................................................................................ 172
Table A18. Partial list of unions that support on-demand workers and associations/communities of
on-demand workers in the AMS........................................................................................................................................ 175
Table A19. Partial associations/communities of crowdworkers in the AMS........................................................................... 179
Table A20. Information in the Eurofound's platform economy initiatives............................................................................... 181
Table A21. Examples of digital sites used by ASEAN to the COVID-19 crisis......................................................................... 183

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Three-sided platform architecture............................................................................................................................................26

Figure 2. Types of platform work.................................................................................................................................................................28
Figure 3. Decent work......................................................................................................................................................................................33
Figure 4. Average Fixed Internet Broadband Subscriptions, 2011-2020......................................................................................36
Figure 5. Conceptual Framework.................................................................................................................................................................38
Figure 6. Annual growth rates of ASEAN trade in services, merchandise, and ICT services, 2011-2020.........................45
Figure 7. ASEAN Foreign Direct Investments in manufacturing and key service subsectors, 2015- 2020......................45
Figure 8. Number of unemployed in ASEAN, 2010-2022 (in Thousands)....................................................................................47
Figure 9. Number of active global labour platforms in selected categories, 2010-2020.......................................................58
Figure 10. Weekly active users of Gojek and Grab in Indonesia (in millions), 2017-2019.....................................................61
Figure 11. Online crowdwork worker shares (in Percentage) by Country, 2017-2022............................................................63

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Figure 12. Average worker shares (in percentages) in ASEAN and the Rest of the World (ROW), 2017 to 2022.............64
Figure 13. Average number of informal workers in select AMS, 2010-2019 (in thousands)................................................69
Figure 14. Internet users, forecast and actual.........................................................................................................................................80
Figure 15. Basic financial inclusion in selected AMS, % of the adult population......................................................................82
Figure 16. Projected growth of mobile wallet transaction value between 2020-2025, %.....................................................83
Figure 17. Market value of the online ride-hailing and food market in 2021, in billion US$...............................................89

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 7
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

4IR Fourth Industrial Revolution

ADB Asian Development Bank
ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations
ASEANstats ASEAN Statistics Division
AI artificial intelligence
AMS ASEAN Member States
AWAs alternative work arrangements
CAE Cambridge English Advanced
CET Continuing Education and Training
COVID-19 Coronavirus Disease 2019
DICT Department of Information, Communications, and Technology
DOLE Department of Labour and Employment
E-COMMERCE Electronic Commerce
EPF Employment Provident Fund
EU European Union
Eurofound European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions
E-READI Enhanced Regional EU-ASEAN Dialogue Instrument
FHMoms Filipino Homebased Moms
FOPSCo Filipino Online Professional Service Cooperative
GCF gross capital formation
GDCF gross domestic capital formation
GDP gross domestic product
GNI gross national income
GLOW Global Online Workforce
HDI Human Development Index
HRD Corp. Human Resource Development Corporation Corp.
ICT information and communications technology
ICT4D Network Information and Communication for Development
IELTS International English Language Testing System
ILO International Labour Organization
IMF International Monetary Fund
IoT Internet of Things
ISO International Organization for Standardization
iPREP Industry Preparation for Pre-graduate Programme
IT Information Technology

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IT-BPO Information Technology-Business Process Outsourcing
ITR Income Tax Return
KAGULONG Kapatiran sa Dalawang Gulong
KII Key Informant Interview
Lao PDR Lao People’s Democratic Republic
LAPOR Layanan Aspirasi dan Pengaduan Online Rakyat/Citizen’s Aspiration and Complaint Online
System
LFP Labour Force Participation
LFPR Labour Force Participation Rate
LMICs Low- And Middle- Income Countries
MDEC Malaysia Digital Economy Corporation
MSMEs Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises
NEET Not in Education, Employment, or Training
NGOs Non-Government Organisations
NTUC National Trade Union Congress
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
OLI Online Labour Index
OLPs Online Labour Platforms
PIDS Philippine Institute for Development Studies
PPP Purchasing Power Parity
PRC People’s Republic of China
PSA Philippine Statistics Authority
PSF Philippine Skills Framework
PWD Persons With Disabilities
SCB Siam Commercial Bank
SMEs Small And Medium Enterprises
SPDT-FSPMI Serikat Pekerja Dirgantara dan Transportasi – Federasi Serikat Pekerja Metal Indonesia/
Aerospace and Transportation Workers Division of the Federation of Indonesia Metal Workers’
Union
SSCM Site-Specific Crop Management
TeSA TechSkills Accelerator
TWG Technical Working Group
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
USA United States of America
WHO World Health Organization
WZB Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung/WZB Berlin Social Science Centre

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 9
 GLOSSARY OF TERMS

The definitions in this list are general and suggested for this ASEAN Employment Outlook only.

Terms Meaning
Asset platform Type of platform that facilitates the monetisation of idle assets and the exchange
of financial services (Vaughan and Davario, 2016).
Crowdwork Type of work on labour platforms that is web-based, done completely online,
and exhibits the digitisation of organisation and the conduct of work (Schmidt,
2017; Berg et al., 2018; Hunt and Samman, 2019).
Goods platform Type of platform that facilitates the market for goods and brings better variety
to consumers, higher visibility, and wider business reach (Schmidt, 2017).
Informality All remunerative work (i.e. self-employment and wage employment) that is not
registered, regulated, or protected by existing legal or regulatory frameworks
and non-remunerative work undertaken in an income-producing enterprise
(International Labour Organization, 2013b).
Labour platform A digital platform that facilitates the market for work (Kuek et al., 2015; Schmidt,
2017; Hunt and Samman, 2019).
Market power/ The capacity of labour platforms or employers to set remuneration or to
Monopsony remunerate-discriminate, which are dependent on several factors: the number
of platforms in a given market, the number of employers on a platform, the
limited availability of high-paying jobs, and worker preferences (Dube et al.,
2020).
Microtask Type of task done on labour platforms which are broken down into simple tasks
and are sold cheaply due firms to labour arbitrage (Silberman et al., 2019).
Macrotask Type of task done on labour platforms that involve longer-term projects and
require high-level skills (Silberman et al., 2019).
Network Effects The situation in which the value of a product, service, or platform depends on
the number of buyers, sellers, or users who leverage it. Typically, the greater
the number of buyers, sellers, or users, the greater the network effect-and the
greater the value created by the offering. Related to these effects are the so-
called indirect network effects, where the value of the service increases when
one user group benefits as a new user group participates in the platform (Evans,
2016; Kenney and Zysman, 2016; Tucker, 2018).
On-demand work Type of work on labour platform that is digitally enabled and requires a close
interaction between consumers and platform workers. Also known as location-
based and is an example of the digitisation of the organisation (but not the
conduct) of work (Graham et al., 2017a; Hunt and Samman, 2019)
Platform firm One that uses a digital interface to provide a product or service or connect
buyers and sellers (ASEAN Secretariat, 2020)
Platform work A broad range of market activities conducted within online platforms to connect
demand and supply (Lane, 2020).
Platform worker A worker either on on-demand or crowdwork platform (Hunt and Samman,
2019).
Self-employed The International Labour Organization (ILO, 2022) defines self-employment as
“a situation in which a person works for himself or herself instead of working
for an employer who pays a salary or wage”. In self-employment, the individual
is responsible for managing and financing their own work and assumes the
risks associated with it.

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 Foreword by
BIENVENIDO E. LAGUESMA
Secretary, Department of Labor and Employment, the Philippines

As the chair of the 27th ASEAN Labor Ministers Meeting (ALMM), the Philippines congratulates ASEAN
Secretariat for initiating this study, entitled: “The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues,
Opportunities, and Ways Forward”, and undertaking the publication of the results thereof as the first edition
of ASEAN Employment Outlook. We also commend the European Union for supporting the study and its
publication through the Enhanced Regional EU-ASEAN Dialogue Instrument (E-READI).

The publication of the first ASEAN Employment Outlook is opportune. It comes at a time when ASEAN
labor market indeed has undergone a massive transformation driven by the advancement of information
and communication technologies (ICTs). With more than half of households and individuals in most AMS/
ASEAN Member State having internet access, the region has become a hub for online platforms attracting
investments in start-ups, and spurring innovation through technological entrepreneurship.

But as the publication notes, while online labor platforms (OLPs) facilitate the market for work and positively
contribute to the growth of ASEAN economy, here is also the need to ensure that OLP workers are afforded
decent working conditions, social protection, representation in policy are decision-making processes, and
access to technical and vocational training to further prepare them for the 21st world of work.

The employment outlook highlights good practices in platform work in ASEAN and the EU from which
valuable lessons may be derived in tackling concerns at the national and regional levels. It provides a
perspective from which we may better appreciate and foster ASEAN cooperation, particularly in the context
of ASEAN Digital Integration Framework and ASEAN Comprehensive Recovery Framework (ACRF) in order
to create an “inclusive human-centered future".

BIENVENIDO E. LAGUESMA
Secretary, Department of Labor and Employment,
The Philippines

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 11
 Foreword by
H.E. DR. KAO KIM HOURN
Secretary-General of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN)

Platform work has seen significant increase in recent years and has emerged as a key driver of economic
growth and social development in Southeast Asia, spurring employment opportunities for the people
of ASEAN. In particular, platform work has provided important channels to ensure the continuous flow
of products and services during the COVID-19 pandemic, especially in enabling workers to sustain their
income and productivity at a time when large-scale movement restrictions were imposed.

Recognising that the adoption of e-commerce and digital technologies and platforms will continue to
expand in the coming years, the number of workers participating in platform work is also expected to
rise. In this connection, ASEAN has undertaken concerted efforts to ensure that platform workers are
provided with adequate support and protection that are aligned with decent work standards and labour
norms.

Against this backdrop, ASEAN Employment Outlook aims to provide key insights on the growth of online
labour platforms in the region, as well as to shed light on its implications on employment relationships,
employee access to social security and skills development, women’s access to platform jobs, as well as
entrepreneurship, among others.

This report also demonstrates ASEAN’s commitment towards fostering research and information sharing
amongst ASEAN Member States, as called for in the Vientiane Declaration on Transition from Informal
Employment to Formal Employment towards Decent Work Promotion in ASEAN. Furthermore, it supports
ASEAN Member States in promoting adaptive labour market policies and programmes, as committed to in
ASEAN Declaration on Promoting Competitiveness, Resilience and Agility of Workers for the Future of Work.

I commend the leadership of ASEAN Senior Labour Officials’ Meeting with the kind support of the European
Union, particularly through the Enhanced Regional EU-ASEAN Dialogue Instrument (E-READI), for their
important guidance and contributions in the production of this invaluable study in a bid to promote a safe,
decent and progressive work environment for our people in the region and beyond.

It is my hope that the lessons learned and recommendations presented in this publication will be of great
value to policymakers and stakeholders in making informed decisions, particularly as we strive in our
collective pursuit towards achieving an ASEAN Community that is prosperous, inclusive, dynamic, and
resilient.

DR. KAO KIM HOURN

Secretary-General of ASEAN

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 Foreword by
H.E. IGOR DRIESMANS
EU Ambassador to ASEAN

I was delighted to read ASEAN Employment Outlook, which the European Union supported through the
Enhanced Regional EU-ASEAN Dialogue Instrument (E-READI). This first edition, titled: ‘The Quest for
Decent Work in Platform Work: Issues, Opportunities, and Ways Forward’, focuses on informal employment,
particularly the emerging gig economy and how to protect better the well-being of workers in the gig
economy. In 2020, the European Commission, through its Directorate-General for Employment, Social
Affairs and Inclusion, commissioned a similar study to gather evidence on the working conditions of
platform workers.

Over the past ten years, the platform economy has been a topic of great interest in ASEAN, the EU, and
elsewhere. The Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR), accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic, has established
the digital economy as an essential engine of innovation, competitiveness, and growth.

Business models leveraging digital platforms provide economic opportunities for job seekers, asset owners,
and enterprises. While there are clear benefits from labour platforms, asymmetries resulting in structural
inequalities and the lack of decent and fair work increasingly occupy policy conversations. Platform workers
are considered independent contractors or self-employed. As such, they bear the costs of social protection,
training, and human capital investments and lack access to formal mechanisms like social dialogue and
collective bargaining.

This publication is an essential contribution to ASEAN region. It is the first comprehensive analysis of
digital labour platforms and platform workers in ASEAN Member States. Assessing legal frameworks and
regulations, social protection, collective voice and representation, skills development and inclusivity and
diversity for on-demand and crowd-work, ASEAN Employment Outlook provides reviews, recent trends,
policy developments and prospects of the changing world of work in the region.

It is a relevant source of information to promote and protect platform workers and improve decent work,
which helps understand the impact of online digital labour platforms on labour markets in ASEAN and
its Member States. It identifies online labour platforms as a potential alternative to informal employment
considering countries’ ongoing digital transformation, and it recognises that significant steps under these
structures need to be taken to improve worker welfare.

Analysing good practices from the EU and identifying emerging business models that have the potential to
foster decent work in ASEAN, it is also a tool for sharing best practices at the regional and international level,
enhancing collaboration in information management, strengthening existing connections, and forging new
pathways to ensure the promotion and protection of platform workers.

I thank all representatives of ASEAN Member States, ASEAN Secretariat, and all those involved in
completing this Report. ASEAN Member States and relevant stakeholders could benefit from the analysis
and recommendations provided in the Employment Outlook. I am sure that good use will be made of
this publication among stakeholders, including policymakers, government officials, parliament members,
private business actors, trade unions, civil society organisations, recruitment companies, practitioners and
the wider public.

H.E. IGOR DRIESMANS

EU Ambassador to ASEAN

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 13
 Executive Summary
Information and communications technology (ICT) developments have paved the way for new business
models, such as labour platforms. Labour platforms facilitate the market for work, which can be location-
based (on-demand) or web-based (crowdwork). On-demand work is digitally enabled and requires close
interaction between consumers and platform workers. Crowdwork is transacted and delivered online. It
is the digitisation of the organisation and the conduct of work. Labour platforms positively contribute to
ASEAN economy, with the value of the ride-hailing platforms and food markets in Indonesia alone being
around US$7 billion. Platforms brought work opportunities to the region, with millions of workers involved
in the delivery, logistics, and food sectors.

However, issues and challenges to decent work arise from innovations largely outpacing regulations.
These issues bring to light regulatory deficits, including Labour Codes that have yet to cover work in
non-standard work arrangements, and infrastructure deficiencies, including slow internet connectivity
and inadequate hard and soft skills. Regulatory deficits have implications for attaining decent work, while
excessive regulations can stifle innovations. Thus, it is imperative to understand the nature of platform
work and its issues. Are these issues new or just variants of existing problems in non-platform work? How
can policies address these challenges? How can these policies promote platforms' responsible growth and
innovations? How can ASEAN nations achieve a sustainable ecosystem where innovation and decent work
coexist? How can platform work take a human development orientation?

Several large ride-hailing and logistics platforms operate in the region, and small and local platforms
have joined the business. In addition, many crowdworking platforms focus on recruiting in specific ASEAN
Member States (AMS). Thus, ASEAN is well-positioned to address issues and challenges, set standards and
guidelines, and strengthen cooperation for decent work in the region. Given this, the Outlook a) investigated
the economic conditions that could have led to the rise of labour platforms in ASEAN and examined their
consequences, b) analysed the institutional and regulatory challenges that should be addressed to ensure
decent work in platform work in the AMS, c) analysed good practices from the EU and identified emerging
business models that have the potential to foster decent work, d) identified policies and initiatives each
AMS could pursue to ensure that the human capital development and social protection systems adapt
to the changing nature of work, and e) highlight the importance of ASEAN cooperation on the platform
economy by identifying programmes and initiatives in which the AMS could collaborate to ensure decent
work in platform work. These are addressed using primary and secondary data.

Findings and recommendations based on the analysis of quantitative data

Using secondary data, the quantitative section considers five main issues, namely, (a) the job transformation
resulting from OLPs, which deals with the disruption caused by these new arrangements and job tasks
in the labour market; (b) the viability of the OLPs or its sustainability given the level of development
and structural transformation; (c) The impact of OLPs on women; (d) the potential market power of OLPs
emerging from the inherent feature of creating far-reaching network effects; and (e) the ability of workers
to transition from the informal to formal work through these OLPs. A conceptual framework is developed
to understand how these issues are related, as shown in the following figure.

Conceptual Framework

Resources
Digitalisation - Human
- Physical and Financial
Change in Economic Structure
Exogenous Factors
- COVID-19
Movements in Employment - Fourth Industrial
Revolution

Labour Market Participation

Formal Sector Informal Sector

Permanent AWAs OLPS

Source: Authors’ compilation

14
In this framework, digitisation is seen as the key element that brings about the changes and is viewed to
expand as the need for simultaneous consumption and production arises. The Fourth Industrial Revolution
(4IR), accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic, has set up the critical significance of digital economy as an
important engine of innovation, competitiveness, and growth. Regional trends show that ASEAN and the
rest of Asia and the Pacific are at the forefront of global e-commerce dynamism. Consequently, through
digital transformation, the role of labour and its linkages to the services and other sectors typically improves
an economy's ability for scale, innovation, and spillovers. Those salient characteristics that distinguished
services from manufacturing that traditionally questioned the service sector's potential to lead productivity
growth and enable lower middle-income countries (LMICS) to catch up were eliminated. Thus, the advent
of digital technologies and the increased tradability of services suggest rising productivity in services.

The emergence of OLPs is then viewed as an outcome of these changes. As tasks are gradually altered
and as the economies engage in more digitisation, the demand for online labour platforms increases
and is further sustained through further structural changes in the economy. The impact of recent events
such as COVID-19 and the Fourth Industrial Revolution can either constrain these changes or complement
the movements of digital transformation. Technological advancements are perceived to increase labour
productivity, create new occupations and industries, supply better-paid jobs, and serve as a foundation
for higher economic growth. On the other hand, there are concerns that technological transitioning may
displace less-skilled workers and the vulnerably employed.

Furthermore, the unprecedented rise of OLPs introduces another form of labour market arrangement from
the usual permanent contracts and alternative work arrangements (AWAs) in the formal markets. Three
possible scenarios can happen from these movements. First, the jobs in permanent and alternative work
arrangements can be disrupted by OLPs, which can occur if OLPs are able to substitute these traditional
work arrangements. If this event occurs, a diminution of the traditional arrangements can lead to greater
unemployment if the digitisation or information and communication technology inputs replace labour in
the production process. Labour force participation may also decline. Second, OLPs can complement the
existing arrangements and offer the workers secondary and complementary forms of work that can add to
their incomes. These complementary jobs can be suitable for women and youth workers who need greater
flexibility as they are engaged in other activities such as household work and even schooling. In this case,
unemployment may not increase, but greater labour force participation may rise. Third, this added labour
market option can help these traditional firms employ workers who have been excluded from the formal
sector and may likely be engaged in the informal activities often characterised by poor labour characteristics.
In this case, unemployment may decrease, and the share of the informal sector may be lower. While OLPs
may have similar characteristics as the informal sector, the level of formality found in OLPs can create better
working conditions for the workers, such as training and better job quality through improved linkages
with formal activities1. The challenge now to ASEAN economies is how to transition its huge percentage of
informal workers to the formal sector through OLPs. This can be done by improving the work conditions in
OLPs, offering a welfare-enhancing choice to the informal workers. This aim is particularly challenging as
OLPs can have significant market power because of their size and technological nature.

Based on the data collected, the Outlook finds the unemployment rate in ASEAN labour markets continues
to be high. Thus, industry and services should create work options, especially for women and youth. The
crucial role of services in the structural transformation of ASEAN economies, the importance of an internet-
based, data-intensive, and technology-dependent future, and the acceleration of digitisation resulting from
the pandemic are all relevant to the rise of platform work. A considerable number of registered workers
engaged in OLPs, amounting to 63 million in online freelancing activities and roughly 40 million in on-
demand digital activities. Increased participation in on-demand labour platforms was noted, especially
during the pandemic, although there is diminishing access to this work as the market becomes saturated.
The rise in crowdwork is associated with the decreased GDP shares of the service and agricultural sectors,
suggesting that crowdwork can potentially provide alternatives to workers in countries that face difficulties
in creating jobs locally.

1- Based on technical definitions of formality, most online labour platforms, such as Upwork and Freelancer, are informal in
nature as workers engaged in these platforms are considered independent contractors than formal workers. However,
these platforms connect formal businesses and individuals with freelance talent for a wide range of tasks. Unlike informal
organizations, these platforms have mechanisms that verify the identities of workers and employers and offer features such as
escrow payments and dispute resolution to help maintain a transparent and secure transactions for all parties.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 15
 In terms of the five issues named, the following findings and recommendations can be made.

Issue 1: The transformation of jobs into their digital equivalence

The data show that while OLPs were prevalent in economies with high unemployment, introducing these
arrangements did not mean that this was the cause of unemployment. OLPs became a choice for people
looking for secondary and complementary jobs. However, those who were looking were not absorbed
into these arrangements because of the competitive nature of these arrangements. Negative changes
in unemployment were conditional on Gross Capital Formation, and engagement in the informal sector
remains substantial. Apart from improving the digital infrastructure, the government should supply
subsidies to workers who wish to be employed in OLPs by improving skills and social protection. Because
OLPs can create employment opportunities, the government should be open to these alternative work
arrangements.

Issue 2: The sustainability of digital platforms

This issue pertains to the viability of using OLPs as another choice for creating jobs. The study observes
the deindustrialisation process in AMS and the emergence of the service sector as an engine of growth.
These conditions would make it possible for OLPs to thrive. Nevertheless, the data also indicate that
only countries with substantial capital formation have succeeded in decreasing unemployment. Thus,
employment returns from OLPs maybe limited, making the sustainability of OLPs in ASEAN questionable.
The recommendation then is to create conditions for local OLPs to thrive in their setting, thus allowing
them to adapt to the available local resources and the needs of the local and regional industries. The aim
is to use existing technology to improve labour productivity.

Issue 3: The Impact on Women

This issue is about gender disparities that may affect labour market outcomes. The data show that the
average share of crowdworkers in each country relative to the total number of global crowdwork is associated
positively with women's labour force participation, with this correlation increasing in countries with lower
Human Development Index. This suggests that women in poorer countries are getting more engaged in
OLPs, thus increasing participation in labour markets and reducing employment gender disparity. Gender
remuneration equality remains an issue given the unequal distribution of human capital (work experience
and education) as well as the women's domestic responsibilities, resulting in less work hours. Hence,
earnings disparity may remain for these women, especially those living in lower-income economies. The
recommendation is to enforce decent work conditions and provide social protection targeted to women.

Issue 4: The Market Power of Platforms

This issue relates to the market power inherent in online labour platforms because of their associated direct
and indirect network effects. The data reveal that while only a few major platforms are found in the market,
their revenue shares are contestable and can be challenged by potential local entrants. Nevertheless,
despite this absence of market power of platforms in terms of the services offered in the global market,
monopsony is likely as platforms can possibly markdown earnings below the actual contribution of the
workers to their firms' revenues.2 This is possible given the heterogeneous nature of labour being exchanged
and the lack of uniform earning structures in these markets. Workers are unlikely to complain about the
earnings offered and shift to other forms of work, especially if they have limited options to engage in these
other non-digital or digital work alternatives.

2- Unlike the traditional concept of monopsony defined as a single employer in a labour market, the modern view combines
the literature of search with the heterogeneity of worker preferences for jobs. Firms sort out of workers by offering specific
remunerations and amenities to workers who are willing to take the job at reduced remunerations (Manning, 2021; Card,
2022). Workers are forced to accept these offers because of idiosyncratic preferences (such as a higher subjective value to
perform domestic activities) as well as the high cost of search.

16
The solution to this problem is not to regulate the platforms, fix remunerations or impose conditions on the
platforms. Instead, the proper recommendation is to strengthen and harness workers' bargaining power by
giving them more options, supplying social protection, including unemployment insurance, and defining
their rights to decent work conditions. The goal is to empower workers with the ability to negotiate their
demands better and be paid according to their productivity.

Issue 5: Transition from informal to formal activities

This issue deals specifically with the problem of a huge informal sector in AMS. Formalisation gives
government a greater scope of work to generate revenue and enforce the rule of law. Furthermore, the
social protection of workers is greatly assured under formal enterprises or arrangements. The characteristics
of platforms, particularly the degree of flexibility offered to the workers, are similar to the informal sector.
The data, however, show that increasing digital technology had hardly affected the size of the informal
sector. A significant part of the problem is the lack of qualifications since platform engagements require a
specific set of skills and education to be accepted. Hence, highly skilled workers in the informal sector are
more likely to be hired in OLPs. However, the percentage of these workers in the informal sector did not
seem to change significantly. This means that apart from the skill set of workers, there are other barriers to
the potential transition of workers from informal to formal activities. One possible barrier is the inherent
uncertainty in dealing with impersonal platforms where face-to-face transactions and communication are
limited. The recommendation is similar to the fourth issue. By strengthening workers' bargaining power,
enhancing their social protection, and offering them more options, the transition from the informal to the
formal can be made without much cost and uncertainty to the worker.

Findings and recommendations based on the analysis of qualitative data

Issues and challenges to decent work arise from innovations largely outpacing regulations. These issues
bring to light regulatory deficits, including Labour Codes that have yet to cover work in non-standard
work arrangements, and infrastructure deficiencies, including slow Internet connectivity and inadequate
hard and soft skills. Regulatory deficits have implications for attaining decent work. However, excessive
regulations can stifle innovations. Thus, it is imperative to understand the nature of platform work and its
issues. Using primary data, the qualitative section analyses platform work in five areas: legal framework
and regulation, social protection, representation and collective voice, skills development, and inclusivity
and diversity.

Legal framework and regulation

While most of the labour codes in the AMS have been amended to improve workplace environments,
enhance social protection, increase the ease of doing business, and align with international standards,
amendments to the labour codes have yet to incorporate provisions for platform work. Labour Codes
provide protection and entitlements when there are employment relations, including safety and health,
social protection, and rights to social dialogue and participation in collective bargaining/trade unions.
Platform workers in the AMS are considered self-employed or independent contractors and are not covered
and protected by Labour Codes. Some AMS have broadened their regulatory framework to include work
with service agreements. However, there are challenges to these efforts due to legal precedence or age-old
legal provisions containing definitions that need to be revised to include new work arrangements. There is
also a challenge in establishing the presence of elements of employment relations, namely, earnings, work,
and control.

The legislative attention is skewed towards platforms for ride-hailing and courier services. This situation is
possibly due to the ride-hailing and courier services' contribution to the country's income and employment.
Nevertheless, other on-demand work like childcare, massage, cleaning, and maintenance are also gaining
traction on platforms. This on-demand work has different issues and challenges requiring different policies
and initiatives. For example, while sexual harassment is an issue for workers in ride-hailing or courier
services, it can be more challenging for those in care and personal services, where work is done in confined
environments, and clients can have substantial control.

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 17
 Enforcing regulations is much more difficult in crowdwork since transactions cross borders. Thus, legislative
efforts are directed towards skills and physical infrastructure development. In some AMS, entrepreneurial
crowdworkers find existing regulatory requirements burdensome or difficult to comply with, given the
nature of the business involved on platforms.

Social protection

Social security schemes in the AMS are tied to formal employment. Thus, platform workers' social protection
is wanting, although there are payment schemes for the self-employed, which are voluntary. The uptake
of platform workers to the voluntary scheme is hampered by several challenges, including inadequate
earnings, the lack of steady income flows, and the fewer benefits in the voluntary scheme than in the
mandatory plan for formal workers.

The lack of clear guidelines on treating cross-border transactions of crowdworkers/freelancers and

administrative challenges also hound authorities. However, some AMS agencies in charge of the social
security system have implemented initiatives and collaborated with on-demand platforms to increase the
social protection enrolment of platform workers and simplify savings through an auto-deduct feature on
the platform's applications. It is still rare for platforms to share in the workers' contributions.

Representation and collective voice

Due to the independent contractor status of platform workers, they are not entitled to form unions and
participate in collective bargaining. Thus, they organised themselves into groups and associations through
Facebook, Viber, or WhatsApp, providing avenues to forge solidarity and develop a collective voice.
However, the group's level of influence and extent of support from other allied stakeholders vary across
the AMS. Some communities provide support through information, while others coordinate with members
to organise protests. Some associations work closely with unions with better institutional capacities to
advance key issues. However, the level of unionisation, and therefore the level of support to riders, in the
AMS varies.

Workers in other on-demand services like repair and personal services do not have as much voice and
representation. These workers work in environments where the clients' command/control is substantially
felt. They are more at risk of abuse and gender-based violence, which are unknowingly encouraged by
some practices on platforms, including posting photos and sensitive information.

Compared with on-demand work, fostering trust and solidarity is a challenge in crowdwork. Work is
performed and transacted online in crowdwork by geographically dispersed workers. Thus, there are few
avenues for crowdworkers to physically interact, socialise, organise, and form a collective voice. There
are also no known unions in the AMS push for crowdworkers' labour rights. However, some associations
have working relationships with the government, which resulted in better development initiatives for
crowdworkers.

Skills development

Some regional on-demand platforms support their partners' upskilling and personal development,
including placement programmes and opportunities for partners to become entrepreneurs. The situation
is different on crowdwork platforms, where workers invest in their skills development and leverage these
skills to achieve their goals. Grit, patience, courtesy, negotiation, and communication skills have become
useful in other freelancing-related ventures.

Inclusivity and diversity

State-led programmes and policies targeting specific vulnerable groups on platforms are not evident.
However, some ride-hailing platforms have initiatives for persons with disabilities. Others promote women's

18
empowerment by improving their location-sharing features or blocking women riders from taking ride-
hailing orders.

At least in principle, crowdwork fosters inclusivity and diversity. It provides opportunities to interested
workers regardless of gender and race. Furthermore, it does not discriminate based on disabilities or lack
of formal educational background. In practice, however, securing a job on platforms may not be easy
for everyone. This is true for platforms involved in high value-adding jobs that require niche skills and
accredited certification. Despite successful registration and validation, new workers do not easily land a job
unless they are willing to spend on some services sold by platforms. Access to devices and equipment can
also be an issue since some tasks can be better done using a desktop or a laptop. Thus, crowdwork may
not work for everybody.

Policies to explore at the National level

Platform work

Aim for the sustainability of the worker: The skills needed in platform work are not substantially different
from those in non-platform work. The AMS must assess the current workforce competencies and how
these can be adjusted to the existing and emerging needs of labour markets. Putting up a training and
skills development system will guide platform workers to make informed choices on training pathways
should they wish to shift to a traditional work arrangement. The system is also useful to workers who wish
to pursue platform work, especially those involved in platforms that require certifications.

Target promotion and protection: Expand social protection programmes by exploring the combination of
protection and promotion systems. While some comprehensive skills development systems are in place in
some AMS, these are currently stand-alone systems. It would be useful to explore how the social protection
system can be linked with the training/skills development system. Social protection systems should also be
portable to support the workers' movement from one mode of job to another and flexible to accommodate
varying capacities to pay. Systems that allow the customisation of payment schedules and structures are
imperative. Further, delays in the contribution payment should not result in the deactivation of membership
since reactivations entail paperwork.

On-demand work

Amend labour codes to clarify the employment classification of on-demand workers and implement
other initiatives while legislative and consultative processes are ongoing: Despite nuances in work on
different platforms, decent work remains an overarching issue to be addressed. Labour codes have yet to
integrate non-standard work arrangements, which results in regulatory deficits that allow new business
models to operate in the context of no-employment relations. Changes in the classification and definitions
may take some time due to the legislative and consultative processes. While these processes are ongoing,
it is useful to implement other initiatives. These include forging partnerships with platforms on social
protection and savings and conducting consultations regarding the applicable minimum standards.

Promote workers' voice and representation: Adjust rules and regulations on collective bargaining to
give voice and representation to workers in non-standard work arrangements. Currently, only those with
employment relations can organise and negotiate. Thus, the lack of voice and representation in collective
bargaining results from the limitations in the workers' employment status. While adjustments are being
made, it is prudent to encourage associations and unions to push for issues in platform work in social
dialogues and legislative hearings. Finding legislators who will champion the cause of decent work in
platform work is also crucial.

Explore partnerships with on-demand platforms to enhance workers' social protection: These
collaborations demonstrate how platforms value their partners, which can attract more loyal partners.
Other platforms may follow, setting the norms for participating in their partners' savings fund and social
protection.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 19
 Acquire an in-depth understanding of on-demand work before formulating regulatory frameworks:

· Robust consultations with different platforms and workers are essential in understanding working
conditions and minimum standards in pay and security. This will help clarify obligations and set
minimum applicable standards approved by all stakeholders, making regulations likely to be successful.

· Different platforms have distinct management policies and foster diverse working conditions, which
result in varying issues and challenges. Thus, establishing technical working groups for major sectors
can lead to more nuanced policies.

· National governments can explore experimental regulatory sandboxes. These can be valuable tools to
determine the workers' employment classification and explore approaches that can enhance institutional
capacities and address gaps in social protection. Experiments that establish new employment
classifications and determine platform workers' modes of social protection can be valuable exercises.

Improve data collection initiatives to aid evidence-based policies and programmes: Evidence is
important to ensure that policies address the issues and challenges. In the case of platforms, the lack
of data limits researchers from shedding light on various issues. This presents a challenge, although the
government can use innovative approaches, including the use of Application Programming Interface and
data crawling to automatically extract information from the Internet. Governments should also explore
stronger collaborations with platforms through data-sharing agreements. In addition, statistics authorities
should explore the collection of nationally representative data on non-standard work arrangements. In this
exercise, careful considerations should be made to strike a balance between survey costs and the quality of
the data collection. A clear definition and taxonomy of platform work are also needed to guide the nature
of questions that will be asked and the types of indicators that will be collected.

Create sustainable and fair environments for all stakeholders involved: Few players in the market can
result in practices that are inimical to the interest of workers. The presence of many platforms can benefit
workers as platforms compete through better work policies. Thus, the government must establish free and
fair competition, allowing new businesses to enter and thrive in the market.

Explore the viability of platform cooperatives: Platform cooperatives offer alternatives to venture
capital-financed platforms. These adopt platform technology to facilitate the conduct of businesses and,
as cooperatives, foster shared ownership and democratic governance. However, setting up platform
cooperatives has challenges. Financing for platform cooperatives is a key issue since platforms require
investments in software and physical and human capital infrastructures. The development of platform
cooperatives also requires looking into the suitability of existing regulatory frameworks for cooperatives,
which may or may not be conducive to developing platform cooperatives. Reducing regulatory barriers
to establishing cooperative platforms and enhancing independence in development and innovation can
be explored. The AMS can investigate the successful platform cooperatives in France, Germany, Italy, and
Switzerland and analyse how the principles can be adopted into the AMS context.

Crowdwork

Encourage crowdworkers to become formal entrepreneurs:

· Streamline legal and regulatory requirements in licensing and registration and simplify tax administration,
reporting system, and payment structures.

· Simplify the registration and payments to social protection programmes by establishing an online
portal that will serve as a one-stop payment system for workers' insurance and social security funds
and linking this system to various online and offline payment channels.

· Provide incentives and supports to formal entrepreneurs and conduct dissemination exercises to
educate the entrepreneurial community on the advantages of joining the formal sector.

20
Recognise that not all crowdworkers can be formalised, Ensure equal access to state-led programmes:
The few legislative efforts on crowdwork are focused on registered crowdworkers. However, crowdwork is
heterogeneous in scope, duration, and complexity. Workers will secure jobs continuously or intermittently,
depending on their motivations and skills. Attempts at formalising the latter are challenging since the
transaction, and administrative costs of compliance with regulatory requirements may outweigh the
perceived benefits of formalisation. Thus, ensuring that informal workers can benefit from state-led
programmes and initiatives is important, especially in skills and training development. Doing so enhances
the workers' chance to secure higher value-adding and less intermittent jobs, paving the way for potential
formalisation.

Recognise the importance of social enterprises, cooperatives, and associations of crowdworkers;

empower these entities: Enterprises, cooperatives, and associations enhance the visibility of crowdworkers.
They should be recognised as vital links to the communities of crowdworkers. They should be engaged
in consultations to craft programmes for the crowdworkers' promotion and protection. Partnerships with
social enterprises, cooperatives, and associations are useful in cascading information on government
policies and initiatives and in determining sectoral needs and challenges. They also have programmes that
assist their members in owning devices and enhancing access to the Internet. Thus, governments can tap
into these entities to better understand how successful programmes can be replicated or upscaled.

Policies to explore at ASEAN level

Platform work

Spearhead the management of information on platform work and the platform economy in the region:
Information on platforms in the AMS can be valuable tools and resources for policymakers, researchers,
platforms, and platform workers. A one-stop repository of information in ASEAN on regulations, laws,
minimum standards, and platform ratings will inform stakeholders and governments of good practices
and reasonable approaches to address regulatory deficits. To this end, the ICT bureau in each AMS can
leverage its management information systems to collect pertinent information that can be customised
should consistency in the format at ASEAN level be prescribed. The one-stop repository initiative of the
Eurofound can be looked into to determine what other information, tools, and resources can be shared and
harmonised.

Facilitate regional dialogue and forum: Various on-demand platforms operate in the AMS. Most take
a hyper-local approach to ensure a quick response to changes in local markets. Meanwhile, new entrants
and small, local platforms adopt the practices of leading platforms. Thus, workers in the region face
similar issues, such as the platforms' substantial control, workers' employment status and its implications
for security, lack of representation, and decreasing incentives and incomes. The AMS should spearhead
regional dialogues and fora to set standards and guidelines for platforms and workers and to strengthen
cooperation to achieve decent work in the region.

On-demand work

Explore crafting regional guidelines for platforms: Big platforms operating in the region can have different
policies depending on regulations in specific AMS and on the initiatives pursued by agencies in charge of
social protection. Thus, disparities can be observed within and among member states. Regional guidelines
are, thus, useful, especially in the absence of standards from the Labour Code. Unlike the Labour Code that
mandates standards, regional guidelines crafted in collaboration with key stakeholders can effectively attain
decent work on platforms. Government representatives from the AMS, platform representatives, workers,
and tripartite partners can agree on the minimum acceptable standards. Having regional guidelines can
be beneficial to key stakeholders. It can reduce platforms' vulnerability to disruptions arising from workers'
protests and sudden regulations. It can also send positive signals to the labour market. Thus, platforms can
attract and retain workers vital to the platforms' operation.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 21
 Crowdwork

Facilitate crafting a Code of Conduct for crowdworkers: Crowdworkers are mostly coming from the
Global South. Workers in the AMS can have strong bargaining power if they put up a unified front and
avoid practices of cutthroat competition among workers. To do this, associations and groups play key
roles. Associations and groups representing the interests of crowdworkers in the AMS can come together
through a forum/meeting organised by ASEAN secretariat and explore the possibility of crafting guidelines
in ASEAN crowdworkers' conduct on platforms. In the short run, a code of conduct targeting platform
workers and their groups and associations is easier since these stakeholders will actively participate in
consultations given the correct motivations and incentives.

Crowdworkers' adherence to the code of conduct is key. Unity in following the crowdworkers' code sends
a strong signal to clients and platforms that crowdworkers in the region mean business. This can compel
platforms to participate in future efforts to craft a crowdworking platforms' code of conduct. It is also
important for platforms to realize that their adherence to such code can demonstrate their goodwill and
attract better workers in the process.

22
1. Background

Over the past ten years, the platform economy has been a topic of great interest in Asia. Platforms are sets
of online digital arrangements that use algorithms to facilitate markets and have two features: economies
of scale and network effects (Kenney and Zysman, 2016). Business models leveraging digital platforms
provide economic opportunities for job seekers, asset-owners, and enterprises. The value of the ride-hailing
platforms and food markets in Indonesia alone is around US$7 billion, which is twice and five times as much
as the market value in Singapore and the Philippines3. Crowdwork is also gaining traction in some ASEAN
Member States (AMS) like Indonesia, the Philippines, and Viet Nam.

While labour platforms have clear benefits, asymmetries resulting in structural inequalities and the lack
of decent and fair work increasingly occupy policy conversations. Decent work, following the 2008 ILO
Convention, has four strategic pillars: (i) International labour standards and fundamental principles and
rights at work (ii) Employment creation (iii) Social protection and (iv) Social dialogue and tripartism (ILO,
2013a). Fair work, a concept borne from the Fair Work Project of the Oxford Internet Institute and the WZB
Berlin Social Science Center, evaluates the working conditions on digital platforms and ranks them based on
the five fair work principles: fair pay, fair conditions, fair contracts, fair management, and fair representation.
The project rates platforms in different countries to aid benchmarking and standard setting in the sector.

For example, the winner-takes-all dynamics typical in platform-based economies means that whoever
controls the platform also controls the distribution channel giving the platform owner considerable market
power. Formulating appropriate policy responses will be needed to mitigate possible negative impacts from
the abuse of the dominant position. More importantly, substantial market power can lead to monopsony
in the labour market. Moreover, innovations have outpaced the development of the regulatory and legal
framework. For example, Labour Codes provide protection and entitlements when there are employment
relations. Since platform workers are considered independent contractors or self-employed, they bear the
costs of social protection, training, and human capital investments and lack access to formal mechanisms
like social dialogue and collective bargaining. It should be emphasised, however, that these issues are
not new since the precariousness of work was already observed in the early Industrial Revolution when
piecemeal work and contract-based employment were the norms (Berg et al., 2018; Churchill and Craig,
2019). Even before the rise of the platform economy, a significant proportion of workers, nearly 80% of the
total workforce, were employed in the informal sector. A new face of the informal economy, facilitated by
ICT, has emerged.

Given these challenges, the main question is whether these platforms demonstrate the quality of work desired
by ASEAN. Thus, relevant ASEAN stakeholders, including policymakers, workers, platforms, and social and
tripartite partners such as trade unions and associations, have expressed interest in better understanding
the platform economy, and rightly so. ASEAN Declaration on Strengthening Social Protection recognises
that everyone is entitled to equitable access to social protection. More importantly, social protection shall
be adaptive to various risks and vulnerabilities brought about by changes in the labour markets, among
other things. As indicated in its Vientiane Declaration on Transition from Informal to Formal Employment,
ASEAN has committed to promoting inclusive and sustainable growth, employment, and decent work.
Furthermore, ASEAN is cognisant of transformative changes that offer opportunities and challenges for
workers and businesses4.

3- [Link]
Embracing_Technology_for_Inclusive_and_Sustainable_Growth.pdf, Statista, Accessed on July 1, 2022.
4- Included in ASEAN Labour Ministers’ Statement on the Future of Work: Embracing Technology for Inclusive and Sustainable
Growth is the strengthening of the capacity of institutions to enable the workforce to take advantage of new technology
and participate in the global labour market through closer cooperation with industries. [Link]
uploads/2012/05/ASEAN_Labour_Ministers%E2%80%99_Statement_on-_the_future_of_work_Embracing_Technology_for_
Inclusive_and_Sustainable_Growth.pdf

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 23
 ASEAN has expressly recognised the importance of digital connectivity. In August 2018, the 50th ASEAN
Economic Ministers Meeting adopted ASEAN Digital Integration Framework5. In line with the Master Plan
on ASEAN Connectivity 2025, the framework emphasises that digital integration is key to creating a more
inclusive ASEAN region, enabling countries to compete more effectively in the global economy jointly and
individually. However, ASEAN faces many challenges in promoting digital connectivity, including how to
align digital rules and standards among different digital systems, support cross-border data flows, safeguard
personal data, and encourage cross-border cooperation in nascent areas such as digital identities, artificial
intelligence (AI), and data innovation.

Several large ride-hailing and logistics platforms operate in the region, and small and local platforms
have joined the business. In addition, many crowdworking platforms focus on recruiting in specific ASEAN
Member States (AMS). Thus, ASEAN is well-positioned to address issues and challenges, set standards and
guidelines, and strengthen cooperation for decent work in the region. Given this, the Outlook aims to

· Investigate the economic conditions that could have led to the rise of labour platforms in ASEAN and
examine their consequences.

· Analyse the institutional and regulatory challenges that should be addressed to ensure decent work in
platform work in the AMS.

· Analyse good practices from the EU and identify emerging business models that have the potential to
foster decent work. Thus, the Outlook contributes to the EU-ASEAN Dialogue on Labour Migration and
Mobility, involving tripartite partners, civil society organisations, and other relevant stakeholders on the
latest trends and developments related to employment and the world of work.

· Identify policies and initiatives each AMS could pursue to ensure that the human capital development
and social protection systems adapt to the changing nature of work.

· Highlight the importance of ASEAN cooperation on the platform economy by identifying programmes
and initiatives in which the AMS could collaborate to ensure decent work in platform work. This is
consistent with two of the three focus areas highlighted in the Consolidated Strategy on the Fourth
Industrial Revolution for ASEAN: Digital Economy and Digital Transformation of Society. Concerning the
former, ASEAN emphasises the importance of capturing opportunities in the digital space. Concerning
the latter, ASEAN envisions forward-looking human resource development and social welfare and
protection as two of the five strategic priorities. The 38th and 39th ASEAN Summits adopted ASEAN
Leaders’ Statement on Advancing Digital Transformation in ASEAN6 and the adoption of ASEAN Digital
Masterplan 2025 to guide the region’s digital cooperation from 2021-2025 to transform7 ASEAN into a
leading digital economy and economic bloc.

1.1. Approach and sources

The Outlook used mixed methods, including collecting primary and secondary data on platform work.
To the extent possible, it covered all AMS. There were limitations to the data collection, however. For
the qualitative data, the team had difficulties finding crowdworkers and representatives of crowdworkers’
groups or associations. Thus, the discussion in the crowdworking section was centred on the Philippines
experience, where several platform workers and groups accommodated the request for an interview.
Information related to crowdwork in other AMS was obtained through desk research. For the quantitative
analysis, the main limitation has been the data, which are either unavailable or limited. To overcome
this, the study used available data and extracted/synthesized observations that can be gathered from
this limited dataset. Thus, the inferences are, at best, correlational and will require validation from the
qualitative section or other research on this issue.

5- [Link]
6- [Link]
7- [Link]

24
1.1.1. Primary data

The primary data were collected using a virtual key informant interview (KII) with various stakeholders in the
AMS from March to June 2022. The KIIs aimed to analyse how countries understand and address platform
work’s issues and challenges and identify best practices other AMS can replicate. Some stakeholders, mostly
key ministries, opted for written responses.

The initial list of subject matter experts, associations, cooperatives, and platforms was drawn through desk
research. Then, a snowball sampling was used to ensure that contexts specific to each AMS were analysed.
This was done by soliciting information and recommendations at the end of each interview. Combining the
initial list and the additional respondents recommended by KII informants, 52 respondents were interviewed.
These included government officials from key ministries, subject matter experts, associations, cooperatives,
platform workers, and platform representatives (Table A1 in the Annex). Out of the 52 respondents, 32
submitted written responses. In some cases, follow-up questions were sent to these respondents to clarify
important points or inquire about key information.

In addition, desk research was conducted to supplement the primary data. This ensured that the Outlook
included the details of key points shared by KII informants. The desk research also guaranteed that the
Outlook included critical developments in government regulations and programmes, platforms’ initiatives,
workers’ perspectives, and best practices in the EU. It also aided in compiling global, regional, and local
platforms.

1.1.2. Secondary data

The purpose of analysing secondary data is to describe the labour markets in each AMS, with the view of
assessing and measuring the scope of informal activities and other alternative arrangements. Available
labour data of AMS found in ASEAN statistics portal8 were utilised. In addition, information was also
obtained from the International Labour Organization (ILO) website, which contains a significant amount
of processed and comparable data related to the labour market. Macroeconomic variables that impact
the labour markets were collected mostly from the World Bank development indicators. Data on social
indicators from other United Nations agencies, such as the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP) and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), were also obtained.
Information sets, such as the Online Labour Index (OLI) on online labour platforms and ASEAN surveys of
the informal sector in crucial sectors, were also used and examined for the analysis.

8- [Link]

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 25
 2. Platforms: Features, Definitions,
and Challenges

2.1. Business models

The world of work has rapidly changed with the advancement of information and communications
technology. Smartphones have sparked innovative ideas to bring together markets for goods and services
through platforms. Platforms, while there are many types, share three essential characteristics: they are
technologically mediated, they link user groups, and they allow these user groups to do specific things
(Koskinen et al., 2019). There are at least three user groups on platforms: platform provider, supply (i.e.
workers, contractors), and demand (i.e. clients). Through the platforms’ software architecture, platform
providers have access to the traffic of data generated by the activities and interactions of user groups (see
Figure 1). Thus, they can influence the exchange between supply and demand (Schmidt, 2017). In addition,
algorithmic data management9 enables providers to track and manage huge information flows efficiently
and match user groups cost-effectively.

Figure 1. Three-sided platform architecture

Platorm provider
transparent big data backend
d
op

en

Three-sided
aq

nt

intermediary
ue

fro

platform
us

e/

Supply Demand
er

fac

(plattorm clients)
int

(independent
ter

contractors)
erf

r in
cea

se
/

eu
fro

u
nt

aq
en

op
d

Source: Schmidt (2017)

Platforms create and capture value through economies of scale and network effects (Koskinen et al., 2018;
Kenney and Zysman, 2016). Economies of scale occur due to the declining average costs following the
increase in platform users. The network effect, which can be direct10 or indirect11, is the situation that makes
platforms attractive due to the number of their users (Evans, 2016). In the case of ride-hailing platforms,

9- Defined as a setting in which “human jobs are assigned, optimised, and evaluated through algorithms and tracked data” (Lee
et al., 2015).
10- Which is the situation when a user joins a platform where many users of the same group are registered (i.e. workers will join
platforms that have many registered workers) (International Telecommunication Union and the World Bank, 2020).
11- Which is the situation when a user joins a platform where many users of another group are registered (i.e. workers will join
platforms that have many registered clients) (International Telecommunication Union and the World Bank, 2020).

26
incentives are given to entice the participation of user groups. However, these may be withdrawn once
critical mass has been achieved and network effects commence.

With information asymmetry and efficiency in data tracking and management, economies of scale and
network effects can yield substantial market power to a few platform providers. Thus, it is not surprising
that platform providers have evolved from facilitation to arbitration and the provision of allied services.
This is manifested in ride-hailing platforms offering diverse products and services. This is also seen on
crowdwork platforms. For example, Upwork, in its early days, was merely a facilitator of markets but has
since branched out into the recruitment and management of workers for clients (Beerepot and Lambregts,
2017). It now sells services to enhance workers’ visibility and hide information such as their earnings history.

2.2. Definitions and typologies

Platform work refers to the broad range of market activities conducted within platforms to connect demand
and supply12. Digitisation plays a role in platform work, either in the organisation of work or in the conduct
of work. Many platforms are based on the goods/services they mediate (see Figure 2). Asset platforms,
like Airbnb, facilitate the monetisation of idle assets and are sometimes used in a collaborative or sharing
economy (see, for example, Vaughan and Davario (2016)). However, the term collaborative or sharing is a
misnomer since platforms do not share any investment in assets or capital goods.

Meanwhile, goods platforms facilitate the market for goods and bring better variety to consumers, higher
visibility, and broader business reach. Goods can be tangible, such as those found on Amazon, eBay, and
Lazada, or intangible, like those offered on Netflix and Spotify. Goods platforms are examples of multi-sided
platforms that connect households/individuals, sellers, and riders/logistics workers. Thus, administrative,
finance, or ICT officers of platforms like Lazada are not considered platform workers since they are neither
user groups nor are their services traded on the platform. Platform workers are involved in goods platforms
when riders/delivery workers are matched with sellers to complete the sale of goods. In this case, platform
workers are considered on-demand workers (discussed below).

Labour platforms, which are the focus of this Outlook, facilitate the market for work, which can either be
location-based or web-based. In the literature, terminologies for these types of work are varied. Location-
based work is called gig work (Schmidt, 2017) or on-demand work (Hunt and Samman, 2019). Web-based
is called cloud work (Schmidt, 2017), online sourcing (Kuek et al., 2015), or crowdwork (Hunt and Samman,
2019). The term “gig” has negative undertones (Forde, 2017), and it includes contingent work that does
not involve platforms (World Economic Forum, 2020). Meanwhile, collaborative or sharing does not
accurately capture the arrangements among user groups. Thus, the Outlook will steer away from using
these terminologies. Instead, it adopts the Hunt and Samman (2019) typologies to refer to work on labour
platforms: crowdwork and on-demand work.

On-demand work is location-based, digitally enabled, and requires close interaction between consumers
and platform workers. It is an example of the digitisation of the organisation of work (Hunt and Samman,
2019; Graham et al., 2017a). Examples of on-demand platforms are those related to home-related
maintenance services like bTaskee (regional platform) and Fixzy (Thailand), cleaning services like Happy
Helpers (the Philippines), and ride-hailing services like Gojek (now GoTo due to the merge with Tokopedia)
and Grab (regional platforms).

12- The services provided by digital labour platforms can be those that can be performed digitally or on location (see for example,
Lane, M. (2020)).

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 27
 Figure 2. Types of platform work

Platform work

Goods (tangible and Others: social media,

Asset
Based on the type of intangible) Labour e.g. YouTube,
platforms, by goods/ e.g. Airbnb
e.g. Lazada, Netflix Facebook
services facilitated*

On-demand (location-based,
transportation, logistics, delivery,
personal services) Crowdwork (web-based)
Based on where the e.g. Grab, GoTo, FoodPanda,
work is taking place** Deliveroo, BeNeat

Microtask (e.g. Routine) Macrotask (Highly

e.g. Amazon Mechanical specialised)
Turk e.g. Upwork,
Based on skills
Chatesat, Workana
required**

Informal work Formal work

Based on registration

Source: Authors’ elaboration. *See Schmidt (2017). **Hunt et al. (2017).

Ride-hailing platforms are hybrid platforms and can also be considered asset platforms (i.e. monetising
cars and motorcycles). However, the matching of work takes place on platforms. The number of workers
involved is far too many, and classifying these as asset platforms can have implications for attaining decent
work. For example, ride-hailing platform services, like Grab, have generated employment in the AMS. Grab,
first established in Malaysia, has expanded to Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines, and Viet Nam, while
Gojek (now GoTo) has collaborated with local teams in Viet Nam and is operating in 167 cities and districts
in Indonesia (Kurniawati and Khoirina, 2019). Grab has more than 2.8 million riders and 2 million merchant
partners, while GoTo has around 2 million riders and 900,000 merchant partners (see Table 1 and Tables
A7-A17 in the Annex for more information). Other delivery platforms (e.g. Borzo, Deliveroo) and logistics
platforms (e.g. Lalamove, GOGOX) have millions of rider partners as well.

Crowdwork is transacted and delivered online. It is the digitisation of the organisation and the conduct of
work (Berg et al., 2018). Crowdwork can be disaggregated into either microtask or macrotask13. Microtask,
such as those done on Amazon Mechanical Turk, are simple tasks that firms can buy at a low cost due to
labour arbitrage. These are short-term projects, and tasks on these platforms are routine and clerical, such
as data labeling, annotating, transcription, product categorisation, and content moderation. Macrotasks,
such as those done on Upwork, are longer-term projects and require high-level skills, such as those needed
in programming and web/game development. The estimated number of crowdworkers in ASEAN (Table 2) is
increasing from 2020-2021. However, it is important to note that the Online Labour Index only collects data
from selected English-speaking platforms. In addition, it is a challenge to quantify the number of workers
in crowdworking platforms. Thus, registered users are not necessarily active users, and the numbers in Table
2 only indicate trends, which can deviate from actual numbers.

13- [Link]

28
Other platforms continue to emerge. However, these platforms, including those used in content creation
(e.g. vlogging), cannot be classified into any platforms discussed above. This business model is different
since platforms do not earn a percentage of the contract price. Rather, they earn through advertisements
from views of uploaded content, and vloggers earn not through negotiation or arbitrage but through
the content they create. Although people are involved, the content they create is not based on proposals
and is not demanded by a user group (Schmidt, 2017). The business model in these platforms appears to
mimic the monetisation of assets, except that what eventually gets monetised are digital products using
creative talents. The Outlook, while being mindful of the continuous evolution of the work performed as
old platforms evolve and new ones are developed, will exclude these other platforms and will focus on work
on labour platforms as defined above.

Table 1. Number of workers on selected platforms

Number of
Platform Founded date Headquarter Markets
partners/users
Borzo 2012 (Banabikurye Netherlands Indonesia, Malaysia, the 2 million users, 2.5
in Turkey, formerly Philippines, Viet Nam, million couriers
known as Dostavista and other international
or Mr. Speedy, as countries such as Mexico,
Click Entregas in Brazil, South Korea, Russia,
as Quickers in South Brazil, India, and Turkey
Korea, as NOW/Wefast
in India)
Deliveroo 2013 (Roofoods Ltd) Singapore Singapore, and in other 8 million active
(Roofoods Ltd) international countries users, 180,000
such as the United drivers globally,
Kingdom, Ireland, 160,000 partner-
Netherlands, France, restaurants
Belgium, Italy, Australia,
Kuwait, Hong Kong,
United Arab Emirates
GOGOX (formerly 2013 Hong Kong Viet Nam, Singapore, 4.5 million
known as and other international registered drivers
GOGOVan) countries such as Hong
Kong, China, Taiwan,
South Korea, and India
GoTo (GoTo Group) 2010 (as Gojek), 2021 Indonesia Indonesia, Viet Nam, 2 million+ partner-
(as GoTo due to merger Singapore, and Malaysia drivers (with
with Tokopedia) 1.7 million in
Indonesia alone);
900 000+ GoFood
merchants; 36.3
million active
users as of 2019
Grab (Grab 2012 Singapore Singapore, Cambodia, 2.8 million
Holdings Inc.) Indonesia, Malaysia, active partner-
Myanmar, the Philippines, drivers; 2 million
Thailand, and Viet Nam, merchants; 122
million unique
users (as of 2019)
Lalamove 2013 Hong Kong Indonesia, Malaysia, the 8 million users;
Philippines, Singapore, 700,000 drivers
Thailand, Viet Nam,
and other international
countries such as Hong
Kong, Taiwan, Brazil, and
Mexico

Source: Authors’ compilation from the websites, Accessed on May and June 2022

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 29
 It is important to note that on-demand work and crowdwork are work in non-standard work arrangements,
a broad term for to work that deviates from the traditional set-up of work. Thus, other than platform work,
“temporary employment14, part-time and on-call work15, and dependent self-employment are also considered
non-standard work16”([Link]
Non-standard work arrangements are similar to informal work. ILO definition states that informality refers
to “all remunerative work (i.e. both self-employment and wage employment) that is not registered, regulated
or protected by existing legal or regulatory frameworks, as well as non-remunerative work undertaken in
an income-producing enterprise. Informal workers do not have secure employment contracts, workers’
benefits, social protection, or workers’ representation.” (International Labour Organization, 2013b). Thus,
non-standard work like part-time and on-call work are also informal work. However, some non-standard
work arrangements are considered formal work depending on existing national laws. Crowdworkers, for
example, can register as self-employed and file personal income tax returns. Their registration, in turn, allows
them to avail of benefits from State-led programmes and initiatives for small and medium enterprises.

Table 2. Estimated number of crowdworkers from ASEAN

2020 2021 2022

Brunei Darussalam 280 172.5

Cambodia 18,480 55,944 5,175

Indonesia 210,840 254,079 384,330

Lao PDR 18,340 4,662 863

Malaysia 68,040 78,011 91,943

Myanmar 840 466

The Philippines 382,060 419,735 398,648

Singapore 24,080 26,263 28,635

Thailand 13,020 15,540 15,698

Viet Nam 131,180 164,879 229,943

Source: Authors’ computation.
Figures are obtained by multiplying 1) the percentage of ASEAN’s global crowdworkers’ percentage share by 2) the estimated workers
in 2020, 2021, and 2022. 1) can be found in [Link] while 2) is derived using the 14 million
active crowdworkers in 2020 and the projected 11% annual growth on demand as approximated in [Link]
org/paper/how-many-online-workers/. The estimated workers in 2021 and 2022 are conservative, given the oversupply of workers on
platforms (see, for example, Forde (2017)).
ASEAN Member States have not confirmed the figures since the data presented are estimated from an external source.

14- Workers are engaged only for a specific period of time such as in fixed-term, project- or task-based contracts, seasonal or
casual work and day labour.
15- Workers normal hours of work are lower relative to full-time workers.
16- Misclassification of workers to circumvent the provision of benefits.

30
2.3. Benefits of work on labour platforms
Concerning crowdwork, the flexibilisation of labour markets attracts both firms and workers. From the firm’s
perspective, flexibilisation means that firms can minimise costs by choosing from a pool of workers with
diverse backgrounds. From the worker’s perspective, flexibilisation means they can earn while pursuing
other interests or fulfilling responsibilities. In the case of crowdwork, flexibilisation is made possible by
breaking down complex tasks into many simple ones (Berg et al., 2018). Jobs are mostly coming from the
global North and outsourced to the global South, with India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan accounting for
52% of the global online workforce, while among the AMS, the Philippines, Viet Nam, and Indonesia each
account for less than 5%17 (Bayudan-Dacuycuy et al., 2020).

The low barriers to entry, as in the case of microtasks, have enhanced inclusion by providing economic
opportunities to people, especially those with challenging personal circumstances such as disabilities,
health issues, and care work challenges. Indeed, the flexibility offered by crowdwork attracts women due to
the care economy, which is a common reason for most women who are not part of the labour force. Thus,
crowdwork can provide earning opportunities to women. In addition, evidence points to empowerment,
with women’s participation in crowdwork translating to their active involvement in intra-household
decisions (see Kuek et al., 2015).

Despite these, there is initial evidence that the benefits of flexibility to women in crowdwork are limited,
with a peak of four work hours alongside minimal care work hours (Bayudan-Dacuycuy and Baje, 2021). In
addition, women are more likely to take on piecemeal work that pays relatively less, potentially explaining
the large percentage of women in Amazon Mechanical Turk, a platform specialising in routine tasks
(Ipeirotis, 2010).

Earnings in labour platform work are typically higher than what workers can fetch in a standard work
arrangement. The evidence, however, is nuanced along gender and geographic divides. Workers from
developing economies receive less than the workers’ earnings from developed economies. However, relative
to national minimum wages, workers from developing economies earn more than their counterparts from
developed economies (Berg, 2016). In the Philippines, initial evidence indicates that the hourly compensation
is higher at US$4.6/hour compared to the minimum wage of US$4-9/day (Bayudan-Dacuycuy and Baje,
2021). Along gender lines, women earn less than men (Foong et al., 2018), although evidence shows the
gap to be narrower in platform work than in standard work arrangements (see Payoneer, 2020). In the
Philippines, however, the gender pay gap is statistically insignificant once workers’ and platforms’ attributes
are controlled (see Bayudan-Dacuycuy and Baje, 2021).

Similar benefits are gained from on-demand work, although earnings gaps are also observed along gender
lines, which can be explained by the riders’ experience, preferences over where to work, and driving speed
(Cook, 2018). In addition, the platform’s infrastructure enables automated matching that results in an
efficient job search. Riders and drivers also enjoy flexibility since task-related information is visible, which
aids them in deciding whether to accept the task.

2.4. Decent work on labour platforms

Notwithstanding the benefits of labour platforms, its business model has promoted the precariousness of
work. This is reminiscent of piecemeal work in the early Industrial Revolution and remains pervasive even
in the current standard work arrangements.

Regardless of where the work is taking place (i.e. location-based or web-based), there are asymmetries
on labour platforms that are interrelated and mutually enforcing. These include value asymmetry, risk
asymmetry, resource asymmetry (Heeks, 2017), information asymmetry, and power asymmetry (Heeks,
2017; Schmidt, 2017).

17- Based on the OLI, an index compiled by the Oxford Internet Institute based on data on major English-speaking platforms.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 31
 Risk asymmetry arises because workers bear the cost of devices, electricity, connectivity, training investment
risks, and social protection costs. This asymmetry feeds into the value asymmetry where workers capture
value the least and platforms and clients capture value the most. Platforms harness the most value due to
network effects and economies of scale, while clients get the most for their money due to the cheap but
good labour pool. Information and power asymmetries work together to ensure that platforms shape the
interaction of supply and demand through matching, ratings/review systems. Platform ratings/reviews and
work credentials are not portable. In crowdwork, platforms sell additional services designed to conceal
information or enhance visibility. In addition, the skills required and the sheer number of workers on
platforms contribute to the workers’ lack of bargaining power. For example, low-skilled tasks in microtasks
can be done by anybody in the pool of numerous workers. Thus, the refusal of some workers to take on the
tasks does not translate to notable disruptions in the clients’ value chain.

These have raised concerns about how labour platforms are becoming sophisticated avenues to deliver
age-old inequalities due to the lack of decent work. Decent work has three domains: employment context,
employment, and work conditions (see International Labour Organization (2013a)). Employment context is
the broadest dimension under which the other two domains are subsumed (Figure 3).

How, then, do labour platforms fare in attaining decent work conditions?

Under the broad employment context (see Table 3), workers are governed by the terms of service agreements
that stipulate they are independent contractors. The absence of an employer-employee relationship in
platform settings leaves workers without institutional (i.e. formal representation in trade unions and collective
bargaining) and social security entitlements. In crowdwork, workers’ heterogeneity and geographical
dispersion pose a challenge in creating appropriate mechanisms for voice and representation. In on-
demand work, workers have avenues for face-to-face interaction. However, fears of losing opportunities
to earn (e.g. deactivation) and the technological monitoring of workers may dampen the appetite for
collective action (Hunt et al., 2019; De Stefano, 2016). Nevertheless, evidence indicates platform workers
can freely associate with and form groups or associations. Thus, workers rely on associations to make their
voices heard. The objectives of most associations and groups, however, are not necessarily to bring about a
change in the system but to cascade information to maximise the benefits of platform work (Heeks, 2017;
Schmidt, 2017).

Concerning the employment domain (see Table 3), crowdwork platforms were initially touted to have low
institutional barriers and can provide opportunities to all. However, some have become stricter on the
quality of workers and are now admitting only those with niche skills. In addition, tasks are based on
contracts, and there is no guarantee of future engagement. This is especially the case for microtasks, which
are short-term in nature, and workers need to always be on the lookout for job postings.

While flexibility is a selling pitch of platform work, its realisation depends on whether the platform work
offers autonomy and is paired with other work arrangements (OECD, 2017). Indeed, crowdwork provides
more flexibility than on-demand work, with the time and place being influenced by clients in the latter’s
case. However, evidence points out that work-life balance, a touted offshoot of flexibility in crowdwork,
is not necessarily achieved due to work intensification (Lott 214), greater stress due to increased working
hours (OECD, 2017), and isolation (Graham et al. 2017b, Kuek et al., 2015). Both crowdwork and on-demand
platforms design incentive-based gamification that encourages workers to meet targets to earn points
and secure rewards. While this provides bigger opportunities, this also results in workers pushing for more
working hours.

Under work conditions (see Table 3), evidence indicates that the remuneration on crowdwork platforms is
higher than the national minimum wage (Berg et al., 2018) or the average hourly wage (Payoneer, 2020).
Given the assumption of continuous engagement, crowdwork is highly rewarding. This is true for macrotasks
that require specialised skills, and workers are paid not by the hour but after completing tasks. However,
for microtasks, workers must strategise to secure jobs, including monitoring job postings and making the
first offer. This means that workers from Asia will stay up late since most jobs are coming from the global
north. The time difference between countries also means that workers need to adjust to the work hours of
outsourcing countries. This, however, is not unique to platforms since this adjustment is also observed in
the Business Process Outsourcing industry.

32
Figure 3. Decent work

Panel A: Domains and categories of decent work Panel B: Domains and categories of decent work
in the digital gig economy

Employment Context Employment Context

- Work That Should be Abolished - Social Protections (Provision, Portability,
- Social Security Contributions)
- Social Dialogue, Employers’ and Workers’ - Freedom of Association
Representation - Social Dialogue/Collective Bargaining
- Economic and Social Context for Decent Work - Platform Governance
- Accountability
- Other Legislation and Rights
Employment
- Employment Opportunities
- Combining Work, Family, and Personal Life Employment

- Stability and Security of Work - Employment Opportunities

- Equal Opportunity and Treatment in - Career Development

Employment - Stability of Work
(- Dignity and Respect at Work) - Employment Status
- Discrimination
- Respect inc. Privacy and Dispute Resolution
Work Conditions
Work Conditions
- Adequate Earnings and
Productive Work - Adequate Earnings
- Decent Working Time - Work Process
- Safe Work Environment - Working Hours
- Health & Safety

Source: Heeks (2017)

In addition, the growing number of workers with varying backgrounds and capabilities competing for jobs
on the platform can also result in practices that are disadvantageous to the community of workers. These
include the race to the bottom mentality or asking for the lowest price possible to secure a job and build
a work history. This practice is observed in crowdwork, where workers need a brief/proposal to respond
to the jobs posted. Regarding food/grocery riders, the abundant supply of riders, especially during the
pandemic, has ensured the timely delivery of goods/merchandise to customers. However, this has created
competition among riders, resulting in fewer bookings per rider and lower take-home pay.

Concerning a safe work environment, workers’ issues can be overlooked by occupational safety and health
inspection. There is evidence that some jobs in microtasks may pose health risks, especially those engaged
in content moderation due to too much exposure to pornographic materials and violent content. In addition,
on-demand work can pose challenges to safety. For example, riders risk road injuries and accidents, while
personal services providers are at risk of harassment.

Due to how the work is organised and conducted, the work process is proposed as one major area that
needs to be included in decent work conditions (see Heeks, 2017). This is due to the role of algorithmic
data management that controls matching, facilitates the review/rating system, hides information, and
enhances visibility. The extent of algorithmic data management depends on platforms, with on-demand
work platforms managing workers based on location and crowdwork platforms managing workers based
on heterogeneous age, skills, and historical profiles. The opacity of information, a vital issue in algorithmic

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 33
 data management, is pervasive on microtask platforms due to the lack of information on which part of the
bigger and more complex tasks the atomised tasks will become inputs. This information may be crucial
for microtaskers to upskill and ascend the value chain of jobs. The opacity of information in ride-hailing,
food/grocery services, and logistics is not as much since riders have access to job information that they can
decline or accept at their discretion.

Table 3. Domains of decent work and work on labour platforms

Domain Crowdwork On-demand work

Employment context

Social Security Workers are governed by service agreements Workers are governed by the
that stipulate that workers are independent terms of service agreements
contractors. that stipulate workers are
independent contractors.
No security benefits and entitlements.
No security benefits and
entitlements.

Employers’ None, resulting from their employment None, resulting from their
and Workers’ classification employment classification
Representation

Social dialogue Challenging to organise due to invisible and Evidence of associations and
geographically dispersed workers groups’ dialogue with the
government

Employment

Employment Low barriers, although some platforms have Low barriers

Opportunities become stricter in onboarding requirements.
Low participation of women,
Provides opportunities to men and women, PWD in ride-hailing and courier
persons with disabilities (PWD) services,
Women are overrepresented in
personal services

Combining Work, Flexible, although work-life balance is not Clients dictate the time and
Family, and necessarily achieved due to work intensification place.
Personal Life
Workers may push for longer work hours due
to incentive-based gamification (workers are Workers may push for longer
awarded points for meeting targets, and rewards work hours due to incentive-
(e.g. monetary) are unlocked). based gamification.

Stability and Contract-based workers are always looking out Contract-based

Security of Work for jobs.

Equal Opportunity Use of algorithmic data management, assigning Use of algorithmic data
and Treatment in tasks based on history, rating system management, assigning tasks
Employment based on location

Work conditions

Adequate Earnings Pay is higher than the national minimum wage Pay and incentives are initially
and Productive or an average hourly wage. Generally true for high and decline as network
Work macrotasks. For microtasks, workers must effects occur.
strategise to secure jobs, including monitoring
job postings and making the first offer.

Decent Working Workers from Asia need to adjust to the work Workers may push for extended
Time hours of outsourcing countries, mostly from the hours due to incentive-based
global north. gamification.

Safe Work Some jobs in microtasks may pose health There are safety challenges, like
Environment risks (e.g. too much exposure to pornographic road hazards and harassment.
materials and violent content).
Source: Authors’ compilation

34
It is important to emphasise the observed polarisation of work on platforms along gender and geographical
divides. Along gender lines, women dominate on platforms for cleaning and care services, while men
dominate on platforms for ride-hailing and delivery services (Churchill and Craig, 2019; Hunt and Samman,
2019). In Thailand, massage therapists and workers in the care economy are mostly women (Just Economy
and Labour Institute, 2022). Women also dominate in customer service, administrative and support,
translation, writing, and sales/marketing, while men dominate in jobs related to information technology,
software development, engineering, and data science (Churchill and Craig, 2019). Along geographical
divides, crowdworkers in Africa and the Asia Pacific earn less than those in North America, Europe, and
Central Asia (Berg et al., 2018).

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 35
 3. Conceptualisation, Sizing, and
Future Prospects

3.1. Conceptual issues on the use of the platform economy

The project section seeks to determine the effects of digital technology, particularly on the economic
structures which then influence the online labour platforms (OLPs) through ASEAN labour markets, and
determine the future consequences of this development on worker’s welfare, particularly in the informal
sector. The objective is to assess the impact of OLPs on labour markets and the general ASEAN economies.

The starting point of our analysis is the rise of the digital economy in ASEAN. Figure 4 shows the average
fixed internet broadband subscriptions. Significant increases are found in most countries, especially during
the pandemic. These improvements are expected because of the expected positive effects on production
and structural change. The digital economy is the economic activity that results from billions of daily
online connections among people, businesses, devices, data, and processes. The backbone of the digital
economy is hyperconnectivity, which means the growing interconnectedness of people, organisations, and
machines that results from the Internet, mobile technology, and the Internet of things (IoT).

Figure 4. Average Fixed Internet Broadband Subscriptions, 2011-2020

30
2011-2015 2016-2019 2020
25

20

15

10

0
ar

d
s

e
R

lam

m
ia
ia
dia

ine

or
an
PD
nm

ys
es

Na
bo

ap
ssa

ail
ala
ipp
on
ya

et

g
m

Th
La

Ind

ru
M

Sin
hil

Vi
Ca

Da
eP

ei
Th

un
Br

Source: World Bank (2022)

However, the huge differences in internet access across the countries within the region can result
in substantial income inequality. As shown in this Outlook, internet access causes the movements in
labour employment and welfare to differ across these countries. The digital economy is taking shape and

36
undermining conventional notions about how businesses are structured, how firms interact, and how
consumers obtain services, information, and goods. This outlook considers precisely the opportunities
and risks involved as the AMS adapts to the changes brought about by the new technology.

The emergence of OLPs is an offshoot of the digitisation effects on the economy. Hence, to examine
the impact of OLPs on employment in ASEAN economies, digitisation effects on the region’s structural
transformations must first be considered. As shown in Figure 5, digitisation expanded as the need for
simultaneous consumption and production rose. In effect, the role of labour and linkages of one economic
activity to other activities have typically improved the services sector’s potential for scale, innovation, and
spillovers. Those salient characteristics that distinguished services from manufacturing that traditionally
questioned the service sector’s potential to lead productivity growth and enable lower middle-income
countries (LMICS) to catch up were eliminated. Thus, the advent of digital technologies and the increased
tradability of services suggest rising productivity in services.

In the process, economic structure has tended to be more service-oriented. Before the emergence of the
digital economy, the potential of the services sector as an engine of growth has been constrained in three
ways:

1. This importance of face-to-face interactions constrained service providers from achieving scale by
accessing demand beyond the local market, including through international trade. This meant that
producers in lower-income countries could not exploit the rising demand for services in higher-income
countries. Unlike goods, the consumption of services cannot be detached from their production
because they cannot be stored.

2. Early descriptions of the services sector outlined the “intrinsic role of labour” as a constraint to
labour-augmenting capital accumulation and technology adoption. Baumol (1967) argued that
the productivity of many services sector activities could not be readily increased through capital
accumulation, innovation, or economies of scale because of their high labour content. Labour was
simply an incidental requisite for the attainment of the final product in manufacturing, and it was an
important end for services.

3. The potential role of spillovers applied to only a limited number of services (such as transportation
and distribution) intricately linked to the production of agricultural commodities and manufactured
goods. This point abstracts from a larger literature on spillovers that looks at broader sources of
externalities and market failures that have often resulted in the public provision of many services, such
as telecommunications, finance, education, and health care.

With the emergence of digitally enhanced services, there is now greater scope for services firms to
achieve efficiency gains through scale, labour-augmenting innovation, and backward or forward linkages
with other sectors. As will be noted later, these changes were even more observed during the COVID-19
pandemic. Consequently, employment either expands or takes on different alternative work arrangements
(AWAs). Specifically, the Internet and information technology (IT) can change the costs of offering work
arrangements, making it easier for employers to allow workers to work remotely (Oettinger, 2011) and
to provide workers with flexible schedules or schedule workers on-demand (Lambert et al., 2012). In
effect, permanent work arrangements rooted in work locations may decline in favour of alternative work
arrangements, including OLPs. The advent of OLP has allowed firms to contract on specific tasks for an
increasing number of activities. Since informal work can be coursed through the Internet, part of the
informal work can be considered by OLPs. In this framework, the main focus is how to transition informal
workers in the OLPs to formality. While OLPs can remain distinct from formal structures, workers can
establish themselves as formal individuals by obtaining necessary licenses and permits and registering for
taxes. In this way, the workers can seek support and guidance from professional associations, trade unions,
or government agencies that support freelance work.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 37
 The utilisation of digital labour platforms in each country rests on the ability to harness its resources to
take advantage of the benefits of the digital economy. Digital technology can spawn other forms of labour
arrangements besides OLPs (crowdworkers and freelancers). These include (Jesuthasan and Bourdeau,
2022):

· Exchange talent with other organisations: Build capability, perspective, and relationships by swapping/
rotating talent with entities outside your enterprise.

· Innovation partnerships: Engage start-up organisations and/or academic units for new ideas,
commercialisation, or launching new ventures.

· Co-ops/internships/apprenticeships: Use students and others who are early in their careers or are
transitioning to take on specific tasks and build a future talent pipeline.

· Non-traditional talent: Source talent from traditionally under-tapped sources such as underserved
populations, different socioeconomic groups, and differently-abled people.

· Internal talent marketplace: Offer employees flexible opportunities to take on projects or tasks beyond
their jobs to fill unmet needs.

Figure 5. Conceptual Framework

Resources
Digitalisation - Human
- Physical and Financial
Change in Economic Structure
Exogenous Factors
- COVID-19
Movements in Employment - Fourth Industrial
Revolution

Labour Market Participation

Formal Sector Informal Sector

Permanent AWAs OLPS

Source: Authors’ compilation

Unlike these alternative work arrangements, OLP work rarely serves as a substantial and primary source
of income for individuals (Collins et al., 2019). For workers, the main advantage of these contracts is
the feature that allows workers occasional moonlighting and smoothing of income, although income is
often variable even for non-gig jobs (Mas and Pallais, 2020). Farrell and Greig (2016) find a high degree of
turnover in participants of online labour platforms, which may come about due to changes in their outside
options. Its benefit is to favour employers as Internet and IT advancements reduced the costs of offering
work arrangements.

In recent years, given the relatively low barriers to entry and participation in online labour markets and
the sudden lack of traditional employment opportunities, many individuals might seek work online, at
least in the short term. However, because this online work lacks fringe benefits, such as health insurance,
and because it does not offer long-term job security, workers may ultimately choose to return to the
conventional offline labour markets once new employment opportunities in the local economy can be
identified (Manyika et al., 2016).

38
In assessing the relevance of OLPs in ASEAN, the crucial question is the number of jobs that online labour
platforms have produced. It is feasible that unemployment can be unaffected despite increases in platform
work. If labour force participation remains constant, increases in platform work can simply transform
existing jobs into non-standard forms. Platforms offer traditional firms new ways to outsource a variety
of tasks, which improve the organisational performance of the firm, but at the same time, exacerbate the
working conditions, reduce the regularity of work and income, and restrict access to social protection,
freedom of association, and collective bargaining rights. Meanwhile, if labour force participation increases,
as in the case of women, then online labour platforms can be an alternative source of jobs that reduces
unemployment. Nevertheless, the question of how much these emerging job platforms can absorb these
new labour entrants remains.

The research will cover several underlying issues that have emerged because of the shifting job arrangements
made feasible by digital technology. The first issue is how much of the existing types of work can be
transformed into its digital equivalent. If broad categories of jobs are displaced by digital automation in a
short timeframe (e.g. less than ten years), this could lead to both political and economic disruption. While
new forms of work are not created, the question is how much work is now being shifted into alternative or
informal arrangements that can result in greater worker vulnerability. The estimates can vary widely from
predictions of an immediate overdependence on capital in the coming years to a potentially challenging
transition over a longer period (i.e. a transition towards more decent labour outcomes). In that latter case,
if some aspects of jobs are automated over several decades, and the jobs are consequently reconfigured
and transformed, then a challenging but more conventional and inclusive economic transition from low-
productivity to high-productivity sectors can be observed.

The second issue is the sustainability of the work arrangements created by the platform economy. More
specifically, the COVID-19 situation has accelerated the use of the platforms, magnifying the economies
of scale, network effects, and the presence of asymmetries in favour of platforms. At the same time, the
Fourth Industrial Revolution is currently pushing more automation into different sectors. Given these
external factors, what key policies can make the platform work sustainable? For higher-income countries
that have expanded their service sector and have developed other AWAs, several attenuating factors can
affect the relationship between digital platforms and unemployment. However, for other countries that
have not kept pace with the alternative work arrangements or have not expanded their services sectors,
workers have sought opportunities in OLPs originating from other countries. OLPs allow individual workers
to engage in offshore contracts without the benefit of established institutions often affected by negative
country reputations (Lehdonvirta et al., 2019).

The third issue is the impact of greater flexibility in terms of work arrangements allowed by the platform
economy on women in crowdwork. Several questions then surface: Will increasing women’s labour force
participation result in greater platform involvement? Will the participation of women in these arrangements
lead to lower gender disparity in employment and earnings? How will this affect the labour market in terms
of diversity and inclusivity?

The fourth issue is the degree of market power possessed by OLPs, given the high market shares of several
platforms. Crucial in this matter are the network effects that distinguish platforms from other business
models (Evans, 2016). The more people use a platform, the more attractive the platform becomes to
potential new users. A dynamic is created that triggers a self-reinforcing cycle of growth. There are two
kinds of network effects: (i) direct network effects, where more users attract more users on the same side
of the platform, and (ii) indirect network effects, where more users on one side of the platform attract
more users on the other. The challenge is promoting a competitive business environment in the platform
economy while allowing for more social protection for the workers18. Understanding the network effects
within each country and among AMS may be important in understanding regulations. The difference in
regulatory regimes for online and offline services can sometimes lead to unfair market competition for
workers and users. Therefore, it is important to examine two essential questions: How can a level playing
field be achieved? And what rules will promote fair competition?

18- The main issue is whether labour market exists because of larger market networks. If this is the case, then direct government
regulations on these networks can be justified.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 39
 The fifth issue relates to the transition from an informal to a formal status of workers assuming platform
work can lead to job creation and income generation. This pertains especially to platform workers’ access to
social protection and benefits. As platform workers do not operate within traditional employee-employer
relations, the responsibility and contribution of employers to workers’ social security become unclear. Because
platform work is not considered regular employment, there is no regulation regarding remuneration - even
though platforms exercise considerable control over workers’ earnings (ASEAN Secretariat, 2020). Platforms
for on-demand work can be compelled to comply with national labour laws because these platforms use
the country’s physical infrastructure to conduct their businesses. However, platforms for crowdwork, where
transactions cross borders, present a challenge to decent and fair work since national labour laws no
longer apply. Related to this issue is the reinforcement of gender disparity in access to social protection.
Initial evidence indicates two common themes in crowdwork: 1) the platform provides no social protection
although workers can be covered by their formal job, and 2) Flexibility is a defining feature that draws
women to the platform since platform work provides them economic opportunities while performing care
work (e.g. childcare and elderly care) and housework. Given that a sizeable portion of women are not
participating in the labour force, ranging between 48-79% in the AMS (ASEAN 2020), and their increasing
attraction to platform work, how can the AMS prevent more labour disruptions, reduce gender disparities,
and improve social protection coverage and training and skills development as well?

The fourth and fifth issues are related. Both price setting and the creation of other mandates regarding
labour protection “often turn on political decisions about levels of service and the rate of return to capital
needed to provide those services” (Carlton and Picker, 2014). This reality suggests a plethora of challenges
resulting from platform market power. Answers to these issues will require a range of regulatory analyses
and, importantly, better integration between traditional antitrust law approaches, social protection
measures, and cross-country arrangements.

3.2. Relevance to ASEAN

Based on the framework in Figure 5, this section looks at the region’s macroeconomic and labour market
trends to understand the conditions created by the digital economy and the likelihood of engaging in
the labour platforms. As the output and employment of the region shift towards the service sectors, it is
argued that digitisation and the utilisation of OLPs for job creation may become prominent.

3.2.1. Macroeconomic trends

ASEAN is comprised of countries at various stages of development. Using the Gross Domestic Product
(GDP) per capita, one can categorise these countries into three main groups: (a) lower-income countries
consisting of Cambodia and Myanmar; (b) middle-income countries composed of Indonesia, Lao PDR, the
Philippines, and Viet Nam; and (c) higher-income countries comprised of Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia,
Singapore, and Thailand19. These categories, based on GDP per capita, can be seen in Table 4. Apart from
the similarities in GDP per capita within these groups, there are also similarities in growth rates. Higher-
income countries, on average, have lower GDP growth rates because of their higher baseline incomes.

19- The goal of the income ranking is to infer the impact of incomes on the variables to be considered and to reflect the income
standing of a country in relation to its ASEAN counterparts. To achieve this, the ranking is based on the median income in
2021 for the AMS, which is arguably a more relevant reference point than some fixed absolute level of real income. Countries
with GDP per capita below US$3,000 than the median is considered a lower-level income country. Those whose GDP per
capita is within US$3,000 is considered middle income while countries with a GDP per income larger than US$3,000 are
considered higher income.

40
Table 4. GDP per capita (PPP Current International US$) and average GDP growth rates in ASEAN, 2011-2020

Average GDP per Capita Average GDP growth

Country 2011-2015 2016-2019 2020 2011-2015 2016-2019 2020

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 3,019.90 4,109.30 4,421.50 7.17 7.11 -3.15

Myanmar 3,733.90 4,442.80 5,123.80 6.68 7.35 3.17

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 5,264.80 7,524.20 8,239.20 7.79 6.41 0.5

The Philippines 6,584.90 8,459.20 8,389.80 6.04 6.64 -9.57

Viet Nam 5,354.50 7,469.40 8,650.10 5.91 6.78 2.91

Indonesia 9,880.50 11,346.60 12,072.70 5.53 5.07 -2.07

Higher-income countries

Thailand 15,020.10 17,950.80 18,232.80 2.98 3.52 -6.1

Malaysia 23,515.60 27,517.60 27,923.70 5.31 4.89 -5.65

Brunei Darussalam 79,976.30 60,963.80 65,612.70 -0.07 0.69 1.13

Singapore 83,303.40 96,980.60 98,520.00 4.51 3.17 -5.39

Source: World Bank (2022)

In the past decade or so, Southeast Asia has been characterised by dramatic growth. This has been
continued by countries that seemed to have started late in their development. Table 4 shows Cambodia,
Lao PDR, Myanmar, the Philippines, and Viet Nam have achieved impressive growth rates in Gross Domestic
Product (GDP) from 2011-2019.

The effect of COVID-19 on the AMS has been widespread, even in higher-income countries. The worst hit
were the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore. Other countries like Myanmar and Viet Nam have
somehow remained unscathed, registering positive though modest growth rates. The effect of COVID-19
depends to a large extent on the governments’ response to the pandemic. The more stringent measures
that effectively reduced the infections in the Philippines and Thailand involved full-scale lockdowns, which
may have reduced growth rates in these countries.

One significant factor affecting the GDP growth rates is gross capital formation (GCF), defined as additions
to fixed assets and inventories or investments put in place. On average, a positive relationship exists
between the GCF and GDP growth (Mankiw, et al., 1992). Because growth rates are higher in lower-income
countries, an increase in GCF indicates an increase in the productive capacity of an economy, thus resulting
in growth. The effect of the GCF on labour employment may, however, be ambiguous. There can be a
capacity-enhancing effect that leads to greater demand and productivity of labour. But there is also a
substitution effect (Petrucci and Phelps, 2005) where the increase in capital can result in labour-saving and
thus less employment. For higher-income countries, a lower GCF can mean that labour is a crucial source of
growth, but for lower and middle-income countries, a higher GCF can result in more labour-using activities
as growth is achieved.

Table 5 shows the GCF of each AMS as a percentage of GDP. Except for relatively higher-income countries,
like Singapore and Thailand, where growth rates are relatively lower, the AMS maintained or increased this
ratio from 2011-2019, before the pandemic. However, several countries, including Malaysia, Singapore,
and the Philippines, experienced declines in the percentage share of GCF in GDP because of lockdowns
during the pandemic.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 41
 Table 5. Average Gross Capital Formation, % of GDP, 2011-2020

2011-2015 2016-2019 2020

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 20.03 23.15 24.9

Myanmar 30.31 32.76 29.7

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 30.52 30.28 ..

The Philippines 20.64 25.01 17.4

Viet Nam 27.64 26.84 27

Indonesia 34.11 34 32.4

Higher-income countries

Thailand 25.71 23.06 23.9

Malaysia 25.06 24.38 19.7

Brunei Darussalam 32.24 36.88 40.6

Singapore 28.14 25.76 22.6

Source: World Bank (2022)

Given the limits of capital formation in determining economic performance, another way of assessing the
economy’s capacity is through the quality of its labour resources. The Human Development Index (HDI),
measured by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), is a composite of factors related to
human development, such as life expectancy, expected years of schooling, mean years of schooling, and
Gross National Income (GNI) per capita. These components are considered factors of three dimensions of
human development (i.e. health, education, and a decent standard of living). Table 6 shows the Human
Development Index for AMS in selected years. The higher-income countries are in the top 100 UNDP
rankings, while lower- and middle-income countries are above 100. Note that Singapore, which has a lower
GCF, achieved the highest HDI, while Lao PDR, which recorded a relatively high GCF, has a comparatively
lower HDI. Greater capital formation does not necessarily relate to a higher human development index.

The country’s development path depends fundamentally on its ability to undertake structural transformation,
i.e. transitioning from a low-productivity sector to a higher one. Table 7 shows the percentage output share
of three main sectors: agriculture, manufacturing, and services. In general, agricultural share diminishes as
income increases. This can be traced to two factors: (1) the low price and income elasticity of agricultural
products at higher levels of income and (2) the existence of a dominant fixed factor, land, in agricultural
production, which restricts the capacity of the agricultural sector to absorb labour with a growing population
(Foster and Rosenzweig, 2008). The first factor indicates that demand for agricultural products tends to be
constant regardless of price and income changes as an economy reaches a higher income level. In contrast,
the second factor explains the selective exit of educated and skilled workers from agriculture to other
economic activities as the country’s income and human capital improve.

Historical evidence shows that the manufacturing sector can increase productivity and create large-scale
job creation, especially for the unskilled. Manufacturing has distinct advantages: the effects of economies
of scale, access to international markets, innovation, and supply chain linkages with other sectors (Nayyar
et al., 2021). Thus, employment and outputs are expected to shift from agriculture to manufacturing.

42
Table 6. Human Development Index, selected years

2010 2013 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 Rank in 2019

Lower-income countries
Cambodia 0.539 0.559 0.57 0.576 0.582 0.585 0.594 144

Myanmar 0.515 0.543 0.557 0.563 0.572 0.579 0.583 147

Middle-income countries
Lao PDR 0.552 0.582 0.598 0.605 0.608 0.609 0.613 137

The Philippines 0.671 0.691 0.701 0.704 0.708 0.711 0.718 107

Viet Nam 0.661 0.681 0.688 0.693 0.696 0.7 0.704 117

Indonesia 0.665 0.687 0.695 0.703 0.707 0.712 0.718 107

Higher-income countries
Thailand 0.724 0.734 0.749 0.756 0.765 0.772 0.777 79

Malaysia 0.772 0.785 0.796 0.8 0.805 0.805 0.81 62

Brunei Darussalam 0.827 0.839 0.838 0.839 0.838 0.836 0.838 47

Singapore 0.909 0.921 0.931 0.935 0.933 0.936 0.938 11

Source: UNDP (2022)

Note: The highest value of the HDI is 1 and is based on the geometric mean of the three factors, life expectancy,
education, and GDP per capita.

Manufacturing in ASEAN grew in the 1990s, explaining much of the region’s dynamism. Singapore, Malaysia,
Thailand, and Indonesia have emerged as significant industrial powers. This can be explained by factors
that similarly underlie high economic growth rates: sound macroeconomic management, international
orientation, observance of property rights and judicial independence, and investments in human capital and
physical infrastructure (Hill, 1997). Massive foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows into the manufacturing
sector and increased trade helped drive this rapid growth.

Table 7. Average share of GDP by economic activity (in %)

Agriculture Manufacturing Services

2011-2015 2016-2019 2020 2011-1015 2016-2019 2020 2011-2015 2016-2019 2020
Lower-income countries

Cambodia 31.03 22.71 22.38 15.43 16.2 16.43 38.66 39.49 36.6

Myanmar 30.39 24 21.98 22.89 21.64 22.28 49.77 52.89 54.77

Middle-income countries
Lao PDR 18.54 16.08 16.21 8.94 7.56 7.62 42.55 41.99 40.73

The Philippines 12.59 9.72 10.19 20.79 19.18 17.67 56.41 59.96 61.42

Viet Nam 18.29 15.08 14.85 13.37 15.52 16.7 38.3 41.24 41.63

Indonesia 13.41 13.04 13.7 21.26 20.06 19.88 41.71 43.72 44.4
Higher-income countries
Thailand 10.68 8.3 8.63 27.9 26.63 25.24 52.29 56.96 58.27

Malaysia 9.5 7.95 8.2 20 23.32 .. 37.36 39.98 41.77

Brunei 0.78 1.07 1.22 16.04 12.95 15.77 31.83 39.84 41.45
Darussalam

Singapore 0.03 0.03 0.03 18.49 19.12 20.54 69.86 70.22 70.95
Source: World Bank (2022)
ASEAN Employment Outlook
The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 43
 However, as indicated in Table 7, the output share of services grew at a much higher rate as the agricultural
output share declined rapidly. This reflects faster growth in services relative to manufacturing. In effect,
countries gradually shift from agriculture to services, as manufacturing has remained constant.

Table 8. Average share of merchandise trade in GDP (in %)

2011-2015 2016-2019 2020

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 124.34 125.05 123.81

Myanmar 28.89 59.52 54.47

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 94.58 75.09 ..

The Philippines 58.21 67.74 58.17

Viet Nam 166.57 201.22 208.25

Indonesia 47.68 39.32 33.19

Higher-income countries

Thailand 133.11 117.99 97.99

Malaysia 143.04 128.36 116.43

Brunei Darussalam 101.69 93.73 110.29

Singapore 361.06 316.98 320.56

Source: World Bank (2022)

One explanation is trade. Table 8 shows AMS average share of merchandise trade in GDP. In this case,
China’s trade has been so dominant that other counties have found it difficult to enter the global markets
(Nayyar et al., 2021). Other lower-income countries cannot break into lower-quality and lower-priced
products that China dominates. Other countries can trade only in high-quality products, such as Singapore,
or raw materials and natural gas, such as Myanmar. In addition, the trade war between the USA and PRC
resulted in higher tariffs, which resulted in lower demand for products in both countries and then affected
the export markets of Southeast Asia, particularly Thailand (Fajgelbaum and Khandelwal, 2022).

Figure 6 shows the trade growth in ASEAN region’s services, merchandise, and ICT services. Note that
merchandise growth is slowly being overwhelmed by services. This is partly driven by trade through ICT.
This pattern was only broken during the pandemic, which resulted in an expected decline in all sectors. The
significant decline in services in this period thus justifies adopting the service sector as the path towards
recovery.

44
Figure 6. Annual growth rates of ASEAN trade in services, merchandise, and ICT services, 2011-2020

40,00

30,00

20,00

10,00

0,00

-10,00 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020

-20,00

-30,00
Services Merchandise ICT
-40,00

Source: United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)

Apart from trade, another trend favouring services is the amount of foreign direct investments in services
(Figure 7). The foreign investments in financial and insurance activities have kept pace with the investments
in manufacturing and are noted to be more stable, especially during the pandemic. While investments in
manufacturing seem erratic, investment in wholesale and retail trade is steadily growing.

Figure 7. ASEAN Foreign Direct Investments in manufacturing and key service subsectors, 2015- 2020

80000,00

60000,00

40000,00

20000,00

0,00
2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020

Manufacturing
Wholesale and retail trade; repair of motor vehicles and motor cycles
Financial and Insurance activities

Source: ASEAN (2022)

Table 9 shows a better description of these movements in terms of changes in the share of services trade
to the GDP. Lower-income countries such as Myanmar, the Philippines, and Cambodia have improved trade
in services from 2016-2019 as the country is shifting away from agriculture. However, even in the case of
higher-income countries, Thailand, and Singapore, a growing share of services in GDP can be found. While
services require a more educated workforce, the expansion of services is noted to be viable for both higher-
and lower-income countries. The impact of COVID-19 on the economies can also be noted in the decline
in the services share in the GDP.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 45
 Table 9. Average share of services trade to GDP (in %)

2011-2015 2016-2019 2020

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 32.93 33.66 14.69

Myanmar 6.23 12.12 ..

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 12.93 11.98 4.14

The Philippines 14.60 18.29 13.77

Viet Nam 14.39 13.73 9.40

Indonesia 6.16 6.11 3.76

Higher-income countries

Thailand 23.71 25.81 15.65

Malaysia 26.13 24.23 16.45

Brunei Darussalam 15.65 16.93 12.97

Singapore 92.74 105.11 121.62

Source: World Bank (2020)

For lower-income countries, the declining manufacturing trade share and decreased demand in terms of
investment and output may reflect the phenomenon of “premature deindustrialisation”, which had been
observed in the higher and lower-income economies outside of ASEAN. This indicates the diminishing
industrial opportunities sooner and at much lower income levels compared to the previous experience of
industrialisation in most developed countries. Rodrik (2016) hypothesised that, for lower-income countries,
the decline in industrialisation could be attributed to unskilled labour-saving technologies, making it more
expensive to raise industries. However, for lower-income countries, the problem can be seen in their
inability to provide globally competitive industrialisation, resulting in lower relative prices for manufactured
goods and thus creating disincentives for further trade and industrialisation. Lower-income countries
experiencing deindustrialisation thus lose the opportunity to expand production and employment
opportunities previously found in more industrialised countries.

However, for higher-income economies like Singapore, Brunei Darussalam, and Malaysia, deindustrialisation
is principally the result of initially higher productivity in manufacturing than in services (Rowthorn and
Ramaswamy, 1997). The pattern of trade specialisation among the advanced economies explains why
some countries deindustrialise faster than others. The spillover effect of these industries thus led to the
expanded service sector.

In short, this discussion points to the need for greater digitisation transformation as a precondition for
growth and the change in labour market arrangements for all AMS. The growth in the service sector is
attributed to digital transformation, which is associated with the increasing prominence of online platforms
in the medium- to long-term. This can be noted in both lower-and higher-income countries in ASEAN and
the rest of the world (see UNCTAD, 2022, for latest evidence). Two reasons can be cited for this correlation.
First, the role of services in structural transformation for lower-income countries has been noted in the
production of goods. The service sector facilitates production and exports throughout productive processes,
especially in back-office activities (quality control and engineering services) and in the establishment, pre-
production, post-production, and after-sales stages (UNCTAD, 2017). Hence, for lower-income countries,
whose trade in goods has particularly been reduced in the past decade, enhancing the service sector can
improve export competitiveness and increase the tradability of services, especially when the value added
of services is traded in combination with the value added of tradable goods.

46
This involves blurring the service and manufacturing sectors by providing intermediate inputs from
the service sector that can serve as catalysts for enhanced efficiency, productivity, and competitiveness
of all sectors. Expanding the use of digital technologies can offer changes within the service sector so
that innovation can affect all sectors. The service sector can create opportunities for many firms to join
export value chains, including microenterprises and the informal sectors. Incorporating ICT services into
agricultural and manufacturing exports through improved wholesale and retail trade and business services
can be pursued.

Second, for the higher-income AMS, the acceleration of digital technologies offers new opportunities for
increasing scale and innovation in the service sector. The idea is to improve the new ICT features, further
enhancing previously experienced spillover effects (Nayar et al., 2021). These features include (a) scale
economies through access to international markets, (b) capital and investing in technologies for labour-
augmenting innovation, such as data and research centres whose fixed costs are high but diminish rapidly
through scale, and (c) creating spillover effects by raising service trade and using services as inputs in
production and export of goods (Nayar et al., 2021). These have implications for jobs which we examine in
the next section.

3.2.2. Labour market trends

The disruption of COVID-19 on the labour market can be seen in Figure 8, which presents the total
unemployed workers in ASEAN from 2011-2019. The lockdowns and other measures during the pandemic
have increased the number of jobless. Before this period, however, the unemployed workers gradually
decreased over time, and the magnitude has been limited to middle-income and higher-income countries
like Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Viet Nam. It is crucial to note that lower-income
countries have higher but mostly informal and low-productivity employment. The relatively higher-income
countries may have higher unemployment, but the magnitude is not significant enough to be a perceptible
number in the graph.

These macroeconomic trends mirror, to some extent, the sectoral movements in output. Table 10 shows
each country’s sectoral percentage of labour to total employment. For the years before the pandemic, all
economies, except for Brunei Darussalam, shifted labour from agriculture to industry and services. However,
a disproportionately higher share can be observed in services than in manufacturing. For relatively higher-
income countries such as Malaysia and Thailand, the increasing share of services indicates a shift in the
mix of skills needed in the labour market. In the case of lower-income countries, the movements towards
services can be accompanied by increases in the informal sector.

Figure 8. Number of unemployed in ASEAN, 2010-2022 (in Thousands)

8000

6000

4000

2000

0
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022

Brunei Darussalam Cambodia Indonesia

Lao People’s Democratic Republic Malaysia Myanmar
The Philippines Singapore Thailand
Viet Nam

Source: ILO (2022)

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 47
 Two points are important. First, the service sector emphasises the importance of human capital, which
must first be developed to facilitate the dynamic ability of the services sector to absorb surplus labour
from agriculture (Buera and Kaboski, 2012). Turning an agricultural worker into a garment worker in
manufacturing will necessitate a substantial amount of physical capital but not as much human capital as
transforming the agricultural worker into a software engineer in services. Second, while services may seem
to be on the rise, there is a need to categorise different forms of services. One type is low-productivity
service, which does not result in substantial spillovers in the other sectors. These are observed in the
Philippines and Indonesia, where services have a larger share of employment but are accompanied by a
relatively lower increase in manufacturing share. Another type of service creates the conditions for the two
other sectors to be productive and efficient. It creates the needed economies in scope, which reduces the
costs of inputs in the industrial sector.

Table 10. Average employment shares by economic activity (in percentage), 2011-2019

Agriculture Manufacturing Services

2011-2015 2016-2019 2011-2015 2016-2019 2011-2015 2016-2019

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 49.51 36.66 14.88 16.22 30.02 36.79

Myanmar 52.33 49.70 10.87 10.54 31.08 33.67

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 67.82 63.00 . 5.07 22.15 24.77

The Philippines 31.06 24.83 8.29 8.57 53.28 56.74

Viet Nam 46.54 39.47 14.35 18.04 31.88 34.37

Indonesia 35.06 30.15 13.45 14.10 43.84 47.75

Higher-income countries

Thailand 38.17 31.55 14.90 16.45 40.51 45.41

Malaysia 12.58 10.87 15.31 17.24 59.58 61.82

Brunei
Darussalam 0.63 1.36 3.65 4.05 80.76 80.19

Singapore 0.09 0.05 13.07 10.18 80.67 83.74

Source: Author’s calculations based on ILOSTAT (2022), accessed on November 2022.

Table 11, which presents the change in employment by economic activity, shows further evidence of
deindustrialisation within ASEAN. Except for Brunei Darussalam and Lao PDR, which are in the process
of economic diversification, increases in employment in services are greater than in industry. For lower-
income countries such as Cambodia and middle-income countries such as the Philippines, Indonesia, and
Viet Nam, substantial decreases in agricultural employment can be observed. Simultaneously, the rise in
employment shares in manufacturing and the greater increase in services compared to the previous period
suggests that the employment shifts in manufacturing and service are complementary. Enhancing services
can thus be the path towards raising industry output and employing lower-skilled workers.

Table A2 in the Annex shows the composition of employment by gender in each economic activity. In
the countries where employment has recently shifted out of agriculture from 2011 to 2015, such as the
Philippines, Thailand, and Viet Nam, the share of females was greater than the males in the services sector.
From 2016-2019, as the employment share of the service sector increased, the same countries had a greater
share of females employed in services. This points to the relevance of the service sector in providing jobs to
women and other vulnerable groups.

48
Table 11. Growth rates in employment by major economic activities, 2011-2019

2011-2015 2016-2019

Agriculture Industry Services Total Agriculture Industry Services Total

Lower-income countries

Cambodia -4.79 10.57 5.26 1.04 -2.74 5.27 6.17 2.32

Myanmar 0.32 1.18 1.67 0.88 -2.05 -0.23 1.38 -0.67

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 0.73 8.36 5.54 2.48 0.37 6.28 4.32 2.02

The Philippines -0.10 2.94 3.59 2.32 -4.66 5.65 3.07 1.44

Viet Nam -0.52 2.49 3.87 1.49 -3.42 5.57 2.27 0.71

Indonesia -1.63 5.25 3.02 1.75 -1.32 2.77 4.75 2.40

Higher-income countries

Thailand -2.77 2.96 1.53 0.01 -0.83 -1.09 0.75 -0.20

Malaysia 2.53 3.56 3.93 3.60 -2.92 1.39 3.03 1.88

Brunei Darussalam 4.05 -0.32 1.79 1.40 35.01 6.18 -0.03 1.35

Singapore -4.11 -1.66 4.04 2.87 -16.99 -1.88 1.46 0.89

Source: ILO (2022)

Table 12 provides the average labour force participation (LFP) rates by sex of the AMS across the three-year
periods considered in the study. The higher labour force participation (LFP) rates in lower-income countries
indicate the value of increasing employment opportunities, particularly in manufacturing, where the demand
for relatively unskilled labour is relatively high. The relationship between LFP and development is complex
and reflects changes in the pattern of economic growth, educational attainment, fertility rates, social norms,
and other factors. Lower-income countries are expected to have high LFP rates since employment is one of
the avenues to move out of poverty. This can be seen in the case of Cambodia, Lao PDR, and Viet Nam. The
Philippines and Indonesia have the lowest level of LFP rates because of the low LFP rates of women. This
can be attributed to households’ attitudes regarding the allocation/bargaining of housework in the family
(Bayudan-Dacuycuy, 2019). Another possibility is the weakness of institutions to provide decent conditions
for local employment activities causing women in the short-term to reduce their work participation or to
look for work abroad (Lanzona, 2022). The declines in LFPR due to the pandemic can also be attributed to
weak institutional support, which could have led to severe lockdowns in developing countries. Institutional
weaknesses in lower-income countries can hinder labor markets’ role in raising and distributing incomes
(ADB, 2021b; Lanzona, 2022).

While structural factors may influence LFP, the absence of robust labour conditions due to deindustrialisation
may have reduced the LFP for males and females in all countries, except for the slight improvements
in higher-income countries, such as Malaysia and Singapore. Even before the onset of COVID-19, the
participation of working-age individuals has waned. This may be seen as the symptom of deindustrialisation,
which has affected lower-income countries. The only way to compete in industries is for these countries to
engage in labour-saving industry processes.

Furthermore, this deindustrialisation made services the remaining option because the type of skills needed
in services can vary. Services can be classified into sub-sectors: low-skill tradable services, high-skill global
innovator services, skill-intensive social services, and low-skill domestic services. Given the country’s skill
level, there is enough variation for moving into services, thus making it feasible to move from agriculture
to services. However, workers in highly skilled services are better compensated and contribute more to
production.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 49
 Table 12. Average labour force participation rates by Sex, 2011-2021

2011-2015 2016-2019 2020-2021

Female Male Total Female Male Total Female Male Total

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 75.57 85.45 80.26 74.49 84.60 79.33 72.06 82.83 77.23

Myanmar 52.43 77.58 64.36 46.61 72.31 58.82 40.78 65.80 52.66

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 74.38 76.00 75.15 73.20 74.37 73.77 71.92 73.13 72.50

The Philippines 45.33 70.49 57.90 42.41 67.81 55.08 39.65 62.16 50.87

Viet Nam 67.90 76.98 72.39 66.23 75.70 70.91 64.18 73.65 68.87

Indonesia 47.69 76.76 62.24 49.09 75.97 62.57 50.17 75.55 62.90

Higher-income countries

Thailand 56.03 72.64 64.16 52.54 68.90 60.52 51.55 67.09 59.12

Malaysia 45.10 71.56 58.74 47.58 71.06 59.65 47.73 71.29 59.83

Brunei Darussalam 52.03 67.23 59.93 51.02 64.54 58.07 48.54 65.59 57.40

Singapore 54.41 68.62 61.85 55.91 68.83 62.69 53.43 66.68 60.38
Source: ILO (2022)

In the case of women, gender gaps were larger in the past in most AMS, particularly in primary education.
Despite recent progress, however, barriers to education continue to persist, especially for those belonging
to marginalised groups. Data show that ethnic minority and rural women with limited infrastructure access
are less likely to complete higher education (ASEAN, 2007; Duerto, et al., 2021). Available data also indicate
that less educated women are inclined to early marriage and become adolescent mothers. This, in turn,
resulted in non-participation in the labour market and decreased bargaining power in family decisions,
including matters about their health (Duerto, et al., 2021).

Table 13 shows the distribution of workers by education from 2011 to 2019. The following points are
noteworthy. First, lower- and middle-income countries have a relatively high share of workers attaining at
most basic education, but from 2016 to 2019, significant reforms in education have resulted in more or less
doubling the share of advanced education. Second, middle-income countries have lower shares in less than
basic and basic education than lower-income countries. Third, higher-income countries have a higher share
of intermediate and advanced education than other countries.

Finally, higher-income countries are more likely to transition from agriculture and industry to higher
productivity sectors because of higher education. The heterogeneity of the service can allow any country
to move to the service sector. However, while countries may transfer to services, this shift can cause income
disparity among the AMS as certain countries do not have the resources to transition.

The persistence of unemployment can be traced to the continued high unemployment rates of vulnerable
populations, such as women and the youth, along with the potential threat of declining formal social
protection provisions, making it necessary for workers to look for supplementary means of income. The
average unemployment rates by age and sex are seen in Table A3 in the Annex. The following points are
important. First, as seen in Panel A, middle- and higher-income countries, like the Philippines, Indonesia,
Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam, and Singapore, tended to have much larger unemployment rates than lower-
income countries, like Cambodia and Myanmar20. This phenomenon has been attributed to the fact that

20- Countries are listed by income level, as shown in the previous section, to highlight the importance of income as the country
develops.

50
as modern-sector productivity rises in middle-income countries, greater numbers of lower-skilled workers
are drawn into the modern sector. This raises overall unemployment as more workers search for jobs, with
some unemployed for longer periods. In lower-income countries, skills and education are generally low. As
seen in Table 13, workers are willing to accept jobs in informal and low-productivity markets. Most higher-
skilled workers are already in the modern sector and searching for jobs in lower-income economies. As
modern-sector productivity grows, the less skilled workers switch sectors, and their unemployment rate
rises faster.

Table 13. Average distribution of the workers by educational attainment (in %), 2011-2019

Not Stated Less than Basic Basic Intermediate Advanced

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 17.49 31.75 41.97 8.23 4.45

Myanmar 18.22 19.68 43.88 12.40 9.46

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 5.57 22.26 51.43 13.73 7.02

The Philippines 0.00 1.81 54.37 20.21 26.56

Viet Nam 0.52 16.01 52.10 21.66 9.71

Indonesia 0.00 17.33 47.60 26.35 8.72

Upper-income countries

Thailand 0.56 29.60 38.13 19.62 12.09

Malaysia 0.00 3.67 30.95 42.52 22.86

Brunei Darussalam 3.20 7.44 20.46 53.76 17.06

Singapore 0.00 14.58 15.93 29.02 40.46

Source: ILO (2022)

Second, female workers in any age group seem to have a higher unemployment rate than their male
counterparts. This is surprising since women have lower LFP rates (Table 12). Traditionally, women, however,
look for temporary and irregular jobs. However, it can be noted that for the older population (aged 25 and
more), the difference in unemployment between males and females declined. This seems to imply that
job-specific training for women in all AMS can significantly affect their chances of employment.

Third, workers aged 15 to 24 all seem to have higher unemployment rates than their older counterparts.
The limited skills and experience explain the younger population’s difficulties in securing employment.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 51
 3.3. COVID-19 and the new normal
Since 11 March 2020, when the World Health Organisation (WHO) defined the new coronavirus as a global
pandemic, the virus has infected millions of people and killed hundreds of thousands across 210 countries.
In Southeast Asia, on October 17, 2020, the AMS confirmed at least 869,515 cases and 21,076 deaths.
However, this figure may be considerably higher due to the large number of unreported or undiagnosed
cases, especially in developing countries with fragile medical systems (ADB, 2022c). As of August 2020,
Indonesia has the highest fatality ratio as a percentage of its population (4.56), while Singapore has the
lowest death rate in the region (0.05)21.

Except for Singapore, which has the highest services share among all AMS, the pandemic weakened the
service sector (see Figure 4). This resulted from the lockdowns that the governments imposed during
this period. At the same time, given the decline in services activities, workers have resorted to increased
activities in digital labour platforms. The transportation and delivery platforms specifically played a key
role in providing essential services to consumers during the lockdowns, as people were restricted to their
homes across the globe. These services were increasingly vital for those in quarantine while providing an
important option to those particularly vulnerable to COVID-19 to access food, groceries, goods, and medical
services. The workers providing such services also played an important role in connecting consumers with
enterprises, including Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), and contributed to meeting demands and
ensuring business continuity. Because no data is available on the number of workers engaged in these
platforms, it is difficult to estimate their size. Still, in most countries, these workers were declared part of
the “emergency or frontline services’’ during the COVID-19 lockdown.

Furthermore, except for Viet Nam, all countries in the region in 2020 experienced declines in economic
growth rates (see Table 4). During the same period, the industry share in output declined as the services
seemed to have slightly increased (Table 6). Despite these difficulties, services greatly increased their GDP
share in 2020.

A more detailed account of the impact of COVID can be seen in Table 14. The hardest-hit sectors in 2020
in terms of sector growth were mostly services, particularly accommodations, transport and storage,
wholesale and retail, and education. However, the industry sectors affected in 2020 were construction,
mining and quarrying, and manufacturing. The rise in the information and communication and financial
services sectors thus resulted in a slightly higher share of services in the GDP.

The global labour market outlook has deteriorated at a lower rate than expected; a return to pre-pandemic
performance is likely to remain elusive for much of the world over the coming years. According to a 2021
UN report, the COVID crisis is expected to push global unemployment to over 200 million workers. The
economic recovery, which started in 2021, may have been led by increased growth in agriculture as the
unemployed workers emerging from the decline of tourism and construction were absorbed in this sector.
Manufacturing also grew because of the partial opening of the global economy, which increased external
demand. This coincides with the decline of Chinese manufacturing due to extended lockdowns. Finally, the
continued growth in the ICT sector dependent on digital transformation resulted in the widespread use of
OLPs, indicating substantial interest in these new arrangements.22 The increased use of the digital economy
has proven to be quite effective in countering the negative effects of the pandemic.

Information technology (IT) offered the medical and economic benefits of the right to information access;
moreover, IT was the only way out during the lockdown and social distancing, compensating for economic

21- ASEAN BioDiaspora Virtual Center (ABVP) regularly issues situational reports on COVID-19 developments including vaccine
updates in ASEAN region. The cases of infections have declined since 2021, and ASEAN Member States have ramped up
their efforts with a view to achieve full vaccination by 2022. In ABVP’s situational report issued last November 21, 2022, there
were more than 35 million confirmed cases of COVID-19 reported in the region. The case fatality rate among ASEAN Member
States ranged from 0.1 to 3.1%, and the fully vaccinated rate ranged from 62 to 99% (ASEAN BioDiaspora Virtual Center,
2022).
22- The growth in the use of OLPs is expected to grow higher even in the post-pandemic (ADB, 2022c). While the high growth
during the pandemic and earlier can have base effects because these engagements have been almost nil at the beginning, the
increasing interest of ASEAN on these platforms is noted to have been sustained.

52
and business losses. Table A21 in the Annex shows examples of the highly integrated digital solutions used
by the private (through Business to Consumer apps) and public (through Government apps) sectors to offer
advice, information, and reports on the COVID situation.

Its economic benefits in such a situation are widespread, including fast communication and novel
compensating methods. AI-assisted virtual assistants, chatbots, and information centres help the health
sector diagnose and test for COVID-19 and play a vital role in maintaining social distancing to stop the
spread. Hence, the pandemic accelerated the digital transformation already in place before 2020. One
would then expect that future movements in the region’s structural transformation would be dependent
on its digital transformation.

Despite the steady recovery, the pandemic may have scarred or caused lasting damage to the economy.
The decline in industry resulted in regional unemployment and financial stress in most sectors due to
prolonged lockdowns, creating long-term labour disruptions. Mounting national debt, trade restrictions,
and impeded supply chains have placed unprecedented burdens on the weak healthcare and educational
systems in low- and middle-income countries across Southeast Asia, causing human capital formation
to be derailed. Employment losses were particularly worrisome to women, the youths, and micro, small,
and medium enterprises, including the informal sector, as these units were most vulnerable to economic
stoppages (ADB, 2021b; ASEAN, 2020).

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 53
 Table 14. Growth rates in GDP and key sectors, 2020-3Q2021

2020 Q2 2021 Q3 2021

LAO VIE BRU IND SIN MAL THA PHI BRU MAL VIE IND SIN THA PHI

Sector Industry

GDP 3.3 2.9 1.1 -2.1 -5.4 -5.6 -6.2 -9.6 -1.5 7.1 1.4 3.2 7.6 1.4 4.9

Agriculture Agriculture 1.1 2.7 14.4 1.8 -10 -2.2 -3.6 -0.2 57.1 -0.7 2.7 1.6 24.9 2.3 -1

Industry Manufacturing 12.8 5.8 23.9 -2.9 7.3 -2.6 -5.7 -9.8 -4.9 15.8 6.1 2.9 11.9 5 9.1

Utilities 20.1 4.1 -2.2 -1.8 -2.2 -1.3 -7.2 -0.4 3.2 3.6 5.1 4.8 3.9 -3 4.5

Construction 14.5 6.8 3.2 -3.3 -35.9 -19.4 2.3 -25.7 -11 8.3 -0.6 2.4 26.7 3.7 6.1

Mining and Quarrying -16.7 -5.6 -4.9 -2 -10.6 -6.9 -18.9 -3.7 3.5 -7.2 3.6 -3.2 0.5

Services Information and 8.6 7.4 15.9 10.6 2.1 6.0 4.6 5.0 3.4 6.1 5.2 7.0 9.1 5.8 9.3
Communication

Health/Social Work 4.6 10.6 2.8 11.6 0.5 -3.8 8.6 21.2 9.8 3.6 14.8

Finance/Insurance 1.2 6.9 -2.8 3.2 5.0 2.7 2.7 5.5 -3.6 16.9 8.4 3 8 3.1 5.3

Public admin. 5.7 6.3 -3.9 0 4.5 1.7 4.6 -1 5.5 3 -1.1 0.9 5.8

Education 2.2 6.1 -10.5 2.6 2.0 -10.8 -0.4 4.2 -0.1 0.8 8.6

Wholesale and Retail 1.3 5.5 2.8 -3.7 -3.7 -6.1 -3.7 -6 10.6 9.9 -3.1 4.3 5 1.7 3

Prof and [Link] 4.2 2.6 5 -5.4 -12.1 -10.7 -10 9.2 -1.5 0.7 -0.8 -3.6 5.9

Other Services 3.9 -0.9 -2 -4.1 -8.9 -10.5 -7.4 -41.1 6.7 -3.3 -6.1 1.7 6.6 2.5 -7.9

Transport/Storage -2.9 -1.9 -21.6 -15.0 -25.4 -21.9 -21 -30.9 -17.3 3.4 -7.8 1.6 1.4 -4.9 1.7

Accommodation -55 -14.7 -6.6 -10.2 -26.6 -26.5 -36.6 -45.4 16.7 -15.3 -23.2 3.5 5.5 -17.2 2.2

Source: ADB (2022)

Notes: BRU = Brunei Darussalam, GDP = gross domestic product, INO = Indonesia, LAO = Lao PDR, MAL = Malaysia, PHI = The Philippines, SIN = Singapore, THA = Thailand,

VIE = Viet Nam

54
Based on the latest economic growth forecasts, the ILO projects that total hours worked globally in 2022 will
remain almost 2% below their pre-pandemic level when adjusted for population growth, corresponding to
a deficit of 52 million full-time equivalent jobs (assuming a 48-hour working week). This outlook represents
a substantial deterioration since the previous projections in June 2021 amounted to a shortfall in working
hours relative to the fourth quarter of 2019 was projected to narrow to less than 1% in 2022. Global
unemployment is projected to stand at 207 million in 2022, surpassing its 2019 level by some 21 million.

The pandemic’s impacts on the labour market are likely to persist as inactive workers would depreciate their
human capital and the chances of the poor to access employment opportunities diminish. These impacts
are as follows (ILO, 2021a):

1. Unemployment and inactivity: Based on ILO estimates, most of the 6.7 million unemployed workers
in ASEAN went into economic inactivity, which increased by 4.8 million compared to the figures in
2019. The slowdown in the industry, accommodating the relatively unskilled, can be the reason for the
decline. The available jobs created in the post-pandemic may mostly require higher skills.

2. Unprecedented jobs gap: While employment in the region had been increasing before the pandemic,
due to structural transformation, the COVID-19 pandemic has caused a discrepancy between expected
employment and actual employment. The significant closures of firms that broke long-standing
relationships between employers and workers have made it difficult for workers to secure jobs in the
more resilient firms. Firm-specific skills may not also be adequate for the workers.

3. Disproportionate job losses for women and young workers: According to the ILO, women workers
were more likely to lose employment than their male counterparts globally and in ASEAN region.
More specifically, female employment in ASEAN region in 2020 was 3.9% lower than expected in the
absence of the crisis. Likewise, young workers have been particularly hard hit by the pandemic. Youth
employment losses were 6.2%, compared with 2.8% for adults, with many young workers moving into
either unemployment or inactivity. The share of youth not in employment, education, or training (NEET)
increased between 2019 and 2020 in large parts of ASEAN region, including Indonesia, Singapore,
Thailand, and Viet Nam, in line with global trends (ILO 2021b).

4. Reduced working hours: COVID-19 reduced work hours of workers who remained in employment,
lost their job, or were engaged in flexible labour arrangements. Firms on the verge of recovering may
reduce labour costs by offering these irregular job arrangements. The impact of the pandemic on
overall working hours describes the difficulties that employers and workers faced during the pandemic,
globally and in ASEAN region.

5. Continued labour income losses: Working-hour and job losses have contributed to the loss of job
incomes for millions of workers, substantially increasing their risk of falling into poverty. In ASEAN
region, 7.8% of labour income was lost in 2020, corresponding to US$100 billion (using 2019 market
exchange rates) or 3.3% of the region’s gross domestic product (GDP) in 2019.

COVID-19 exposed the pre-existing weaknesses in governance and social protection provision in ASEAN, as
much as globally. Moreover, it has accelerated the two movements that affected the structural transformation
in the region: the rise of services and digitisation. Nevertheless, one weakness that has received far less
attention than it deserves is the disproportionate impact of the pandemic on the livelihoods of millions in
informal employment who have become newly unemployed or underemployed. Addressing rural/urban
divides in access to broadband and underserved socio-economic groups, upgrading networks to the
next evolution of fixed and wireless broadband, and enhancing access to and sharing data can help spur
economic and social benefits (OECD, 2020).

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 55
 3.4. ASEAN labour market and the Fourth Industrial
Revolution (4IR)
Technological advances and investments in information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure
have dramatically transformed economies, improved production processes, and unlocked market
opportunities worldwide. For example, digital solutions enabled people to make online purchases, conduct
mobile fund transfers, and rely on real-time traffic applications to increase travel efficiency. The adoption
of the most recent 4IR technologies, such as advances in the Internet of things, AI, and robotics, among
others, has drawn out the huge potential to transform businesses, processes, and consumption behaviour.
Digitisation and automation have permeated every stage of the value chain, and developing economies in
Asia are poised to benefit immensely from these advancements. Global experience of COVID-19 hastened
the uptake of 4IR and contingent digital technologies, which has been underway in the region pre-pandemic.

The agriculture sector, for example, which heavily relied on manual labour, can now leverage technological
revolutions to boost farmers’ labour and resource efficiency. Precision farming employs sensor and drone
technologies to install site-specific crop management (SSCM) monitoring systems to guide farmers
about optimal farming management. This data-driven farming method is practised in the PRC, India,
and Indonesia, among others (FAO, 2016). The onset of developing Asia’s digital boom coincided with
some Asian economies’ graduation from low-skilled to more complex manufacturing jobs. Technological
advancements complemented these transitioned economies to produce higher value-added manufacturing
jobs and services that contributed to faster economic growth (Prakash, 2019). Technological improvement
likewise improved the tradability of some services sectors, as in the case of ICT. The positive impacts of
new technologies on developing Asia’s labour markets are manifested through the creation of decent job
opportunities and the facilitation of more tradable services.

Developing economies in Asia, including ASEAN region, are poised to benefit immensely from these
advancements. With its growing middle class and increasing internet penetration, Asia is at the forefront of
global e-commerce dynamism. According to the Ecommerce Foundation (2016), Asia and the Pacific region
had the largest share of the business-to-consumer e-commerce market, accounting for over US$1 trillion of
the US$2.3 trillion global e-commerce in 2015. The size of e-commerce relative to GDP was also the biggest
in Asia and the Pacific at 4.5%, compared to the regional shares in North America (3.1%), Europe (2.6%),
Latin America (0.8 %), and the Middle East and North Africa (0.7%).

In 2017, the internet retail market share of Asia and the Pacific exceeded that of North America and Europe
combined (ADB, 2018a). Ecommerce Europe and eMarketer reported that some of the world’s largest
e-commerce markets were in East Asia: People’s Republic of China (PRC) was the largest e-commerce
market; Japan is Asia’s second-largest and the fourth-largest in the world; and the Republic of Korea was
Asia’s third-largest and was seventh in the world (ADB 2018a). In 2019, Asia accounted for 57.4% of global
e-commerce sales (business-to-consumer) and was predicted to reach 61.4% of the global e-commerce
market by 2024 (Eastspring Investments, 2020). Asia was also at the forefront of automation, with an
estimated 65% of the world’s total industrial robot usage in 2017, the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF)
Regional Outlook for Asia Pacific reports. In the same year, the PRC became the biggest producer of these
robots, with an estimated 50% of the region’s total industrial robot deliveries, followed by the Republic of
Korea and Japan (IMF, 2018).

ASEAN’s digital economy is sustaining its upward growth trajectory. The region’s digital economy grew 16%
annually in the past decade from 2008 to 2013. In 2013, more than half of its 650 million population were
internet users; and the region reached a more than 100% mobile phone penetration rate, next to other
Asian giants like India and the PRC (Chang and Huynh, 2016). The tech-savvy region also became home
to an ecosystem of digital platforms such as Gojek, Grab, Lazada, Sea, Tokopedia, and Traveloka, among
others. These start-ups cater to an expanding range of OLP services, including logistics, ticket booking,
delivery services, cleaning services, retail, and digital payments. Google, Temasek, and Bain and Company
(2018) disclose that Southeast Asia’s internet economies reached US$72 billion in gross merchandise value
in 2018 from e-commerce. ASEAN’s e-commerce market expanded almost six times in four years, increasing
from US$9.5 billion in 2016 to US$54.2 billion in 2020.

56
The unprecedented disruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has raised the urgency to embrace
the shift towards digital operations and leverage electronic commerce (e-commerce) to keep businesses
agile. The accelerated digitisation and increased appetite for access and use of innovative technologies
indicate that a digital economy future is here to stay and is underway. For example, e‑commerce has also
surged since the start of the pandemic, with the strongest uptake in Indonesia, followed by the Philippines
and Malaysia. More than three out of five people in these economies were online in June 2021 since the
pandemic began, bringing the total number of ASEAN internet users to 400 million, up from 250 million in
2015. Time spent online per day rose by an average of one hour across AMS, with the highest spike in the
Philippines, where consumers spent more than five hours a day online (Ho, 2021). ASEAN Member States
have seen stronger e‑commerce adoption among internet users than the world average and many mature
markets. Indonesia was found to have the highest e‑commerce adoption in the world in 2021, with 87%
of its internet users having purchased online via an electronic device, followed by the U.K. (86%), Thailand
(84%), and Malaysia (83%). Adoption in other AMS, such as the Philippines, Singapore, and Viet Nam, has
also outrun mainland China, considered one of the world’s largest e‑commerce markets. With increasing
online penetration and continued rise in digital consumption observed among AMS, the e-commerce
sector is set to grow at an annualised rate of 22% and reach US$146 billion by 2025 (Ho, 2021).

Against the backdrop of scientific and economic progress resulting from digitisation and automation, this
trend could also potentially trouble workers. This is particularly evident in Asia, where relatively low-cost
and low-skilled labour has driven the region’s role as the ‘factory to the world’ (World Economic Forum
2018). Robots doing a greater share of technical work than manual labour bring down costs. As a result,
workers may be displaced and replaced as firms are more likely to use labour-saving robots that cost less
and perform more efficiently. World Bank (2016) estimated that up to two-thirds of all developing countries’
jobs might lose to automation. A higher figure was estimated in Southeast Asia, where 56% of jobs are at
high risk of displacement due to technology over the next decade or two (Chang and Huynh, 2016).

On the one hand, recent technologies are perceived to increase labour productivity, create new occupations
and industries, provide better-paid jobs and serve as a foundation for higher economic growth. On the
other hand, there are concerns that technological transitioning may displace less-skilled workers and may
cause technological unemployment. Thus, less-skilled workers are disadvantaged as they are more likely to
experience lower wage growth, exacerbating income inequality. (ADB, 2018b).

Technological change has been taking place since the industrial revolution, and despite job displacement,
new occupations are emerging, and opportunities are increasing (ADB, 2018b). A 2020 ADB study on
the 4IR opportunities and challenges in Cambodia, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Viet Nam reports that
4IR technologies will eliminate some jobs—displacing, for example, up to a third of the agro-processing
workforce in Viet Nam. At the same time, 4IR technologies may generate new labour demand. The study
estimates a positive net effect in all sectors analysed: 39% for garments and 2% for tourism in Cambodia,
14% for food and beverage manufacturing and 1% for automotive manufacturing in Indonesia, 11% for IT-
BPO, and 10% for electronics in the Philippines, and 34% for agro-processing and 12% for logistics in Viet
Nam. The study also warns that many displaced workers will likely lack the skills to move seamlessly into
new jobs without adequate and timely investments in skills development (ADB, 2020).

As ASEAN gears towards a more internet-based, data-intensive, and technology-dependent future, there
is a concurrent need to reinforce a more secure and inclusive approach to digital transformation. While
technological changes will create new jobs, the inevitable displacement of workers from some sectors remains
a concern. Furthermore, with a sizeable share of the vulnerably employed coming from rural, female, and
informal sectors, 4IR also poses a real risk of extensive displacement due to the adoption of 4IR technologies.
Thus, governments play a vital role in facilitating and encouraging reskilling in industries most likely to be
affected by technological transitions. To maximise good outcomes, policy makers and businesses will need to
embrace automation’s benefits and address the challenges brought about by these. Continued human capital
development, investments in ICT infrastructure and digital connectivity, and an enabling policy and regulatory
environment are needed to narrow the digital divide within and across economies.

As part of Brunei Darussalam’s 2021 ASEAN Chairmanship priority deliverable, the Consolidated Strategy
on the Fourth Industrial Revolution23 for ASEAN provides a regional, holistic approach towards its vision of

23- [Link]

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 57
 a Digital ASEAN Community. In pursuit of this vision, the Consolidated Strategy pursues three focus areas:
technological governance and cybersecurity; digital economy; and digital transformation of society and
is enabled by digital infrastructure, capacity building, institutions and governance, resource mobilisation,
cooperation and collaboration, and effective monitoring. To ensure that the benefits of 4IR remain inclusive
and contributory to social progress and sustainable development, the Consolidated Strategy articulates
practical, actionable steps to address the possible job market disruptions brought about by the 4IR. This
includes promoting forward-looking human resource development, particularly in key sectors such as
informal and platform workers, among others. Aware that the sector is not usually covered by employment
or government social protection measures, the Consolidated Strategy acknowledges the need to ensure that
informal and platform workers’ labour rights are not compromised after the shift to digital avenues. To this end,
the Consolidated Strategy stipulates that “adequate measures, such as laws, must be formulated to protect
platform workers from exploitation, such as non-payment for their services; allow access to insurance, medical
benefits, and retirement savings programmes; support them in connecting with other market stakeholders;
facilitate more seamless processes to manage obligations such as tax payments; facilitate opportunities for
training, upgrading skills, learning, and development; and allow platform workers to organise to advance their
common interests, among other things (ASEAN Consolidated Strategy on 4IR, 2021).

3.5. Trends, drivers, and development paths

Considering these factors, this section accounts for the increased demand for online labour platforms on
ASEAN labour market, examines its implications in terms of employment, and determines the extent by
which such platforms can reinforce the structural transformation in the region. In particular, the section
seeks to determine whether online labour platforms can be used to further its structural transformation,
especially in countering deindustrialisation and its push for digitisation. More importantly, we intend to see
if the adoption of digital labour platforms can lead to an improvement in efficiency. Kässi and Lehdonvirta
(2018) estimate that use of platform economy platforms is growing at an annual rate of 25%. Such digital
platforms increased in sectors restrained by the COVID-19.

Figure 9 shows the number of platforms globally across work categories. Delivery and taxi sectors, despite
the pandemic, have increased over time. Other forms of web-based employment have also been affected
slightly, as their level remained constant in 2020. This indicates that while digitisation has contributed
significantly to weathering the impacts of the COVID-19, the web-based online labour platforms intended
to directly improve structural transformation have largely remained constant. At best, the other online
labour platforms were able to augment the transport system. The perceived significance of online labour
platforms to the region can be seen further by looking at the number of platforms and the number of
online workers and how these relate to the economic structure of the AMS.

Figure 9. Number of active global labour platforms in selected categories, 2010-2020

400
Online web-based Taxi Delivery Hybrid
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020

Source: ILO (2021c)

58
3.5.1. Platform revenues and market power from network effects

The number of digital labour platforms has increased almost five-fold since 2019 (ILO, 2021c). However,
these platforms are concentrated in North America, Europe, and Asia. Table 15 shows the frequency of OLPs
in 2019 which have reported revenues (ILO, 2021c). The following points are noteworthy. First, slightly
more than 50% of the sample platforms are in the on-demand category (i.e. delivery, taxi, and hybrid,
which is a combination of these activities). Second, more than half of all categories originate from Northern
America (particularly USA), Europe, and East Asia. Roughly 60% of the online web-based platforms are from
North America and Europe. Third, the hybrid category has the least share in the total platform sample and
is found in East Asia, Southeast Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa.

There are many reasons why the more developed countries in North America and Europe created these
labour platforms. For one, they seem more advanced in engaging in digital connectivity. In addition,
relatively higher demand for labour is found in these countries, and because of digital technology, they
can significantly reduce labour costs. But more importantly, these countries can avoid any legal and social
restrictions on job creation through these platforms. This has become a version of outsourcing that does
not rely on operations overseas. For the less developed countries, the combination of the desire to have
more jobs and the expansion of digital technology has resulted in people reverting to outsourced digitally
mediated work to transcend some of the constraints of their local labour markets (Graham et al., 2017).

Table 15. Frequency of OLPs platforms reporting revenues, 2019

Sub-region Delivery Hybrid Online web-based Taxi Total

Arab States 7 1 8

Australia and the Pacific 1 3 2 6

Central and Western Asia 1 1 1 3

East Asia 10 2 6 1 19

Eastern Europe 7 3 1 11

Latin America and the Caribbean 7 1 2 10

North Africa 1 1 2

Northern America 33 61 9 103

Northern, Southern, and Western Europe 16 19 7 42

South Asia 10 7 4 21

South-East Asiaa 5 2 4 1 12

Sub-Saharan Africa 2 1 1 1 5

Total 100 5 106 31 242

Source: ILO (2021b)

Note: aSouth-East Asia includes Timor-Leste.

In short, through these OLPs, advanced countries were able to obtain substantial market share in adopting
digital connectivity for their labour market transactions by lowering their transaction costs in the absence
of clear regulations. Network effects, both direct and indirect, have often been seen as a source of market
power because larger firms would necessarily possess more users, which could help reinforce their initial
positions and make it costly for new rivals to enter the market (Belleflamme and Peitz, 2018).

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 59
 Nevertheless, since the field remains contestable, OLPs ability to control the market can be limited (Rivares
et al., 2019; Tombal, 2022). While platforms are often extremely concentrated as they feature strong multi-
sided network effects, the market share of dominant platforms is threatened if these face continuous
threats from new platform rivals emerging from the local markets themselves. Thus, the contestability of
platform markets should be promoted, specifically by reducing switching costs between platforms and
strictly enforcing competition policy tools.

This last point can be seen in Table 16, which presents the average revenue of OLPs by region in 2019 using
the sample of platforms reporting revenues. Despite the larger market share of Northern American and
European platforms, their average revenues in delivery and online web-based were lower relative to other
regions. Since the output in these dominant regions is higher than the other regions, this would suggest
that their average prices are lower. In the case of taxi services, the average revenues for these dominant
regions are observed to be higher than the other categories, but it is also in taxi services where their
dominance is less clear, given that other sub-regions also have higher revenues.

For the hybrid category, the average revenues are significantly higher for the platforms involved in
Southeast Asia. This category also has the lowest market shares relative to the other categories, but within
this category, the dominant regions have approximately 40% of the market, indicating less contestability
in this activity and hence greater market power. The required investment for hybrid activities and scale of
operation for maximising profit can be an effective barrier.

The data then present that network effects are no longer intertwined with hardware or service, as was the
case before the evolution of multiple devices and applications. Other firms can duplicate or even improve
applications and services, making network effects unstable rather than entrenching (Tucker, 2018).

Moreover, network effects can be disadvantageous to firms and service providers (Tucker, 2018). This can be
due to the following reasons. First, network effects can lead to congestion, thus preventing workers from
satisfying their needs and making employers fail to closely examine the numerous prospective workers.
Second, the privacy of workers is often threatened if a particular platform possesses substantial information
about their work history, forcing them to search for other platform providers with lower levels of usage.

Table 16. Estimated average annual revenues of sample platforms, 2019 (US$million)

Sub-region Delivery Hybrid Online web-based Taxi Total

Arab States 16.16 119.00 29.01

Australia and the Pacific 51.30 155.97 5.50 88.37

Central and Western Asia 231.00 107.00 1000.00 446.00

East Asia 910.60 1246.50 21.28 400.50 638.27

Eastern Europe 9.03 7.93 500.69 53.43

Latin America and the Caribbean 133.50 0.90 8.50 95.24

North Africa 5.00 3.00 4.00

Northern America 275.47 25.73 1613.50 244.48

Northern, Southern, and Western

Europe 295.07 8.14 42.90 123.24

South Asia 69.04 3.77 114.98 56.03

South-East Asiaa 7.64 1800.00 6.50 5.90 305.84

Sub-Saharan Africa 2.55 180.00 2.40 4.00 38.30

Total 250.50 1254.60 23.64 559.44 211.45

Source: ILO (2021b)

Note: aSouth-East Asia includes Timor-Leste.
60
Another source of instability due to network effects is the positive relation between firm size and the
chances of statistical discrimination. Large platform firms can afford to ignore certain groups of workers
and limit their choices to a select group, particularly those residing in higher-income countries (Lehdonvirta
et al., 2019). The technology works around imperfect information (algorithms), and the less information
there is, the greater the role of stereotypes. Hiring an “average” provider from a high-income country is
assumed to be less risky by default, so additional information about them results in comparatively smaller
adjustments. Information on the level of individuals is needed to address this problem.

Empirical support for this theory was noted in stereotyping disadvantaged minorities and women in
local labour markets (Altonji and Pierret, 2001; Lang and Manove, 2011; Pinkston, 2006). The mechanism,
according to statistical discrimination theory, is that the “average” worker from a lower-income country
is viewed as a riskier choice by clients because there is more uncertainty about the quality, as the worker
is drawn from a labour pool perceived as weaker or more mixed. Nevertheless, given additional verified
information and firm experience, firms can realise the losses they incurred due to discrimination. The
advantage of local platforms is that they possess more information than foreign-based platforms.

In summary, dominant market shares may lead to market power depending on the degree of contestability
or the number of substitutes for the available services. Creating more options for the users of the platforms
reduces the market power as the price elasticity of demand increases. In this way, platforms face difficulties
in marking up their prices. Furthermore, OECD (2019) pointed out that these platforms have a high potential
for economies of scale since the additional costs of expanding their operations are relatively smaller
compared to their fixed costs. While this feature can increase the market shares of the existing platforms,
it also makes it less costly for new entrants to contest their hold over the market.

3.5.2. Supply of platform workers

[Link]. On-demand platform versus crowdwork platform workers

The number of workers engaged in on-demand labour platforms is dependent on the market users of the
services offered. Given the absence of data on the number of these workers in the on-demand platforms,
one can infer the continuous demand for workers from the increasing market users of the services. In
ASEAN, ride-hailing is a key source of on-demand labor, both from taxis and deliveries. For instance, Figure
10 shows the weekly market users of Grab and Gojek in Indonesia before the pandemic.

Figure 10. Weekly active users of Gojek and Grab in Indonesia (in millions), 2017-2019

25
Gojek
Grab
20

15

10

Jan 2018 2019 Nov

Source: Ruehl (2019)

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 61
 The following points are noteworthy. First, demand for the services is not high in magnitude, but the rate
of increase is also significant, suggesting the great interest of workers in this area. Second, based on the
ILO (2021a) world survey, the following are the differences between on-demand (mainly, taxi and delivery)
and crowdwork (freelance and microtask) workers:

1. The average age for crowd work platform workers is the same (33 years). The average age of those
engaged in taxi and deliveries are 36 years and 29 years, respectively. Those involved in traditional
ride-hailing activities were older, with 36 years for taxi and 31 years for delivery.

2. While workers in web-based platforms were well-educated, those engaged in freelance relative to
those in microtask were more educated, with 34% having postgraduate studies, while only 20% of
those engaged in microtask platforms had graduate degrees. Those in the transport platforms with
48% of taxi drivers and 49% of the delivery drivers completing only their secondary schooling.

3. Women played a significant role in web-based platforms, since 38% of the activities are run by women.
More importantly, women in on-demand platforms are more active compared to the traditional forms
of taxi and delivery jobs, with a 100% increase in both activities.

4. For web-based online work, average hourly earnings were US$4.5 for developed countries but only
US$2.8 for developing countries. Female hourly earnings were slightly higher in developing countries
at US$3.4 compared to US$2.6 for males. Females had been observed to have significantly higher
earnings in freelance jobs in developing countries. The average hourly remuneration for the taxi and
delivery sectors is US$2.31, ranging from US$3.4 in Chile to US$0.9 in Ghana.

The findings indicate that on-demand platform activities are more accessible for relatively unskilled workers,
especially because of their large market demand. However, while the market may be large, the markets
for these services may be saturated, particularly in the taxi sector (Sun and Ertz, 2021). The formation of
hybrid platforms such as Gojek and Grab, combining taxi with delivery, indicates lower market shares in
their previous activities, necessitating the creation of larger scaled operations to maintain dominance in
the markets. This hybrid activity involves significant capital formation, which prevents other platforms from
competing.

Given the possibility of saturation, the more compelling source of job growth is on crowdwork platforms.
A key issue to consider then is the number of workers in crowdwork. Data are difficult to collect for these
arrangements. Currently, the top 10 countries with workers on five major platforms24 include the Philippines
and Indonesia, according to the OLI (Stephany et al., 2020). The Global Gig Economy Index ranked the
Philippines as the sixth-fastest growing gig economy market in the world (Diesel, 2019). Filipino online
workers represent 18.9% of the global freelance digital labour force. In Indonesia, about 170,000 users were
registered on major digital freelance platforms in 2022, based on the OLI report (2022). Other unconfirmed
industry reports indicate that 40,000 registered platform users are in Viet Nam, another 40,000 in Singapore,
and 20,000 in Thailand ([Link], 2022).

[Link]. Determinants of crowdwork platforms usage and its Impact on unemployment

According to the ILO (2021c) survey, 44% of the workers engaged in web-based OLPs consider these jobs
their main income source. This was true for 32% of the women on web-based platforms as opposed to
29% of the males. It is crucial, then, to understand the determinants of participation in these crowdwork
platforms.

This study will consider the OLI data. The determination of the actual number of OLP workers is tricky.
The data were gathered from 162 of the 351 globally relevant online freelance platforms and used public
data sources to obtain three measures of worker numbers for each platform: the number of registered
worker profiles, the number of active workers (i.e. who have ever worked on a platform), and the number

24- These five major platforms by web traffic are Upwork, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Freelancer, People perHour, and Guru.

62
of full-time (who completed at least ten projects or earned at least US$1000). Moreover, the data were
limited to fully digital transactions or work delivered and paid through the Internet. Local platform
economies, such as ride-hailing apps and food delivery platforms, are thus excluded.

Based on Stephany et al. (2021), the OLI estimates 63 million registered worker profiles on online freelancing
platforms. Of these, roughly 14 million have ever worked, and 3.3 million have worked significantly25.
Adjustments were then made to correct for multihoming or cases when the person is working on two or
more platforms, which leads to double counting. After these adjustments, those who ever worked were
reduced to 7.7 million, and those who worked significantly were calculated at 1.8 million. Finally, adjusting
further for possible multi-working increases these numbers to 9.3 million and 2.2 million, respectively.

Compared to most recent previous estimates (Kuek et al., 2015), these figures support the narrative that
interest in online work is increasing rapidly (Chan and Wang, 2018; Huws et al., 2019). Nonetheless, the fact
that only a small minority have completed any projects, despite a substantial number of projects, suggests
that digital platform work is a viable way to make a living only for a small minority of registered workers.

Data from OLI 2020, which accounts for the Internet, which employs a different approach from OLI worker
share, reports the shares in the number of active online workers on major online labour platforms from their
total sample. The use of shares, instead of the number of workers, seems appropriate for two reasons. First,
the sample of platforms changes over time, depending on the popularity and dominance of the platforms
considered. The increase in platforms may confound the number of workers with the number of platforms
considered. Using the shares then controls the workers and the sampled platforms simultaneously. Second,
workers compete with the rest of the other workers in the world, making shares an appropriate measure of
a particular country’s prospects of obtaining employment.

Figure 11 shows the OLI data of shares of workers engaged in crowdwork. While Filipino workers seem
to have been more engaged in this activity, their share has declined over time while other countries have
created the conditions necessary to participate in platforms. Indonesia, Viet Nam, and Malaysia have
gradually increased their involvement in these platforms. Other countries, particularly lower-income
countries that still have a substantial portion of their GDP in agriculture, have not engaged in OLPs. Thus,
their engagement in OLPs can still be raised.

Figure 11. Online crowdwork worker shares (in Percentage) by Country, 2017-2022

0
2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022

Brunei Darussalam Cambodia Indonesia Lao PDR

Malaysia Myanmar The Philippines Singapore
Thailand Viet Nam

Source: Online Labour Index (2022)

25- The definition applies to workers who have had total earnings of at least US$1000 or who have at least ten completed projects

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 63
 Relative to other countries in the world, the average shares of ASEAN, while small, is higher than the global
average, as seen in Figure 12. Furthermore, the middle-income countries (the Philippines, Indonesia, and
Viet Nam) appear to have engaged more in these activities compared to the lower-income and higher-
income countries. Workers in middle-income countries, often trapped within inefficient institutions and
poor technology, can use digitisation to create their own one-person technology-enabled offshoring
operation (Lehdovirta et al., 2019).

Figure 12. Average worker shares (in percentages) in ASEAN and the Rest of the World (ROW), 2017 to 2022

Brunei
Darussalam
Myanmar

Cambodia

Lao PDR

Thailand

Singapore

Malaysia

Viet Nam

Indonesia

The Philippines

ASEAN

ROW

0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5

Source: Online Labour Index (2022)

Given the limited data available, a simple model of platform worker shares and their consequences on
unemployment can be formulated (see Table A3 in the Annex). This model measures the effects of structural
transformation, the HDI, the GDCF, and the rural location on platform shares and unemployment. Table
17 shows the means and standard deviation of the variables used in the analysis in two periods, i.e. the
years before the pandemic (2017-2019) and the year of the COVID-19 pandemic (2020). The small number
of observations gathered limited the number of included variables in the analysis. These variables were
discussed in the previous sections.

The following points are noteworthy. First, platform shares declined, and unemployment increased during
the pandemic. These outcomes can be associated with the decline in economic activities as incomes fell at
the onset of the virus spread. Second, women labour participation increased in 2020 as households may
have searched for various alternatives. Third, as expected, the key economic variables, such as the HDI, the
sectoral output shares of agriculture, services, and manufacturing, and gross domestic capital formation,
declined during the pandemic. Fourth, the percentage of people moved to rural areas during the pandemic
as income opportunities decreased.

64
Table 17. Means and standard deviations of variables used in the regression analysis

Period

2017-2019 2020

Obs Mean Obs Mean

Dependent Variables:

30 0.72 10 0.62
Platform Share (%)
(1.55) (0.89)

30 2.60 10 2.90
Unemployment Rate (%)
(2.36) (2.26)

Independent Variables:

Women’s Labour Force Participation Rate (WLFPR) (%) 30 52.98 10 62.19

(10.07) (11.72)

Human Development Index (HDI) 30 0.74 10 0.68

(0.10) (0.14)

Services (% to GDP) 30 49.45 10 46.57

(9.92) (12.72)

Agriculture (% to GDP) 30 11.50 10 11.74

(7.53) (7.63)

Manufacturing (% to GDP) 30 19.02 9 15.87

(4.91) (5.37)

Gross Domestic Capital Formation (% to GDP) 27 28.25 9 26.47

(5.28) (7.04)

Rural Population (% to Total Population) 30 44.02 10 54.74

(21.12) (29.23)

Source: Authors’ calculations

Table 18 shows the results of fixed effects estimates of global worker shares using variables related to the
AMS economic structure. The following results are significant. First, women’s labour force participation and
HDI are both correlated with greater global worker shares in crowdwork. However, the interaction between
these two terms indicates a negative effect on global worker shares. This suggests that working women in
countries with lower HDI are more engaged in this activity. HDI, in this model, is a proxy for education and
health. While higher HDI is associated with more crowdwork, this can include men and women. However,
the coefficient for the interaction term indicates that greater labour force participation of women in less
educated and lower life expectancy countries are more involved in crowdwork compared to their women
counterparts in countries with highly educated and healthier workers. This last result indicates OLPs have
opened up the possibility for women in lower-income countries to engage in more work, creating more
inclusivity in the region and their respective countries. This point seems to supported by higher earnings of
women relative to males in the platform economy.

Second, countries where the agricultural and services shares in total output are both decreasing are inclined
to have a greater global share in crowdwork platforms. This finding suggests that countries developing
out of agriculture but cannot expand their services sector are likely to have more workers in these OLPs.

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 65
 Workers in middle-income countries whose service sector is not large enough to offer them more secure
jobs are more likely to engage in platform work.

Third, countries with larger gross domestic capital formation (GDCF), which proxies for infrastructure and
the country’s capital investment, including digital infrastructure, are drawn to more platform work. The
transaction costs involved in connecting to the internet are reduced with greater capital stocks. Hence, this
variable is associated with internet/broadband intervention which is part of digital transformation.

Table 18. Fixed effects estimates of global worker shares in crowdwork, 2017-2020

(1) (2)

Platform Share Elasticity

Women’s Labour Force Participation (WLFP) 0.174* 12.32

(0.0885)

Human Development Index (HDI) 16.05* 14.97

(7.308)

WLFP*HDI -0.264* -13.56

(0.132)

COVID-19 dummy 0.364 0.10

(0.243)

Services Share to GDP -0.0469** -2.95

(0.0173)

Agriculture Share to GDP -0.192** -2.72

(0.0802)

Manufacturing Share to GDP 0.0410 0.95

(0.0239)

Gross Domestic Capital Formation 0.142** 5.05

(0.0584)

Constant -10.36

(5.995)

Observations 35

R-squared 0.635

Source: Authors’ calculations

Notes: Robust standard errors in parentheses *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1

In summary, the limited observations indicate that governments can provide the necessary conditions for
increased engagement in platform crowdwork activities. This will involve investments in infrastructure,
including digital infrastructure, as well as human capital, as measured with HDI. In the case of women,
participation in the labour force counts as the most crucial factor as particular arrangements (that may
include training) for low-income countries may be available. The high turnover rate of these arrangements
can be a negative factor for the relatively skilled women in higher-income countries. The fact that women
in lower-income countries are drawn towards platform work raises concern about the quality of work,
particularly compensation. At the same time, the governments that may wish to limit involvement in

66
platform crowdwork may be able to do so by raising the size of their domestic services sector. Apart
from capital investments being crucial, one key highlight is the limited set of alternatives for crowdwork
providers. These workers are found in countries with a lower HDI for women labour force participants and
a small- or medium-scaled service sector.

To assess the impact of crowdwork on the labour market, Table 19 shows the regression results for estimates
of unemployment and its relationship with platform work. The unemployment data used in the regression
analysis is based on the employment data and the labour force data from the ILOSTAT. While this data set
does not clearly specify which worker is engaged in the informal sector, the data on self-employment of
the ILO employment data would include those self-employed in the informal sector.26 Many self-employed
workers operate in the informal sector, either by choice or because they are unable to access formal
employment opportunities. These workers may be engaged in various activities, including street vending,
ride hailing, home-based production and other informal economic activities. Therefore, while the ILO
employment data may be anchored to formal employment, it would include self-employed workers in the
informal sector. Since platform workers are considered self-employed workers, they are, to some extent,
captured in the unemployment and employment figures.

Based on this dataset, the following results are significant. First, predicted platform share has a positive
correlation with unemployment, suggesting that much of the platform work was based on job reallocations
and as platform activities are associated with greater labour force participation, greater unemployment was
simultaneously noted. In effect, platform work generated more job reallocations and complementary work
instead of job creation and increased employment.

Table 19. Fixed effects estimates on the impact of crowdwork platform on unemployment

(1) (2)

Variables Unemployment Rate Elasticity

0.610*** 0.164
Predicted Platform share
(0.169)

-0.0559* -0.532
Gross Domestic Capital Formation (GDCF)
(0.0340)

-0.0141*** -0.135
Predicted Platform share*GDCF
(0.00419)

8.752** 2.19
HDI
(3.298)

0.0429** 0.669
Rural
(0.0150)

-3.966
Constant
(3.039)

Observations 35

R-squared (Within) 0.305

Source: Authors’ calculations

Notes: Robust standard errors in parentheses *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1

26- The ILO defines informal employment as “all remunerative jobs not registered, regulated, or protected by existing legal or
regulatory frameworks or jobs in which workers do not enjoy the same rights and benefits as formal workers” (ILO, 2018).

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 67
 Nevertheless, in countries with greater GDCF, platform work is seen to have indirectly reduced unemployment.
This means that capital investment might have brought about spillover effects (such as secure servers)
that increased employment in various economic sectors. Hence, given the spillover employment effects of
infrastructure and heightened job reallocations generated by platform activities, greater platform worker
shares thus have the potential to reduce unemployment.

Second, the HDI seemed to have directly raised unemployment. This was noted earlier when data showed
that middle-income countries have more unemployed. This is expected as workers in countries with greater
human capital and non-labour assets tend to search longer for better job quality. In addition, the results
show these middle-income economies are still developing the appropriate economic structures (ILO, 2020).

Third, countries with greater rural populations are also observed to have a higher level of unemployment.
The more limited development, particularly industrialisation, in rural areas relative to the urban areas, has
resulted expectedly in greater unemployment. Much of the informal sector are also found in rural areas
(Musngi and Purba, 2022), and youth unemployment tends to be higher in informal markets (ILO, 2015).
This rural variable reflects the region’s youth unemployment (White, 2012). This result indicates that the
introduction of OLP may not be enough to reduce rural unemployment.

The main takeaway from the unemployment regression is that online labour platforms can reduce
unemployment in countries where capital investment, including digital infrastructure, is substantial.
Nevertheless, the elasticity figures in Table 19 indicate a lower percentage decrease of 0.14% in
unemployment, given a 1% increase in interaction of higher platform shares and substantial GDCF.

On the other hand, Table 18 indicates that a 1% increase in the share of GDCF to GDP results in a 5%
increase in platform shares. This low coefficient measuring the impact of platform participation and capital
investment can indicate that active workers in platforms may have formal jobs already. Other explanations
are that those who were doing platform work are already or were previously employed aside from the
likelihood due to measurement errors. Many platforms can be used simply to reallocate work arrangements
for workers possessing specific work qualities, making access to these digital platforms difficult. Even in
countries with lower HDI, women engaged in platform work may have distinct skills or experience that
qualify them for these jobs. Hence, there is the need to have more unemployed workers or those in the
informal sector who are not counted as employed to move towards more formal employment or self-
employment.

68
4. Informal Labour Markets in ASEAN
and the Extension of Social
Protection

4.1. Magnitude and description of the informal sector

The pandemic exposed a weak foundation of Southeast Asian labour systems: the large percentage of
informal markets. Restrictions on the movement of people and the sudden stoppage or severe downscaling
of economic activities to contain the propagation of COVID-19 strongly impact informal workers. The
sectors worst affected by the pandemic – such as accommodation and food service activities (including
tourism), wholesale and retail trade, transportation, and construction – all have a particularly high
proportion of informal labour (ADB, 2021). According to ASEAN (2019), the informal employment rate in
the accommodation and food services sector ranged from 81% to 99% in Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar,
and Viet Nam. In the same four countries, informal employment rates range from 70% to 97% in wholesale
and retail trade, and from 90%to 99% in construction. From the same ASEAN report, it can be estimated
that in eight of the 10 AMS (excluding Singapore and the Philippines, which have no data), 57.5 million
workers in these four sectors were in informal employment before the pandemic.

Figure 13 presents the average number in the informal sector in select AMS where data is available. The
following points are important. First, despite the presence of platform opportunities, the average number
of workers did not seem to change significantly from 2011-2015 and 2016-2019. Second, for countries
that have achieved substantial growth from 2016-2019, in their respective income categories, Thailand
and Viet Nam, the number of informal workers has slightly declined. Third, for countries with relatively
lower-income growth rates and with lower incomes, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Indonesia, the informal
workers have slightly increased.27 Fourth, given the significant changes that occurred during the period,
the observed stable number of informal sector workers indicates that informality, in general, is affected by
non-economic factors, specifically skill set and demography.

Figure 13. Average number of informal workers in select AMS, 2010-2019 (in thousands)

200000
180000
160000
140000
120000
100000
80000
60000
40000
20000
0
2011-2015 2016-2019

Cambodia Indonesia Myanmar Thailand Viet Nam

Source: ILO (2022)

27- The list of countries cited here is based on income levels.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 69
 An estimated 244 million workers are in informal employment in ASEAN region, with large disparities
between developed and developing countries (ILO, 2019). Nearly 79% of all workers in ASEAN region are
in informal employment, exceeding the world average. The levels of informal employment vary significantly
across countries. Informal employment is found mostly in informal enterprises, which indicates a strong
association between the lack of social protection and the informality of economic units. Thus, expanding
social security coverage will require both social security extension strategies and the formalisation of
informal businesses. There is also a share of informal employment in the formal and household sectors,
which concerns mostly employees and contributing family workers who are not entitled to social security
or other employment-related benefits, despite the formally recognised nature of their workplace.

The previous section noted that significant unemployment is found in two demographic sectors, women and
youth. It can be shown here that the informal sector also comprised mostly of these demographic groups.
Table 20 presents the share of the informal sector to total employment by age group. Lower- and middle-
income countries have the highest share of the informal sector, with a significant proportion found in the
15-24 age group. These enterprises are still rooted in agriculture, where jobs are still considered seasonal
and informal. Countries that have a substantial number of people that have moved out of agriculture are
those that have a lower informal share in total employment.

Table 20. Informal employment by age groups, %

Age Groups All employed

15-24 25-39 40-59 60-64 65 older

Lower-income countries

Cambodia (2019) 85.8 86.2 91.5 92.3 94.7 88.3

Myanmar (2017) 94.2 85.5 77.5 78.9 73.6 84.1

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR (2017) 84.9 70.7 76.0 84.3 87.9 75.4

The Philippines (2018) N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 36.6

Viet Nam (2016) N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 67.7

Indonesia (2018) 31.7 37.4 50.9 71.8 77.9 44.1

Higher-income countries

Thailand (2018) 30.9 26.3 42.5 69.2 82.9 37.1

Malaysia (2017) 9.7 11.0 18.9 3.4 - 10.6

Brunei Darussalam (2017) 58.8 47.4 43.1 38.4 32.3 46.6

Singapore N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A

Source: ASEAN (2022); Inputs from Cambodia

Notes: Figures are percentages of informal workers to total employment in a given age category. N/A-not applicable

More importantly, the table indicates that the informal sector reflects the youth unemployment problem.
Lacking in experience, the youth has limited job options. Thus those belonging to the aged group from 15
to 24 years old have the highest share of workers in informal sectors in low-income countries and Brunei
Darussalam. On the other hand, for countries that have shifted mostly away from agriculture, such as
Thailand, informal sector workers are mainly retired or nearly retired, making informality seem more of an
aging problem. Similar to the youth, the options for older individuals are limited as their productivity is
viewed to have diminished.

70
Table 21. Rate of informal employment by sex

Male Female All employed

Lower-income countries

Cambodia (2019) 89.0 87.6 88.3

Myanmar (2017) 81.2 87.4 84.1

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR (2017) 71.8 79.6 75.4

The Philippines (2018) 83.9 73.9 80.0

Viet Nam (2016) 60.7 53.3 57.2

Indonesia (2018) 40.1 50.2 44.1

Higher-income countries

Thailand (2018) 36.4 37.8 37.1

Malaysia (2017) 11.0 10.1 10.6

Brunei Darussalam (2017) 46.9 46.2 46.6

Singapore N/A N/A N/A

Source: ASEAN (2022) and ILO (2019)

Note: N/A-not applicable

Table 21 features the rate of informal employment by sex. Note that the rate of informal employment
similarly shows a greater percentage of female workers in lower-income countries. This same pattern was
also found in female unemployment rates, which were higher than male unemployment. Women with
lower skills cannot compete with men in the formal sector and are thus more exposed to informal activities.
Women tend to have less expertise and skills than men and can be found in lower-valued informal activities.

Table 22 shows the educational profile of informal workers. Informal workers are more likely to have finished
primary education, particularly in low-income economies. But in more developed economies, there is still a
sizable proportion of those completing secondary education in the informal sector. Informal arrangements
seem to persist even as the economy improves among AMS and the inability to complete secondary
education exposes the youth to accepting informal work.28

The large share of workers in informal employment poses an enormous challenge to effective social
protection. The implications for workers’ level of protection differ, depending on whether social protection
is linked to a contract with a specific employer, employment status (being an employee or self-employed),
or linked to participation in gainful employment.

For most AMS, social protection benefits linked to a contract with a specific employer, such as workers’
compensation and employer-financed (private) health or pension insurance, are mostly limited to formal
employees with a standard employment relationship. Benefits are usually lost once the contract with that
employer is terminated. Under the ILO normative framework and policy advice, such forms of protection
are considered less effective than protection based on collective risk-sharing and solidarity (ILO, 2019;
Behrendt and Nguyen, 2018).

28- Women who have more skills and have the same, if not higher education, than men, are absorbed in the formal sector.

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 71
 Table 22. Distribution of informal markets by education

Primary Short-cycle
Secondary Post-secondary Bachelor’s
Education and tertiary
education non-tertiary level or higher All
below (ISCED education
(ISCED level 2 education (ISCED levels 6, employed
level 0 and (ISCED level
and level 3) (ISCED level 4) 7, and 8)
level 1) 5)

Brunei 13.6 60.2 12.3 - 13.9 100

Darussalam

Cambodia 55.8 40.3 1.1 - 2.8 100

Lao PDR 41.6 44.8 1.5 8.1 4.0 100

Malaysia 20.9 64.7 0.5 - 13.8 100

Myanmar 74.0 11.0 - 15.0 100

The Philippines 46.0 37.0 - 15.0 100

Thailand 31.2 37.7 29.9 - 1.2 100

Source: ASEAN (2022)

Table 23 shows the distribution of workers by the nature of the contract. The following points are worthy.
First, significant differences in the shares can be noted across countries, indicating that contracts have
changed with economic development. Higher-income countries tend to have more employees than self-
employed individuals, suggesting greater social protection. Second, in some low and middle-income
countries, like Cambodia and the Philippines, while employees are a majority, it cannot be ascertained
whether they work in formal or informal markets as a substantial number of informal workers can be found
within formal enterprises. Third, most the middle-income countries have more self-employed persons, but
a gradual growth in the percentage of the number of employees can be noted.

Table 23. Percentage distribution of workers by nature of the contract, 2011-2020

2011-2015 2016-2019 2020

Employees Self-employed Employees Self-employed Employees Self-employed

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 39.36 60.64 50.40 49.60 51.93 48.07

Myanmar 33.74 66.26 35.54 64.46 33.62 66.38

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 17.53 82.47 20.77 79.23 21.29 78.71

The Philippines 57.29 42.71 62.74 37.26 62.59 37.41

Viet Nam 35.89 64.11 43.30 56.70 45.16 54.84

Indonesia 45.99 54.01 48.50 51.50 47.09 52.91

Higher-income countries

Thailand 44.86 55.14 49.18 50.82 49.48 50.52

Malaysia 75.06 24.94 73.80 26.20 74.97 25.03

Brunei Darussalam 91.92 8.08 91.47 8.53 90.99 9.01

Source: ILO (2022)

72
4.2. Social protection for the self-employed
One can assess the state of social protection received by the informal sector by looking at the social
protection extended to the self-employed. Self-employment can be formal (registered enterprise) or
informal (own-account unregistered worker). In general, being a self-employed person in the informal
sector is a much better off position than a worker in the same sector since the government provides more
subsidies to the former than the latter. The expansion of voluntary coverage through subsidies often
creates a situation whereby relatively well-off self-employed workers are covered by social security and
health insurance, while the rest of the informal workers are hardly protected (ILO, 2019). This is crucial since
all platform workers are considered self-employed.

Table 24 presents the types and characteristics of social protection offered to self-employed individuals
in the informal sector. The following points can be noted. First, lower-income economies tend to exclude
the self-employed with more voluntary coverage. Higher-income countries, such as Brunei Darussalam
and Singapore, provide universal coverage in health care. Second, mandatory coverage for middle-income
countries is quite common. In the case of the Philippines, mandatory coverage is found in almost all types
of social protection, but the implementation of such programmes remains a problem. Third, most AMS
provide child and family benefits in the form of cash transfers which are targeted at the most vulnerable
segments of the population. However, unemployment insurance has not been put in place.

Social protection is viewed as crucial in the transition towards OLPs since these programs provide income
security and provide access to health and education services given sudden movements in employment.
Given the unstable nature of OLPs, individual workers are likely to fall into poverty unless social protection,
particularly unemployment insurance, is provided. It is crucial that these social protection measures be
extended to all workers in the informal sector.

Table 24. Social protection in the AMS

Child and
Health Maternity Old Work Family
Sickness Invalidity Survivors Unemployment
Care (cash)a Ageb Injuryc Benefits
(cash)d

Lower-Income countries

Cambodiae E E E None E None None None E

Myanmar V V V None None None None Selective None

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR V V V V V V V None E

The MC MC MC MC MC MC MC Selective None

Philippines

Viet Nam MC E E V E V V Selective E

Indonesia MC E E V E V V Selective E

Higher-income countries

Thailand V V V V V V V V E

Malaysia U E E V E E E MC E

Brunei U E E V E V E MC E
Darussalam

Singapore U E MC MC E U V Selective None

Source: ILO (2019): Inputs from Myanmar, Cambodia, the Philippines and Singapore

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 73
 Note: V = Voluntary participation for self-employed workers.

E = Excluded.

MC = Mandatory coverage for self-employed workers.

None = no scheme in place.

a = In Thailand, self-employed workers have voluntary coverage for cash benefits; the medical benefits are
covered through the universal coverage scheme.

b = In Malaysia and Indonesia, self-employed persons can voluntarily participate in the provident fund. In
Malaysia, they are excluded from the social insurance scheme. In Singapore, self-employed persons with
an annual net trade income greater than SGD6,000 are required to contribute to their Central Provident
Fund (CPF) MediSave Account for their healthcare needs and can also make voluntary contributions to their
CPF Ordinary Acconut and Special Account for their retirement needs.. In Indonesia, mandatory coverage
of self-employed workers by the old-age benefit will be gradually extended according to the Law on the
National Social Security System (Sistem Jaminan Sosial Nasional).

c = In Malaysia, registration to occupational insurance is only compulsory for self-employed taxi and
e-hailing drivers; other self-employed workers and domestic workers are excluded from the scheme. In
Viet Nam, the Law on Occupational Safety and Health (2014) includes an extension of employment injury
insurance to all workers, including self-employed.

d = In Singapore, the benefit is universal and unconditional for newborn babies. In Thailand, the cash benefit
for children aged 0–6 years is unconditional and non-means tested. Malaysia has both unconditional and
conditional cash transfers for children and families.

e = In Cambodia, the Law on Social Security 2019 covered health care, sickness, old age (pension scheme),
work injury scheme and unemployment scheme. These four schemes are to be applied to all workers,
including the informal workers. Yet, in the current context, informal workers only receive the health care
scheme under the Health Equity Fund. The government is currently drafting the Decree to include self-
employed workers to be covered by health care and pension scheme on a voluntary basis.

U = Universal coverage (independent of work status).

Selective = means-tested.

4.3. Transition from informal to formal sectors through online

labour platforms
Despite the close identity of the informal markets and OLPs, the data presented indicate that size of the
informal sector has not been affected. In a selected set of literature (e.g. La Porta and Schneider, 2014),
the informal sector is presumed to be marginally productive. Thus, their presence indicates the informal
workers’ low prospect of thriving in the formal sector. Informality is viewed to be comprised of an infinite
number of inefficient and poorly educated workers, resulting in extremely unproductive and small scaled
enterprises. Because of their limited contact with the formal sector, the possibility of transitions to formality
is quite low unless the country develops.

Nevertheless, certain literature says otherwise (e.g. Lanzona, 1998; Chen, 2006). The sheer size of the
informal sector in most developing countries makes this sector a major provider of employment, goods,
and services, particularly to lower-income groups. Its ability to reduce transaction costs (including taxes)
creates a vital link between the poor and the formal industries.

74
Another set of literature also points out that many services offered in online labour platforms, such as
cleaning, driving, and tutoring, are already being performed by the existing informal sector in developing
countries (Weber et al., 2021). For most of these on-demand activities, the informal sector can be an
important source of labour supply for OLPs which remain informal in nature.

More importantly, the prevalence of flexible labour relationships and sub-contractual arrangements resulted
not in response to economic incentives such as rising remuneration or labour costs (Piore and Sabel,
1984) but because of the emergence of technological innovation and poor regulatory policy (Chen, 2006).
Also, since the 1980s, many formal firms in developed countries have decided to subcontract production
to workers through the easier transmission of training and knowledge (Baldwin, 2016). The advantages
afforded by OLPs are thus not based on economic factors but through a set of exogenous factors that
invariably provide the same advantages for the rise of the informal sector. The main proponents of online
services can in effect engage in the same type of transactions and arrangements as the traditional informal
sector. On the part of the worker, if the OLPs can offer the bridge towards more formal enterprises,
this situation then creates a potentially costless transition from informal activities to formal provision of
services. In return, the OLPs, especially those that are created locally, can be incorporated into a formal
establishment through a series of incentives and subsidies on the part of the government (Weber, et al.,
2021).

Formalisation is not an objective but a necessary condition to reach important objectives (ILO, 2021). As
the Fourth Industrial Revolution and digital transformation threaten to decrease jobs and push low-skilled
individuals towards poverty and informality, the formalisation of enterprises, including OLPs, draws in greater
productivity and easier market access, contributing to their sustainability and engendering competition in
national and international markets. Formalisation is also a prerequisite for adequate labour and social
protection of the workers and other contracted parties. At the macro-level, formalisation improves social
welfare because it broadens the area of responsibility of the government, notably by allowing increased
public revenues and strengthening the rule of law. It leads to fairer societies by more equitably distributing
rights and obligations among its members.

At the level of the workers, transitioning them to register as formal entities is a crucial step to accessing
social protection. A key issue then is that current regulatory frameworks, tax systems, and social protection
systems are not broad enough to integrate these new and increasingly diverse forms of employment from
the OLPs into the formal economy to protect the benefits and well-being of workers. For formalisation to
be feasible, strict regulations on the informal sector should be avoided since these may result in lesser
options for the workers. Easing the costs of businesses will also not be effective in this shift as this may
encourage more informal online activities. Cost-benefit analyses that focus on the worker’s transition to
formality are not enough.

Instead, governments must create an institutional process mediating informality with formal processes and
rules. A crucial element in this process is an agreement or collaboration between the government and
the OLPs on minimum conditions to ensure workers’ fair treatment and protection. This may include (a)
dispute resolution mechanisms, payment protection and identity verification; (b) training and development
opportunities for workers; and (c) registration with government agencies and obtaining licenses and permits
to fulfill all the legal and regulatory requirements of the country where the OLP operates. It is thus the
responsibility of the government to institute appropriate laws and regulations that apply to the OLPs while
consulting and recognise the latter’s unique features and characteristics. By instituting these measures,
workers will be given incentives to become formal as they can now expect support from professional
organisations and government agencies in work disputes and problems.

The literature has noted that informal settings are characterised by informal rules and values which may
conflict with formal and legal rules (Weber et al., 2021; Sutter et al., 2017). The huge gulf between formal
and informal rules can lead to perceptions of fears and uncertainties of the unknown. Another way to
consider this point is to take note that social institutions designed to create necessary positive externalities
have not kept pace with technologies. Given the depth of these perceptions, no singular policy measure
will be effective.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 75
 Apart from the usual market-based solutions, a comprehensive intermediation approach that involves
socially oriented non-government organisations (NGOs) or social enterprises that can identify irregularities
and protect worker rights may be adopted to alleviate the uncertainties resulting from the unfamiliarity
with formal digital activity (Sutter, et al., 2017). Two emerging institutional developments can be noted.
First, the direct involvement of workers or worker advocates in the platform economy to improve worker
conditions in platforms and developing a common global definition of good jobs (Berg, et al., 2018). These
include29, Samasource30, Fairwork Foundation31, and Testbirds32.

Second, there are attempts to require ISO certificates for sharing economies.33 Specifically, a technical
committee (ISO/TC 324) has been established to develop global standards for platforms that connect
providers and users of online services (Naden, 2019). These standards aim to ensure safe and trustworthy
transactions by encouraging quality transparency, accountability, and consumer protection.

4.4. Barriers to the transition: Labour market power and

decent work
One of the fears surrounding OLPs is the lack of decent work conditions and social protection. Online
labour platforms may increase productivity as platform intermediation facilitates outreach and matching,
creating greater scale in operations and raising incomes. For such activities, these improvements are,
however, accompanied by the added cost of longer working hours in the absence of labour standards,
including Occupational Safety and Health Standards. Because of this, a substantial number of workers in
the informal sector may have reservations about engaging in these transactions.

Lehdonvirta et al. (2018) describe the situation in three conditions. First is the condition of glocalisation,
which refers to the integration of local differences in the cost and availability of skills to a standardised global
structure. In the process, earnings for the same quality of work may drastically be reduced as more workers
worldwide participate in the market. Second, the condition of platformisation of the labour transactions
limits the workers’ power to mediate relative to face-to-face labour transactions. While signalling raises the
possibility that firms will pay fees based on the workers’ productivity, these signals are dependent on the
ability of platform firms to determine the correct ranking and skill progression. Finally, the condition of
individualisation eliminates the market signals that allow for statistical discrimination if the information is
not properly relayed to platform firms. According to Ewens et al. (2014), information is “averaged” without
sufficient individual-level information, resulting in stereotyping.

However, a serious problem emerges once monopsony power exists. As heterogeneity in jobs is created,
the workers’ ability to bargain for appropriate fees is limited, especially as platform firms segregate and
limit the possibility of workers shifting to other firms. Caldwell and Oehlsen (2019) provided evidence of
extremely limited supply response to higher fees, allowing firms to markdown fees below the workers’
marginal productivity. These conditions indicate that worker earnings are dependent on outside options
that are available in each setting (Caldwell and Harmon, 2019). In lower-income countries where information
from social networks can be limited, larger increases in earnings are needed to induce job-to-job transition
rates.

Platformisation and individualisation can worsen the situation as platforms can eliminate the value of social
networks and labour mobility by setting individualised but marked-down earnings. Dube et al. (2020)
demonstrated that market power on platforms can arise due to a small number of employers, which results

29- Turkopticon (a tool which allows workers to rate clients who posts tasks on Amazon Mechanical Turk
30- A non-profit firm that connects low-income workers in developing countries with digital opportunities on major platforms such as
Google and Walmart
31- A research project that evaluates and ranks online labor platforms based on their adherence to fair work principles such as pay
and working conditions
32- A software testing platform that initiated a voluntary code of conduct for paid crowdsourcing
33- ISO certification is a written assurance by International Organization of Standardization (ISO), an independent body, that a
product, service or system meets specific requirements.

76
from search frictions in locating high-paying jobs or idiosyncratic preferences over tasks (or non-wage)
characteristics.

Even if online labour markets are unaffected by traditional markers of anti-competitive markets, these can
be rife with monopsony if workers have limited options other than the informal markets. In ASEAN context,
the lack of options for workers due to regional industrial concentration and high search costs can result in
greater market power for the employers (Flanagan and Khor, 2013).

In the case of OLPs, such market power may arise due to a small number of employers, search frictions
in finding higher paying tasks, or from idiosyncratic preferences over task characteristics. One possible
indication of this is the gender wage gap. While men’s remuneration are also observed to be be lower on
the crowdwork platform compared to traditional contracts, women worldwide on average receive 82%
less than the males in such jobs (Adams-Prassi and Berg, 2017). While a significant portion of this gap
can be attributed to worker characteristics, including education, discrimination can be inferred if lower
remuneration relative to male earnings are given to women with the same characteristics as the males.
Given the sizeable number of workers in the market but with tasks posted centrally in OLPs, women can
choose tasks associated with their gender and complementary to their responsibilities at home. The
worker’s specific choice over differentiated tasks can result in a greater market power on the part of the
OLP, resulting in marked-down earnings below the worker’s true contribution to the firm (Card, et al., 2016).

Addressing these issues of monopsony and market power should revolve around creating platforms
that can prioritise worker’s rights without limiting the viability of the OLPs. The potential technological
unemployment due to the fourth industrial revolution can be avoided by creating digital platforms as
stepping stones for more gainful employment. This includes creating enough social protection to
encourage the workers to engage in OLP activities and developing minimum standards for existing and
emerging platforms to register as formal companies.

The proliferation of digital platforms has widened e-commerce market opportunities and has facilitated
cross-border trade of digitally ordered and delivered products and services within and beyond the region.
While the global pandemic experience has attested to the resilience of e-commerce and the digital economy,
it has also shown that digital and data divides continue to exist, resulting to uneven levels of readiness for
digital trade across countries.

To fully take advantage of the export opportunities leveraging on digital trends, it is crucial for countries
to keep pace with rapid, emerging needs in fostering digital economy sectors such as investing in ICT
infrastructure and enhancing digital skills competency. There is also a need to intensify digital regulatory
cooperation geared towards adopting common digital standards, minimizing technical duplication, and
promoting a higher level of interoperability to facilitate better and increase cross-border trade.

To this end, data and digital economy measures are gaining prominence in bilateral and regional agreement
negotiations. Provisions concerning e-commerce, research and development, investment, and furthering
services liberalization (particularly those that strategically enable digital services trade such as financial
and insurance services; information, computer, and telecommunications; and other business services) are
becoming increasingly covered in trade agreements. However, liberalization efforts can only be gainful
unless the physical infrastructure and human capacity needs pointed our earlier are sufficiently addressed
(Crivelli, [Link]., 2022). More recently, digital economy agreements which feature more ambitious binding
commitments on ensuring free data flow and cover a wider range of digital topics such as data security,
protection, and privacy, are also being advanced (ADB, 2022a; 2022b).

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 77
 5. Environments for Labour
Platforms in ASEAN

5.1. Employment environment

The labour code defines the principles and sets the terms and conditions of labour and employment in the AMS
(see Table A4 in the Annex). It provides for the workers’ occupational safety and health, social protection,
and rights to social dialogue and participation in collective bargaining/trade unions. It also outlines the
elements of wage, work, and command to determine employment relations, which are operationalised by
tests.

Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Viet Nam use a multifactorial test that
considers the personal relationship34, mutuality of obligation35, degree of control36, right to delegate or
subcontract37, and representation as a part of an employer’s business38. The Philippines uses a battery of
tests outlined in the Department of Labour and Employment (DOLE) Labour Advisory No. 14. These include
the fourfold test39, economic reality test40, and the independent contractor test. Malaysia uses the control
test. Some riders and representatives of groups and associations shared that some platforms have policies
that appear to impose control over riders. These include requiring riders to wear uniforms and admonishing
them to refrain from engaging with passengers in any political-related discourse.

New business models bring to light deficits in the existing regulatory frameworks. For platforms, workers are
not employees since the elements of wage and command are absent. Wage is absent since remunerations
are coming from clients and end-users. Command is absent since workers have the discretion to accept
or reject tasks. On some platforms, workers also have options to accept a job automatically. Automated
sourcing and matching workers-jobs are not forms of control. Rather, these enhance the efficiencies in job
searches that benefit workers and improve the delivery of services that benefit clients. Some platforms,
like Foodpanda, help partner riders to understand market variabilities through heat maps (in Thailand)
and peak hour/zone incentives (in Singapore), allowing workers to take advantage of the information to
maximise their earnings. Other platforms, like GoTo and Grab, leverage the review/rating system, among
other things, when matching workers with tasks.

Platform work is governed by the service agreement stipulating workers as independent contractors. This is
the case with ride-hailing, courier, and food delivery services in most AMS except for Brunei Darussalam,
Malaysia, and Singapore. Brunei Darussalam classifies on-demand platform workers as freelancers, while
Malaysia and Singapore classify these as self-employed (see Table 25). Since no employment relations are
established, platforms are not compelled to comply with regulatory standards related to employment,
social protection, and taxation.

Work on platforms is akin to self-employment, where willing workers take up work, and workers may incur
penalties when tasks are not properly executed. This ensures the quality of services provided to end-users. In
the case of partner riders/drivers, penalties are meted out when accepted jobs are regularly missed or left

34- e.g. Worker is not an employee when s/he owes no duty and fidelity towards the employer.
35- e.g. Worker is not an employee when there is an exchange of work for a wage and future performance.
36- e.g. Worker is not an employee when there is no control over what and how a worker does.
37- e.g. Worker is not an employee when s/he engages somebody else to the job.
38- e.g. Worker is not an employee when s/he does not use uniforms/badges/logos.
39- The selection and engagement of the employee, payment of wages, power of dismissal, and power of control over the
employee’s conduct.
40- Services rendered are integral to the business, degree of control by the platform.

78
incomplete. Repeated cancellations have implications for securing future tasks. For example, Foodpanda
riders can be temporarily banned from receiving orders, while Gojek riders can have lower ratings. LINE
MAN Wongnai riders are allowed a daily cancel quota. Upon reaching the quota, riders need to queue to
secure another task.

Despite the lack of employment relations, platforms claim they ensure fairness to their partners. For example,
riders of most platforms are compensated for client-initiated cancellations. In cases of disputes, mechanisms
are in place for immediate resolution. Foodpanda, for instance, claims high rates of dispute resolution.
Local wages are also used as benchmarks in designing and adjusting the basic fee structure.

Table 25. Comparison of employment status on selected platforms in the AMS

Country Platform Current ruling on Test of an employment

employment status relationship

Brunei Darussalam Go Rush Brunei, Brunei Colloquially known Multifactorial Test

Delivery Service, Dart, as “Runners”, Some (5 factors that contribute to
GoMamam, HeyDomo are outsourced and the success of On-Demand
freelancers.

Cambodia Nham24, E-Gets, and Independent 2017 Labour Law regulates

Foodpanda Contractor employment contracts /
relationships

Indonesia Grab and Gojek Independent Multifactorial Test

Contractor (Certain principles and factors
based on 2003 Labour Law)

Lao PDR Foodpanda Independent Multifactorial Test

Contractor

Malaysia Grab, Foodpanda and GoGet Self-Employed Control Test

(Over working conditions
and worker’s degree of
dependency on the employer)

Myanmar Foodpanda, Yangon Independent Multifactorial Test

Door2Door, GrabFood Contractors

The Philippines Foodpanda, GrabFood, Independent Four-fold test, Economic

Lalamove, MrSpeedy, TokTok Contractor reality, test, independent
the Philippines contractor test

Singapore Deliveroo, Gojek, and Grab Self-Employed Employment Act

(prescribes minimum
employment conditions)

Thailand LINE Man, Grab Taxi (providing Independent Multifactorial Test

food-delivery services through Contractors
the application Grab Food),
Food Panda and the Gojek
Group (via Get), Grab

Viet Nam Grab Independent Multifactorial Test

Contractor (“20-Factor Test” Determines
whether an individual is an
independent contractor or an
employee)

Source: Estrella et al. (2021)

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 79
 5.2. Infrastructures
Internet connectivity is one of the critical infrastructures enabling labour platforms, and the AMS has made
significant progress on this front. The forecast of Internet users in the region is an uptrend (Figure 14, Panel
A). In 2000, only Malaysia and Singapore had over 20% of their population using the Internet. Substantial
improvement in Internet access occurred two decades after. However, the progress is far from uniform,
with some AMS being more advanced than others (Figure 14, Panel B). Brunei Darussalam, Singapore, and
Malaysia have at least 90% of their population using the Internet, while Lao PDR and Myanmar have only a
fourth and a third of their population, respectively.

Based on Datareportal41, almost all Internet users ages 16-64 years owned smartphones, and around
70% in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Singapore owned a desktop/laptop. Internet users in the
Philippines spent the most time on the Internet/day at around 10.45 hours. Those in Viet Nam spent the
least at approximately 6.63 hours.

Figure 14. Internet users, forecast and actual

Panel A: Panel B:
Forecast of the number of mobile internet Individuals using the Internet in the AMS
users in Southeast Asia, 2010-2025 (in millions) (% of the population)

2010 Brunei
Darussalam
2011

2012 Cambodia

2013
Indonesia
2014

2015 Lao PDR

2016
Malaysia
2017

2018
Myanmar
2019
The
2020
Philippines
2021
Singapore
2022

2023
Thailand
2024
2001
2025 Viet Nam
2021

Source: Statista, Accessed on April 26, 2022 Source: UN ITU-International Telecommunications Union (2022),
Accessed on April 26, 2022

Singapore is the most advanced in various digital indicators (Table 26). It is included in the top 10 countries
in digital innovation, security, transformation, and trade. It is also included in the top 20 countries in digital
government, skills and inclusion, and connectivity. Meanwhile, Malaysia registers in the top 10 countries
in digital security and the top 20 countries in digital innovation. Cambodia, Lao PDR, and Myanmar lag
behind other AMS in all the digital indicators, although Indonesia, the Philippines, and Viet Nam also
underperform in connectivity and skills/inclusion.

41- [Link] Accessed on April 26, 2022

80
Table 26. Rank of the AMS in various digital indicators

Digital Digital Government Digital Digital Skills Digital Security Digital

Transformation and (out of 193 Connectivity and Inclusion (out of 182 Innovation
Digital Trade (out of countries) (out of 176 (out of 187 countries) (out of 190
130 countries) countries) countries) countries)

Brunei - 60 53 47 85 66
Darussalam

Cambodia 106 124 128 144 132 144

Indonesia 66 88 111 107 24 73

Lao PDR 110 167 139 137 131 154

Malaysia 38 47 63 62 5 12

Myanmar - 146 135 147 99 165

The 83 77 101 107 61 95

Philippines

Singapore 7 11 18 11 4 2

Thailand 54 57 78 79 44 21

Viet Nam 63 86 108 117 25 70

Source World Economic United Nations ICT United Nations ITU Global World
Forum’s Network E-Government Development Development Cybersecurity Bank Ease
Readiness Index (NRI) Development Index Index (IDI) 2017 Programme Index (GCI) of Doing
2021 2020 Human 2020 Business
Development Index 2019
Index (HDI)
2020

Website https:// https:// [Link] [Link] [Link] [Link]

networkreadinessindex. publicadministration. int/net4/ITU-D/ org/en/countries int/dms_pub/ worldbank.
org/countries/ [Link]/egovkb/en-us/ idi/2017/index. itu-d/opb/str/D- org/
About/Overview/- html STR-GCI.01-2021- indicator/
E-Government- [Link] [Link].
Development-Index XQ

Source: Authors’ compilation

The presence of secure internet servers and the cost of connectivity vary in the AMS. The presence of secure
internet servers is necessary to enhance the confidence of consumers in online transactions. In 2010,
Singapore led the AMS at 532 secure servers per one million people. A decade after, Singapore and Brunei

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 81
 Darussalam had the highest levels, although Indonesia and Viet Nam posted the highest growth (Table
27). Concerning cost, a gigabyte of data was the cheapest in Indonesia and Viet Nam in 2020 and 2021.
Meanwhile, such cost is the most expensive in Brunei Darussalam and Lao PDR. The cost of a gigabyte
of data in the AMS decreased from 2020 to 2021, except in Myanmar (which stayed the same) and the
Philippines (which increased).

Table 27. Secure internet servers and the average price of 1 GB, growth rate

Secure internet servers Average price of 1GB (US$)**

(per 1 million people)*

2010 2020 2020 2021

Brunei Darussalam 41.2 15,749.2 2.64 2.23

Cambodia 0.7 188.5 1.50 0.83

Indonesia 1.6 1,877.6 0.64 0.42

Lao PDR 0.5 52.8 4.16 3.19

Malaysia 44.9 7,494.4 1.12 0.89

Myanmar 0.0 14.1 0.78 0.78

The Philippines 5.0 113.6 1.42 1.77

Singapore 531.6 128,377.7 2.47 1.09

Thailand 11.2 1,908.1 1.23 1.06

Viet Nam 2.3 3,105.8 0.57 0.49

*Source: World Bank-World Development Indicators [Link] Accessed on April 26, 2022.
**Source: Cable (2021). Worldwide Mobile Data Pricing 2021, [Link] Accessed
April 10, 2022.

A large proportion of the AMS population remains unbanked or underbanked. For example, data from Google,
Temasek, and Bain and Company (2019) indicate that out of the 401 million adults in the six AMS in 2019,
only 26% had accounts in financial institutions. The same data show that 24% and 46% were underbanked
(with a bank account but insufficient access to credit, investment, and insurance) and unbanked (do not
own a bank account), respectively. Viet Nam and the Philippines had the highest unbanked population at
around 70% (Figure 15). Indonesia’s unbanked population is about 50%.

Figure 15. Basic financial inclusion in selected AMS, % of the adult population

Indonesia

Malaysia

The Philippines

Singapore

Thailand

Viet Nam

0,00 0,20 0,40 0,60 0,80 1,00

Banked Underbanked Unbanked

Source: Google, Temasek, and Bain and Company (2019)

82
Thus, it is not surprising that non-bank financial products and services, such as electronic wallets, have
become popular channels of digital financial payments. This can be seen in the projected growth of mobile
wallet transactions in the AMS (Figure 16). Singapore is leading at 471% growth by 2025, although other
AMS are also projected to exhibit significant growth. In the Philippines, the Central Bank launched the
PESONet42 and InstaPay43 in 2017 and 2018, respectively, to enhance interoperability among banks and
other online payment solutions like GCash. This helps create different payment channels, facilitating
participation in platform-based activities.

Figure 16. Projected growth of mobile wallet transaction value between 2020-2025, %

500
450
400
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
Singapore Malaysia The Philippines Indonesia Viet Nam Thailand

Source: Statista, Accessed on April 27, 2022

5.3. Government programmes and initiatives in the digital

economy
The AMS has crafted ICT roadmaps to guide plans and policies on digital transformation.

· Brunei Darussalam crafted the ICT Industry Competency Framework (BIICF), which articulates the
competencies for ICT occupations, training, and professional certifications. It covers jobs across the ICT
industry, including technical and managerial roles. It also targets BIICF user groups of ICT professionals,
graduates, employers, and training providers44.

· Cambodia officially launched the Digital Economy and Social Policy Framework of Cambodia 2021-
2035 and the Policy on Digital Government 2022-2035. The former aims to strengthen digital skills and
align employment policies with the global context. The latter seeks to establish a government founded
on digital infrastructures and technologies and guide reforms in all sectors.

· Myanmar also crafted the Digital Economy Masterplan, envisioned to accelerate the use of digital tools
by MSMEs/informal sector.

42- PESONet is an electronic fund transfer service that enables businesses, the government, and individuals to pay or transfer
funds from their accounts to other participating financial institutions and electronic money issuers (EMIs) ([Link]
ph/PaymentAndSettlement/FAQ_PESONet.pdf, Accessed on March 10, 2022)
43- Instapay is a low-value electronic fund transfer service that enables customers who have accounts in participating banks and
eWallets to send or receive funds ([Link] Accessed on March 10,
2022)
44- [Link]

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 83
 · Viet Nam approved the National Digital Transformation Roadmap 2025 (with a vision toward 2030). It
sets additional targets and guidelines to help Viet Nam achieve its digital transformation goals on three
pillars: e-government, e-economy, and e-society. The programme on advancing the development and
use of national digital platforms for the three pillars was approved in February 2022, with 35 national
digital platforms to be developed in the first stage.

· Meanwhile, Thailand’s Ministry of Digital Economy and Society is working on regulations to build a
sustainable environment for platform workers and platform work.

State-led online portals have been developed in some AMS.

· Brunei Darussalam established the E-Kadai Brunei, which serves as the directory of all platforms in the
country and aims to assist people in accessing services during the pandemic.

· Cambodia established the Digital Community of Cambodia, a platform initiated by the Royal
Government of Cambodia to bring together people with digital talents. The National Bank of Cambodia
also established the Bakong Platform, a mobile payment system for peer-to-peer fund transfer services
to retail customers of local banks, financial institutions, and payment service providers in the country.

· Meanwhile, the Vietnamese government has developed digital government platforms to support small
and medium businesses in digital transformation.

ICT Skills initiatives are also being implemented. These include the Network Information and Communication
for Development (ICT4D) in Cambodia, Global Online Workforce (GLOW) programmes in Malaysia,
digitaljobsPH in the Philippines, and the Continuing Education and Training (CET) efforts under the TechSkills
Accelerator (TeSA) programmes in Singapore. ICT4D aims to close the gap in ICT access and skills, while
GLOW, digitaljobsPH, and CET are initiatives to strengthen the skill sets of platform workers. Meanwhile,
the National Medium-Term Development Plan 2020-2024 in Indonesia recognises the importance of skills
by improving the vocational education and training ecosystem spanning demand, supply, and governance.

Strategic plans for sharing economy are also underway.

· Under the 12th Malaysia Plan (2021- 2025), the government has approved and allocated funding for
the Sharing Economy Standards Development and Facilitation project, which involves the development
of a platform certification programme and industry standards. The certification programme aims to
address some critical challenges related to platform work by ensuring that platforms comply with the
requirements set out in the Standards to be certified Sharing Gig Platform operators in the country. Six
local platforms were assessed based on eight assessment attributes45. In addition, the Malaysia Digital
Economy Corporation (MDEC) and the Department of Standards Malaysia established the Technical
Committee on Sharing Economy in 2021, which serves as the National Mirror Committee to ISO/TC
32446 at the global level. Malaysia is currently working on the Standards based on the recent publication
of ISO 4250047 and will be developing a similar Malaysian Standard once the ISO publishes ISOs 4250148
and 4250249. MDEC is also proposing to set up the Sharing Economy Committee to serve as the national
governing body on the sharing/gig economy.

· Thailand is implementing the NetPracharat (The Village Broadband Internet Project) and Digital
Community Centre projects. These aim to strengthen the National Broadband Network by expanding the
high-speed internet network to ensure connectivity in rural areas. Meanwhile, Viet Nam implemented

45- Developed based on nine global assessment frameworks/studies, and localised based on focus group discussions with 16
local platforms from three different sectors
46- Sharing Economy
47- Sharing economy-General principles
48- Operation of Platform
49- Provider Verification

84
 a two-year pilot transportation project on applying connection services to contract-based passenger
cars with fewer than nine seats.

There are COVID-19 responses relevant to platform work.

· For example, driven by the desire to provide citizens safe access to services, the Brunei Darussalam
Authority for Info-communications Technology Industry established an online registry portal called
E-Kadai Brunei. This one-stop website compiles active platforms and allows clients to access information
about different service providers.

· Meanwhile, Cambodia crafted The Strategic Framework and Programmes for Economic Recovery in the
New Normal 2021-2023, focusing on promoting skill development and work-based learning through
apprenticeships.

· Indonesia established a Pre-Employment Card Programme to provide workers and entrepreneurs

access to training, markets, and cash facilities.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 85
 6. Global, Regional, and Local
Platforms

6.1. Global stage: Crowdwork platforms

On the global stage, platforms for crowdwork abound. Earlier strategies of businesses involved the relocation
of factories in developing economies to take advantage of the input price differential. Later, the offshore
outsourcing of business processes (i.e. Business Process Outsourcing, Knowledge Process Outsourcing)
prospered in Asian countries like India and the Philippines. Further developments in ICT have elevated
offshore outsourcing by allowing firms to break down big tasks into many simple tasks and outsource
from a pool of global talents through the help of platforms. Consistent with the earlier motivations for
outsourcing, the headquarters of crowdwork platforms are in developed economies like the USA, UK,
Australia, and Canada (see Table A5 in the Annex). Crowdworkers from the Philippines, Cambodia, and Viet
Nam are involved in Upwork, Fiverr, Freelancers, and Truelancer, among others.

While some crowdwork platforms cater to global clients, they mainly recruit in specific AMS.

· Sribulancer, a platform for design-related jobs and services such as logo design, copywriting, digital
marketing, web/app design and development, video production, and translation, focuses on Indonesian
crowdworkers.

· Digital services platforms on sales and marketing, design, and creative technology like Toyban,
FreelanceCambodia, and Khmerlancer focus on Cambodian crowdworkers.

· MyOutDeskPH, a platform that provides virtual assistance, and OnlineJobsPH and RemoteStaffPH,
platforms for various digital services such as programming, graphic design, bookkeeping, writing, and
translation, focus on crowdworkers from the Philippines.

· FastGig, a platform that provides offline and digital services such as video editing, and FreelanceZone,
a platform for offline and digital services such as graphic design, recruit in the Singaporean market.

· VLance and [Link], platforms for various digital services, recruit in the Vietnamese labour
market.

Crowdworking platforms are heterogeneous. They differ in the job listing, with jobs on some platforms like
Fiverr and Amazon Mechanical Turk mostly short-term bite-sized tasks and jobs on Upwork mostly high-
value-adding tasks. On some platforms, full-time jobs are rare compared to part-time jobs. To land full-time
jobs, workers must submit good proposals that attract the client’s attention.

They also have different strategies to earn on top of commission fees. For example, some platforms hide (i.e.
previous earnings) or disclose information (i.e. competitive bid range) for a fee, although top-rated workers
can hide several bad reviews. In addition, Upwork Agency, a feature in Upwork, allows workers to upload
their agency profiles and offers safety features (e.g. timer) for a fee. Some platforms are also offering
training services and coaching programmes. Others require “connects” for workers to start bidding for a
job.

Crowdworking platforms have systems to ensure job search efficiency and fairness. Matching workers and
jobs takes place by ranking applications based on credentials on the platform, including the workers’

86
profiles, bid rates, success rates, and client reviews. Matches are only suggestions, and final choices rest
on the clients, however. In addition, a timer records the number of work hours and serves as the basis of
billing. All transactions and communications within platforms are also recorded, which can help workers
in disputes. Some platforms, like Upwork, have escrow protection for fixed-price projects. This means
that at the beginning of the project, Upwork charges the client, and the payment will be released upon
the approval of the workers’ outputs. In addition, Upwork offers mediation services in cases of disputes.
However, crowdworkers shared that disputes are settled with clients first, and elevating these to the
platform’s customer support is a last resort. Some no longer bother with disputes and move on to look for
other jobs.

Crowdworking platforms specializing in specific AMS labour markets and global platforms have advantages
and disadvantages. These platforms differ in workers’ registration, job search, job application, and protection
mechanisms related to rates, trackers, and review systems (see Table A6 in Annex). Some global platforms
have more stringent registration requirements and require workers to spend to apply for jobs. They also
charge commission fees to clients and workers. However, their system guarantees workers a minimum fee
and fast-release payments and protects workers from fraudulent or bogus clients (i.e. all communications
are recorded and can be accessed in cases of disputes). Global platforms only allow communication through
their systems, and a violation can be a reason for banning workers.

Some local platforms do not have stringent registration requirements, do not require workers to spend
when applying for a job, and do not charge workers’ commission fees. Platforms that hire from specific
countries can have relatable local management teams. For example, the focal person of one platform
specializing in Filipino talents is known to the circle of freelancers in the country. However, local platforms
have less stringent policies that influence workers and clients to migrate transactions outside the system.
These may be disadvantageous since workers are no longer protected in disputes. Unlike Upwork, these
platforms do not put a floor on the workers’ fees.

6.2. Regional stage: On-demand platforms

At the regional level, several platforms are involved in on-demand work related to ride-hailing, courier, and
food delivery services. These platforms are heterogeneous in terms of markets and the number of users. Most
on-demand platforms have headquarters in the AMS, although some have headquarters in other Asian
countries (see Table A7 in the Annex). Some platforms operate only in the AMS, including Flash Express,
Ninja Xpress, ZTO Express (courier services), Deliveree, FastGo, and TADA (ride-hailing services). Other
platforms like Borzo and Lalamove (courier services), Foodpanda and Deliveroo (food delivery services),
and GOGOX and Gojo (ride-hailing services) have bigger markets that include European and other Asian
countries.

The performance of platforms varies. For example, Deliveree, launched in 2014, operates in three AMS
(Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand) as a ride-hailing platform but only has around 66 000 active
vehicles. Meanwhile, Gojek, founded in 2010, operates in four AMS (Indonesia, Viet Nam, Singapore, and
Malaysia) and has at least two million partner drivers. Grab, founded in Malaysia in 2012, operates in eight
AMS (Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Viet Nam) in 480
cities and has nine million registered partner drivers, partner merchants, and agents (Grab, 2021). Grab
and Gojek have evolved into super apps offering various services and products. Grab offers food delivery,
shopping and courier services, payment services, and insurance and investment products. Gojek offers
transport, logistics and payment, food and shopping, business, and entertainment services.

Some platforms/businesses have merged with other platforms/businesses to expand their services and client
base. Currently, these are reaping network effects and economies of scale.

· Gojek merged with Tokopedia, an e-commerce platform, to form GoTo in 2021, making it the largest
technology group in Indonesia (Gojek, 2021). GoTo offers the widest selection of goods and services
through a comprehensive merchant and partner network and promotes financial inclusion through its
leading payments and financial services.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 87
 · LINE MAN, a food delivery business unit of LINE Corporation Thailand, merged with Wongnai, a
restaurant-review platform, to form LINE MAN Wongnai in 2020. LINE MAN is also connected with
the LINE messenger app, which has around 40 million users in Thailand. LINE MAN Wongnai’s services
include food/grocery, transport, messenger services, lifestyle review platforms, and a point-of-sale in-
store management app for merchants.

· Robinhood started as a courier service in Thailand during the pandemic as a corporate social responsibility
of the Siam Commercial Bank. It currently has 3 million users and 30 000 riders and aims to be a Thai
super app by diversifying into parcel, grocery delivery, and travel and hotel/accommodation services.
It is also planning to partner with other banks in Thailand.

· Blue Bird, a major player in the taxi industry in Indonesia’s pre-platform days, already has strategic
partnerships with Gojek50 that allow Blue Bird to remain competitive while planning to expand into
courier and mobility services in the long term. In 2021, Blue Bird became a logistics partner of Shopee51.

Ride-hailing platforms have contributed to the economies of the AMS. However, the online ride-hailing and
food market value in 2021 varies. Indonesia leads the AMS at around US$7 billion (See Figure 17). This is
around twice and five times as much as the market value in Singapore and the Philippines, respectively.
In addition, the ride-hailing economy has grown in the AMS, although some member states grew more
substantially. Based on the data from Google, Temasek, and Bain and Company (2019), the growth of the
ride-hailing economy ranged from 22%-45% from 2015-2019, with Indonesia and Viet Nam displaying the
highest growth. Projections for 2025 also indicate growth, with Indonesia and Viet Nam again registering
the highest growth from 2015-2025. However, the growth in the period has narrowed, ranging from 22%-
31%. Based on its 2021 2nd quarter report, Gojek had two million partner drivers and around 900 000
merchant partners. Gojek was hailed as Indonesia’s first unicorn startup, contributing US$7.1 billion in
value-added to the Indonesian economy in 201952.

Major platforms have several initiatives to advance developments on various fronts.

· In Indonesia, GoTo, through its GoPay, has provided digital financial services, which are expected to
result in financial deepening and inclusion in Indonesia53. GoTo is also set to give away thousands of
GoTo shares to partner drivers54.

· Meanwhile, Grab promotes gender equality and women empowerment by improving its location-
sharing features to mitigate risks faced by female riders in the Philippines55 and blocking women riders
from taking ride-hailing orders in Indonesia (Fairwork, 2021). Grab also helps MSMEs by offering partner
merchants customise working capital financing and providing training to improve the merchants’
operational quality and enhance their online presence.

50- [Link] Accessed

on May 7, 2022
51- [Link] Accessed on May 7, 2022
52- [Link] Accessed April 7, 2022.
53- [Link] deeper-
[Link], Accessed on April 22, 2022
54- [Link]
Accessed on April 22, 2022
55- [Link] Philippines-empowers-female-drivers-and-delivery-
partners/1838467, Accessed on April 22, 2022

88
Figure 17. Market value of the online ride-hailing and food market in 2021, in billion US$

0
Indonesia Singapore Viet Nam Thailand Malaysia The Philippines

Source: Statista, Accessed on July 1, 2022

During the pandemic, on-demand platforms have programmes to support partners.

· Gojek set up the Driver Partner Welfare Programme56, while Grab assisted in setting-up sites for vaccine
boosters57 in Indonesia.

· Grab set up assistance that partners can access through performance-based incentive programmes in
the Philippines58.

· Major platforms like Deliveroo and Foodpanda in Singapore reduced onboarding days and commission
fees59 and provided mental health support for their partner drivers60.

· LINE MAN Wongnai in Thailand provided masks, protective gear, COVID-19 insurance, and compensation
of THB500 for COVID-19 isolation and another THB1000 if the COVID-19 test is positive.

· Foodpanda collaborated with relevant stakeholders in the AMS to increase the riders’ vaccination
uptake through incentives and awareness campaigns.

Platforms can have different programs and policies in different AMS. For example, Fairwork reports
(Fairwork, 2021; Fairwork, 2022) indicate that GrabCar scores higher in Indonesia than in the Philippines.
This means that GrabCar in Indonesia was able to provide evidence of better fairness with respect to the
Fairwork Principles of fair pay, fair conditions, fair contracts, fair management, and fair representation. In
addition, major platforms in Malaysia like Grab and GoGet have a memorandum of agreement with the
country’s Employment Provident Fund (EPF), which resulted in the former agreeing to pay the additional
contribution of high-performing partner drivers to the EPF, while the latter implemented an integrated
savings programme with the EPF61. These partnerships are yet to be observed in other AMS.

56- [Link]
[Link], Accessed on April 22, 2022
57- [Link] Accessed on April
22, 2022
58- ttps://[Link]/2022/03/11/grab-ph-earmarks-p25-m-partner-assistance-fund/, Accessed on April 22, 2022
59- [Link] Accessed on
April 22, 2022
60- [Link] Accessed
on April 22, 2022
61- [Link] Accessed July 5, 2022.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 89
 6.3. Local stage: On-demand platforms
There are several on-demand platforms in the AMS at the local stage, although most are small relative to
regional platforms. Some member states have more local platforms than others. For example, there are
more e-commerce platforms in Brunei Darussalam, while there is one ride-hailing and one food delivery
platform in Lao PDR (Table A8-A17 in the Annex). In addition, the AMS has many local platforms in food
delivery, logistics, ride-hailing, and courier services. Some of these are reaping network effects as well.
These include Paxel (courier platform) in Indonesia, MyCar (food/grocery delivery platform) in Malaysia,
JoyRide PH (ride-hailing platform) in the Philippines, and Robinhood (food delivery platform) in Thailand,
among others.

Bolt (ride-hailing) and LINE MAN Wongnai (food/grocery delivery) in Thailand and Baemin in Viet Nam
are platforms from other Asian countries, although these are heavily focused on the said economies.
Nevertheless, these can be considered major local players, given the number of active local users of the
apps. Meanwhile, some platforms offer other services, including cleaning, handyman, tutorial, and health-
related services. There are several platforms related to health and education in Indonesia, Myanmar, the
Philippines, and Viet Nam, and personal services (including handyman, cleaning, and massages) in the
Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Viet Nam.

Local platforms fare relatively weaker in demonstrating the Fairwork principles62 than regional platforms.
Local platforms are likely more attuned to the labour market climate and are in a better position to help
attain decent work on platforms. Unfortunately, evidence indicates that this is not the case, with local
platforms garnering lower scores in the ratings conducted by the Fairwork project (see, for example,
Fairwork, 2021; Fairwork, 2022).

62- The Fairwork project, an initiative of the Oxford Internet Institute and the WZB Berlin Social Science Center. evaluate the
working conditions of digital platforms and rank them based on the five fair work principles: fair pay, fair conditions, fair
contracts, fair management, and fair representation. The project rates platforms in different countries to aid benchmarking and
standard setting.

90
7. Work on Labour Platforms:
Synthesis of Desk Research and
Qualitative Data Collected in the
AMS

7.1. On-demand work

7.1.1. Legal framework and regulation

Stakeholders are challenging the system on platforms, although efforts may be hampered by legal precedence
or age-old legal provisions containing definitions that need to be revised to include new work arrangements.

· In Indonesia, the Supreme Court Decision Number 841 K/[Link]/2009 ruled, in a case between a taxi
driver and a taxi company, that the taxi company was not an employer due to the absence of wage and
command (Fairwork, 2021). This decision has set legal precedence, although some argue that the ruling
may not apply to ride-hailing and courier platforms because they provide incentives (e.g. gamification).
The latter amounts to “hiring a worker by paying wage or reward in any other form,” a stipulation in
Article 1 Point 6 of the Indonesian Labour Law (Farida, 2021).

· In a case of a GrabCar Driver against the platform in Malaysia, Grab’s counsel argued that the driver was
not an employee using the Industrial Relations Act 1967. The Act states that a workman is “any person,
including an apprentice, employed by an employer under a contract of employment to work for hire or
reward”63. The Minister of Human Resources declined to refer the case to the Industrial Court, and the
High Court upheld this decision. This confirmed the absence of employment relations.

· In the Philippines, instead of providing a definite answer to whether riders are freelancers or employees,
the DOLE Labour Advisory No. 14, Series of 2021, provided tests to examine the relationship between
platforms and riders. This was criticised by the riders’ group Kapatiran ng Dalawang Gulong (KAGULONG)
as useless64. The lack of concrete policies results from the fact that the Labor Code of the Philippines has
yet to integrate the nature of platform work in its provisions.

In June 2022, the National Labour Relations Commission ordered Foodpanda to pay the legal fees and
backwages of riders for the ten years of suspension upon learning of the riders’ two-day out-of-town, a
plan deemed to affect the platform’s operation. This is hailed as a landmark win for riders. However, the
arbiter acknowledged that the determination of employment relations was not straightforward, so the
ruling used the principles of social justice instead. Foodpanda can still challenge the ruling, however.

Most of the labour codes in the AMS have been amended to improve workplace environments, enhance social
protection, increase the ease of doing business, and align with international standards.

63- [Link] Accessed on May 20, 2022

64- [Link] Accessed on May 20, 2022

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 91
 · The amendment of the 1955 Employment Act in Malaysia was passed by the Parliament in March 2022.
Its implementation will begin in January 2023. Its provision includes flexible working arrangements65.

· The Labour Code of 2019 in Viet Nam provides for better representation/voice and social protection of
workers66.

· The Omnibus Law on Jobs Creation in Indonesia was enacted in 2020 to attract investment, create
new jobs, and stimulate the economy67. Amended in the Law include those pertaining to regulations
on licensing leniency, investment growth, employment, research and innovation, empowerment and
protection of small to medium-scale enterprises and cooperatives, ease of doing business, government
administration, land procurement, imposition of sanctions and penalties, government investment, and
national strategic projects and economic zones68. However, issues such as the lack of key stakeholders’
participation in drafting the law hounded the implementation of the Law. In a ruling on November 25,
2021, the Constitutional Court ordered the Indonesian House of Representatives and the government
to revise the Omnibus Law of Job Creation in two years, or it would be deemed unconstitutional and
not valid69.

Amendments to the labour codes have yet to incorporate provisions for platform work. However, some AMS
have attempted to broaden the labour regulatory framework to include work with service agreements.
Challenges remain, however70.

· Viet Nam’s Labour Code 2019 broadened the terms of an employment relationship by stipulating that
a service contract is a labour contract if it covers agreements on the job, working time, wage, and
management/supervision of the employer71. The coverage, however, depends on the interpretation, as
can be gleaned from the legal precedence set by the Indonesian Supreme Court. Platforms in Viet Nam,
for example, can argue that wages are paid not by platforms but by clients, and there is no supervision/
management involved since workers have the autonomy to take on the task. In addition, platforms
can reconfigure their algorithms to go around the working time provision by granting workers the
autonomy to choose their working time upon login.

App-based ride-hailing platforms, considered technology providers and not transport service providers, are
not automatically regulated by transport ministries. Despite this, some AMS have regulations related to
platforms for ride-hailing services.

· In Malaysia, the Parliament passed the Land Public Transport Act 2010 and Commercial Vehicles
licensing Board act 1987. As a result, E-hailing companies must register with the transport authorities
and comply with regulations applicable to the taxi companies. However, fare controls still do not apply
to e-hailing companies.

· In Viet Nam, a decree issued in January 2020 paved the way for ride-hailing platforms to be classified
as transportation service providers. Platforms must pay taxes based on this new classification. Gojek
responded by shifting the tax to the clients (e.g. increasing delivery fees), while Grab responded by
shifting the tax to the drivers (e.g. reducing the drivers’ fees)72.

65- [Link]
Accessed on November 21, 2022
66- [Link] Accessed on May 5, 2022
67- [Link] has-
been-enacted, Accessed on May 6, 2022
68- [Link] Accessed on May 6, 2022
69- [Link] Accessed on
November 21, 2022
70- An alternative to amending the labour code and classifying workers is to grant them the same labour rights and the same
access to social protection (OECD, 2022). Draft regulations in some countries already exist, including the State of California
Assembly Bill 5 (AB-5), Italian Law No. 128, French Law No. 2016-1088, Chilean Law No. 21431, and Indian Social Security
Code (OECD, 2022).
71- [Link] Accessed on May 13, 2022
72- [Link] Accessed on May 24, 2022

92
 · In Indonesia, its transportation law (Article 47(3) of Law 22/2009)73 does not consider motorcycles (ojek)
as public transport. However, its Transportation Ministry released in 2019 (Minister of Transportation
Regulation No.12 / 2019) a regulation for online motorcycle taxis that covers passenger safety,
standards of service, and the nature of partnerships on platforms74. In addition, there are regulations
like the Decree of the Minister of Transportation Number 348 of 2019 that provides the guidelines
for calculating fees charged by app-based motorcycles and the Minister of Transportation Regulation
Number 60 of 2019 that provides guidelines on the transportation of goods by motorised vehicles. The
government also determines the lowest and highest cost of the service.

· In the Philippines, the different fare scheme enjoyed by ride-hailing platforms is widely contested by
traditional ride-hailing service providers.

· In Thailand, transport laws (including Section 5 of the Vehicle Act, B.E. 2522 (1979) and Sections 23/1
and 49 of the Vehicle Act) require that for-hire vehicles use a yellow license plate to indicate the driver’s
license and plate information. However, this provision has been violated by allowing private licenses
and black-on-white plates to pick up passengers (Theerakosonphong and Amornsiriphong, 2022).

The platform’s business model has resulted in two critical issues: widening inequality and strengthening
monopoly. The limited opportunity for income growth on platforms can affect the overall remuneration
distribution in the labour market. Compensations are mainly determined by platforms, with some platforms
assigning partners to tiers depending on performance and ratings, among other things. There is little
room for partners to earn higher wages due to the increasing number of platform riders. Monopoly can
occur due to the network effects and increasing returns to scale enjoyed by leading platforms. There are
platforms established by local companies that have traditionally enjoyed monopoly power. Stakeholders
like platform representatives and workers have raised concerns that this monopoly power will be extended
to platforms, leading to fewer players in the ecosystem.

Platforms claim they are open to regulations if these are applied to all platforms. Platforms claim to understand
the implications of the existing regulatory deficits for their partners’ welfare and are willing to comply with
the rules and conditions. However, small platforms expressed concerns about the government’s fairness
in applying these and fear that big platforms or platforms built by traditional companies with monopoly
power will enjoy exemptions and privileges.

The legislative attention is skewed towards platforms for ride-hailing and courier services. For example,
in the Philippines, the Magna Carta of E-Commerce Delivery Personnel is recently filed in Congress to
protect delivery riders from fraud and cancellations. However, regulations and legislations regarding other
on-demand services are limited. This situation is possibly due to the ride-hailing and courier services’
contribution to the country’s income and employment. Nevertheless, other on-demand work like childcare,
massage, cleaning, and maintenance are also gaining traction on platforms. These on-demand work have
different issues and challenges requiring different policies and initiatives.

73- Only cars, buses, and cargo cars can be categorised as either private motorised vehicles or public motorised vehicles. This
article does not allow motorcycles to be categorised as either private or public motorised vehicles.
74- [Link]
Accessed on November 21, 2022

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 93
 7.1.2. Social protection

Agencies in charge of the social security system of some AMS have implemented initiatives to increase the
protection coverage of platform workers.

· The Badan Penyelenggara Jaminan Sosial in Indonesia has collaborated with some platforms to increase
the enrolment of partner riders. The platforms’ involvement, however, is limited to facilitating the riders’
accounts. The contribution is shouldered solely by the riders.

· Malaysia’s Social Security Organisation’s programme partners with platforms. For example, Foodpanda’s
partner riders will contribute RM232.80 per year (around US$53) for medical and educational benefits,
among others, while platforms subsidise RM23.3 (around US$5.3) per rider for one-year protection75.

Agencies for pension funds and savings also have initiatives for platform workers.

· Malaysia’s EPF, the agency concerned with retirement and pension funds, has a memorandum of
agreement with Grab and GoGet. The former agreed to pay the additional contribution of high-
performing partner drivers to the EPF, while the latter implemented an integrated savings programme
with the EPF. The GoGetter app simplifies savings through its auto-deduct feature, allowing riders
to customise their contributions seamlessly. In addition, GoGet’s chief executive officer was recently
appointed to the National Employment Council, which aims to create and preserve jobs in Malaysia76.
In addition, i-Akaun (Business Partner), a third portal account specifically for platform companies, made
it possible for platforms to remit contributions on behalf of the riders.

· In Singapore, self-employed persons hired by the government automatically contribute to the

MediSave Account through the Contribute-As-You-Earn (CAYE) scheme. Companies in the private
sector are encouraged to voluntarily adopt CAYE to help the self-employed save for their healthcare
and retirement needs. Recognizing the heterogeneity of the self-employed, the Platform Workers
Advisory Committee in November 2021 held a public consultation on strengthening the platform
workers’ protection. The consultation focused on three priority areas: improving housing and retirement
adequacy, strengthening ‘financial protection in case of work injury, and enhancing representation77.
The Report, released in November 2022, makes 12 recommendations: 1). Require Platform Companies
to provide the same scope and level of work injury compensation as employees’ entitlement under the
Work Injury Compensation Act. 2) Align CPF contribution rates of Platform Companies and Platform
Workers with that of employers and employees, respectively. 3) Platform Companies should work
with the Government to develop a mechanism to deduct CPF contributions from Platform Workers’
earnings to help them save for their longer-term healthcare needs. 4) Legislative changes will increase
representation to enable platform workers’ right to formal representation. A Tripartite Workgroup on
Representation for Platform Workers was established in August 2022 to create the new representation
framework78.

Some regional platforms have collaborated with other stakeholders to ensure the welfare of their partners.
For example, Foodpanda worked with National Trade Union Congress (NTUC) and Igloo in Singapore to
provide affordable microinsurance and with GT Foundation in the Philippines to provide qualified partners
and their dependents free surgical operations for six medical conditions.

75- [Link]
employment-social-security-scheme, Accessed on May 8, 2022
76- [Link] Accessed July 5, 2022.
77- [Link] Accessed on May 7,
2022.
78- [Link]
report, Accessed on November 26, 2022.

94
7.1.3. Collective voice and representation

Due to the independent contractor’s status of platform workers, they are not entitled to form unions
and participate in collective bargaining. Only workers with employment relations can enter into collective
bargaining agreements (as provided by the labour code). Thus, platform workers organised themselves
into groups and associations that provided avenues to forge solidarity and develop a collective voice79.
However, the group’s level of influence and extent of support from other allied stakeholders vary across
the AMS.

With respect to ride-hailing and courier on-demand work, workers have formed communities that foster
belongingness and solidarity. Social media like Facebook and messaging apps like Whatsapp or Viber
helped communities (see Table A18 in Annex). These channels serve as the workers’ forum, centred on
sharing information, socialisation, and helping riders in need.

· Indonesia has many communities that are organised based on mutual aid and are effective in addressing
the riders’ everyday concerns, including navigating the platform’s bonus system, understanding the
tariff rates, and getting timely information on road conditions. In addition, communities work together
through the Unit Reaksi Cepat, a rapid response team to assist riders in trouble (e.g. accident, altercation
with traditional ojek). Thailand also has online communities established with similar logic of mutual aid.
However, these communities also coordinated with riders to join protests over remuneration issues and
advocated for providing riders with accident insurance.

· The Riders Union in Thailand, founded in 2021 as an online page, aims to support riders’ welfare
and mobility policies. Having worked with several platforms, the page administrator recognises that
different management policies result in different problems for riders. The group has also set up a
campaign on [Link].

Workers have also formed associations, which have better institutional capacity than groups/informal
communities, to advance the interests of partner riders. Potentially more advanced than the other AMS
in organising platform workers, Indonesia has the greatest number of riders’ associations. Moreover,
associations have better institutional capacity than communities to initiate social dialogue with the
government.

· Associations in Indonesia are active in organizing fora to tackle salient issues on tariff reduction and
unfair suspension, supporting regulations for the protection of riders, and rejecting burdensome rules.
There are efforts to establish a formal umbrella organisation. However, challenges remain, with some
factions breaking away from the original organisation (Bekasi United Communication Forum/Forum
Komunikasi Bekasi Bersatu) due to the perceived lack of support for riders suspended because they
joined the no-bid initiative of the FKBB. The breakaway group formed a new organisation, Indonesian
Online Bikers/Bikers Online Indonesia (Ford and Honan, 2019).

· In the Philippines, KAGULONG is an association of two-wheeled riders, both traditional and app-based,
that is vocal in its support of legislation related to riders and in labour authorities to issue more binding
guidelines. It participated in the May 2021 Job Summit organised by the DOLE, where workers on ride-
hailing and courier platforms were consulted in the National Employment Recovery Strategy to address
employment shocks due to COVID-19. Proposed action plans include creating a technical working
group (TWG) to define the nature of online work, determine applicable standards, and develop model
contracts. However, the TWG is yet to be created.

· In Singapore, the National Private Hire Vehicles Association signed a memorandum of understanding
with Grab to become the official representative of Grab drivers. It will facilitate two-way feedback
between the platform and riders.

79- In OECD countries, unions are actively pursuing strategies to help workers in non-standard work arrangements by pushing
for correct workers’ classification, lobbying for public interventions, and designing new means of organisation and information-
sharing (OECD, 2019).

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 95
 Some unions help riders advance their interests in the public sphere. However, the level of unionisation, and
therefore the level of support to riders, in the AMS varies. Established using the logic of influence, unions
have the greater institutional capacity to negotiate with stakeholders, lobby for rules and legislations, and
advance workers’ rights. However, the extent of the State’s support for workers’ organizing and participation
in collective bargaining varies in the AMS. In Thailand, the 1975 Labour Relations Act supports workers’
rights to organise and collectively bargain, although the support is limited to workers in private enterprises.
In addition, Thailand has yet to ratify ILO Conventions 87 (Freedom of Association and Protection of the
Right to Organise) and 98 (Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining) (see Table 28). Both Conventions
have been ratified in Cambodia, the Philippines, and Indonesia, while only Convention 98 is in force in
Malaysia, Singapore, and Viet Nam.

· In Indonesia and the Philippines, unions support riders through social dialogue that brings stakeholders
to discuss issues openly and through public pronouncements that bring the riders’ issues into the
public sphere. For example, the Aerospace and Transportation Workers division of the Federation of
Indonesian Metal Workers’ Union (SPDT-FSPMI) had initiated large-scale demonstrations and no-bid
actions. In the Philippines, the Trade Union Congress Party filed Resolution 1974 asking the House
Committee on Labour and Employment to probe the working conditions of food and grocery delivery
riders80.

· In Singapore, where rights to organise and collective bargaining is in force, the NTUC is a party to the
Tripartite Workgroup Committee that focuses on lower-wage workers and self-employed persons. NTUC
is also a member of the Advisory Committee on Platform Workers, which was formed to strengthen the
social protection of platform workers.

· In Viet Nam, its new Labour Code provides for independent trade unions (rather than state-run). Thus,
the rights to organise and collective bargaining is in force only in 2019.

Table 28. ILO Convention 87 and 98, Ratifications by country

Convention 87 (Freedom of Convention 98 (Right to Organise

Association and Protection of the and Collective Bargaining
Right to Organise Convention) Convention)

Status Date Status Date

Brunei Darussalam

Cambodia In Force August 23, 1999 In Force August 23, 1999

Indonesia In Force June 9, 1998 In Force July 15, 1957

Lao PDR

Malaysia In Force June 5, 1961

Myanmar In Force March 4, 1955

The Philippines In Force December 29, 1953 In Force December 29, 1953

Singapore In Force October 25, 1965

Thailand

Viet Nam In Force July 5, 2019

Source: [Link] Accessed on May 29, 2022

80- [Link]
Accessed May 28, 2022

96
Platforms recognise the importance of listening to their partners’ voice.

· Foodpanda, for example, has designed extensive support mechanisms to ensure that partners have
avenues to share and address their concerns. These include quarterly fora and monthly surveys, 24/7
hotlines, and a support system through riders’ mobile apps. Riders are also free to participate in peaceful
demonstrations.

· Meanwhile, Gojek has instituted a two-way communication, called Kopi Darat, to facilitate the discussion
of policies and inputs from partner drivers.

· LINE MAN Wongnai has a riders’ chat group and a dedicated rider community team that responds to
riders’ inquiries.

Despite this, partner riders and drivers have staged protests in recent years. While the contexts vary, protests
are centred on lacking regulatory framework to protect partner riders from unfair labour practices. Practices
that workers deemed unfair revolve around issues in platforms’ control and decreasing incentives and
incomes.

· In Indonesia, rallies are held due to the lack of transparency in booking algorithms81, reduced incentives82,
and riders demanding clarity on their legal status83.

· In the Philippines, protests are staged due to reduced earnings84 and delivery jobs85, unfair labour
practices86, deactivation of accounts87, and the lack of assistance to riders during the pandemic88.

· In Thailand, protests are held due to the reduced incomes and incentives and the seemingly onerous
conditions the riders need to satisfy to be covered by accident insurance89. Accident insurance is
essential given that the number of deaths due to road accidents is high in ASEAN, with Thailand and
Viet Nam being considered the most dangerous roads in 201990.

· Some strikes are also held in Viet Nam due to increased commission fees and the platform’s shifting tax
payments to riders91.

Notwithstanding events demonstrating united fronts, there are challenges to the solidarity of riders and
drivers. These include the fragmented views of people on the benefits of self-organisation, with some riders
initially supporting but stopped joining their groups’ activities upon meeting some fallouts. There are also
conflicts resulting from the differences in views of platform-related issues, with some workers generally
satisfied with their work and others aiming for improvements. Some workers seeking to maximise short-
term benefits see cooperation with platforms as a promising strategy, while others who aim to challenge
the system join protests. The lack of time to join associations, fear of penalties from the platform, and
perception that suggestions are not heard are also some of the challenges shared by riders.

81- [Link] Accessed on April 12, 2022

82- [Link] Accessed on April 12,
2022
83- [Link]
html, Accessed on April 12, 2022
84- [Link]
Accessed on April 12, 2022
85- [Link] [Link]/business/2020/11/4/[Link], Accessed on April
12, 2022
86- [Link]
of-dole-office/story/, Accessed on April 12, 2022
87- [Link] Accessed on
April 12, 2022
88- [Link]
group/2955366471216058/, Accessed on April 12, 2022
89- [Link] Accessed on April 12, 2022
90- [Link] Accessed May 2, 2022
91- [Link] Accessed on May
24, 2022

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 97
 Some state-led initiatives provide a voice to workers on transportation, logistics, and food-related platforms.
Trade and labour unions are vital in providing a voice to riders/drivers. Unions have collective bargaining
power and can represent riders’/drivers’ interests in formal discussions.

· In Singapore, for example, the NTUC is a member of the Advisory Committee on Platform Workers.
Similar trends are also observed in Indonesia and the Philippines.

· In Indonesia, the government has set up LAPOR! (Layanan Aspirasi dan Pengaduan Online Rakyat/
Citizen’s Aspiration and Complaint Online System) platform, which provides citizens with a one-stop
digital system to file complaints and requests. While this is not specific to platform workers, this is an
avenue that can enhance workers’ voice.

Workers in other on-demand services like repair and personal services do not have as much voice and
representation. These workers work in environments where the clients’ command/control is substantially
felt. They are more at risk of abuse and gender-based violence, which are unknowingly encouraged by
some practices on platforms, including posting photos and sensitive information.

7.1.4. Skills development

Regional platforms provide support for the partners’ upskilling and personal development. Foodpanda, for
example, collaborated with Yayasan Belia Malaysia, Commerce International Merchant Bankers Berhad,
and Taylor’s University to develop a one-year work placement programme that provides opportunities for
riders to set up their businesses. Foodpanda also partnered with financial institutions in the Philippines and
Thailand to provide riders with loans at competitive rates.

Governments in the AMS recognise the value of the digital economy and the contribution of platform work.
However, they know that reaping digitisation’s full benefits requires addressing several challenges. These
include poor connectivity and limited digital and ICT skills. Some AMS whose platform economies have
yet to take off, including Cambodia and Myanmar, still need to sharpen their workforce’s digital and
technological literacies. Other AMS actively engaged in platform work, like the Philippines, Indonesia, and
Thailand, also recognise the importance of digital competencies and lifelong learning.

7.1.5. Inclusivity and diversity

There is still no specific policy targeting different vulnerable populations. Stakeholders noted the issue of the
general absence of policies for on-demand platform work. Thus, more nuanced policies targeting specific
vulnerable groups are still not evident.

However, some issues with other on-demand work have emerged. This emphasises the need for nuanced
sector-specific policies. For example, while sexual harassment is also an issue for workers in ride-hailing
or courier services, it can be more challenging for those in care and personal services, where work is
done in confined environments, and clients can have substantial control. Some practices on platforms can
encourage gender-based violence, including posting pictures and private information to attract customers’
attention. In addition, mechanisms to assist workers who get into trouble are absent (e.g. they are advised
to call the police or get out of the situation independently).

Regional platforms encourage diversity and inclusivity. Foodpanda, for example, has tripled its female riders
in 2021 across the AMS. Grab has initiatives for persons with disabilities by collaborating with various
organisations for the deaf and hearing-impaired in Indonesia and Singapore92. It also promotes women
empowerment by improving its location-sharing features in the Philippines or blocking women riders from
taking ride-hailing orders in Indonesia.

92- [Link]
Accessed on July 7, 2022.

98
7.2. Crowdwork

7.2.1. Legal framework and regulation

There are benefits and challenges in pursuing the formalisation of platform workers. The formalisation will
help the government establish the number of people involved in platform work and their contribution to
the economy. It will also help the government understand the nature of their work. These will help the
government craft initiatives to support platform work. However, platform work is heterogeneous and
differs in duration and required skill levels. Thus, formalising those engaged in short-term and highly
intermittent contracts can be challenging, especially when no clear incentives exist.

The operation of crowdwork platforms, being at the international level, remains a challenge. However, some
AMS have legislation intended to provide social protection and develop programmes for skills and training.

· With respect to legislation, policymakers in some AMS have filed bills in support of crowdworkers. In
the Philippines, proposed bills such as the Philippine Digital Workforce Act and the National Digital
Careers Act, which provide for digital skills training and scholarship grants, and the Freelancers Act,
which recognise the right of freelancers to easy registration and access to social protection benefits
(Serafica and Oren, 2022). The legislative scope of these bills remains at the national level. There is no
known pending legislation specific to crowdworkers in other AMS, which can potentially indicate that
policymakers of member states are still understanding the nature of work in crowdworking.

· However, with respect to skills development, governments in various AMS are making headway. In
Malaysia, the eRezeki and the GLOW programmes develop competitive digital freelancers. In the
Philippines, the DigitalJobsPH programme provides training to equip Filipinos with ICT-related skills. In
Singapore, the Continuing Education and Training under the TechSkills Accelerator programmes offer
school-to-work transition opportunities such as internships and mentoring.

Entrepreneurial crowdworkers face several challenges in the administrative requirements of establishing

a business. Platform workers are classified either as self-employed or entrepreneurs. In the Philippines,
for example, on-demand workers like riders are typically self-employed, while crowdworkers can be
self-employed (professionals/general or proprietors) or mixed-income earners. They are self-employed
professionals if they earn from the practice of their profession, single proprietors if engage in the conduct
of a trade or business, and mixed-income earners if they receive compensation income as well (Serafica and
Oren, 2022). These categories have different tax payment schemes, which can be onerous and confusing
and discourage some crowdworkers from filing their income tax return (ITR). The ITR is essential when
applying for bank loans and travel visas.

As proprietors, crowdworkers can benefit from programmes and initiatives for micro, small, and medium
enterprises (MSMEs). For example, in the Philippines, MSMEs are exempted from paying the income tax and
minimum wage as provided for the Barangay Micro Business Enterprises (Republic Act 9178). However, to
qualify as barangay-based enterprises, crowdworkers need to show pictures of their place of business and
assets, which may not apply to crowdworking enterprises (Serafica and Oren, 2022).

Some crowdworkers have successfully established their manpower agencies and created jobs in their
communities. However, crowdworking enterprises also need to comply with the requirements of traditional
businesses. For example, in the Philippines, issuing business receipts is required by the Bureau of Internal
Revenue, which some crowdworking enterprises find challenging to comply with since platforms have an
automatic invoicing facility, and their clients rarely ask for official receipts.

Crowdworkers are willing to pay their taxes. Crowdworkers recognise the importance of income tax
documents in international travel and securing bank loans. However, some raised concerns about the
difficulties in navigating the tax system. The confusion arises from how they are classified, with some
getting advice that they are professionals selling services and others that they are businesses/enterprises.

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 99
 Despite the success, entrepreneurial crowdworkers have raised concerns, surprisingly, not about the platforms’
conduct of business but their business environments. They highlight the burden of complying with regulatory
and legal requirements. Concerning tax payments, some are classified as general professionals, while
others are mixed-income earners. The latter must also pay local taxes, with requirements different from the
national level. Transaction costs are also issues due to the submission of several requirements to various
agencies to provide the necessary social protection for their workers. Thus, too much time is spent on
compliance rather than making the business grow.

In the Philippines, enterprises benefit from the government’s COVID-19 responses, including lower tax
rates. However, some entrepreneurial crowdworkers could not avail themselves of the benefits due to their
lack of awareness of the government’s initiatives.

Government initiatives to promote virtual work/crowdwork are needed to help potential, interested, and
upstart crowdworkers. Based on the 2021 Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS)-Department
of ICT (DICT) Online Survey of Market and Non-Market work, the provision of training, improvement
of connectivity, setting-up of platforms, and assistance in finding online work is considered useful
interventions by Filipino crowdworkers. Job matching programmes are also highlighted in responses from
groups/associations. In this regard, Malaysia is ahead of its AMS peers through its training initiatives, with
trainees matched with tasks and jobs in local and international platforms that the MDEC has validated and
approved. Other initiatives highlighted by crowdworkers and associations include an initiative for a one-
stop online resource that provides useful information on platforms, communities, tools, and resources and
a rent-to-own programme to acquire devices and equipment.

7.2.2. Social protection

Social security schemes in the AMS are tied to formal employment, although there are payment schemes
for the self-employed, which are voluntary. However, there are challenges to the workers’ uptake of these
schemes. Where there are employer and employee relations, both contribute to a fund for insurance (e.g.
life, accident, disability, and unemployment), healthcare, housing, and old-age benefits. In the case of
informal and platform workers, the absence of employment relations deprives platform workers of benefits
and security entitlements. There are voluntary payment schemes for the self-employed, although there
are challenges to the workers’ uptake of these schemes. These include inadequate earnings, the lack of
steady income flows (Bayudan-Dacuycuy and Baje, 2021), and the fewer benefits in the voluntary scheme
than in the mandatory plan for formal workers (Leenoi, 2021). Stakeholders from labour ministries also
recognise the issue of affordability, lack of clear guidelines on the treatment of cross-border transactions
of crowdworkers/freelancers, and administrative challenges. Workers’ attitudes towards paying social
protection contributions can also be a challenge. Some view the contribution as a tax, while others have
high discount rates (i.e. want higher take-home pay).

Some crowdworkers understand the nature of the work they do on platforms. Thus, for some, the lack of
social protection is not an issue. For example, seasoned crowdworkers in the Philippines charge fees that
account for their social protection contribution. Some have subscriptions to private insurance companies.
New crowdworkers, however, need to build their work credentials and may need to start with lower fees.
Despite the perceived precarity in platform work, some crowdworkers have indicated satisfaction with
their platform stints. For example, a crowdworker from Viet Nam expressed satisfaction with being able to
travel and purchase luxury goods and consumer products (Graham et al., 2017a). Interviews with Filipino
platform workers highlighted the benefits of platform work, including flexibility, higher income, and income
opportunities for their communities. There is no perception of unfairness or exploitation in their work.
However, some Vietnamese workers have been documented to lower their asking price to land a job on
platforms (Graham et al., 2017a)

7.2.3. Collective voice and representation

Compared with on-demand work, fostering trust and solidarity is a challenge in crowdwork. Work is performed
and transacted online in crowdwork by geographically dispersed workers. Thus, there are few avenues

100
for crowdworkers to physically interact, socialise, organise, and form a collective voice. There are also no
known unions in the AMS push for crowdworkers’ labour rights.

Despite this, social media and messaging apps have provided tools for crowdworkers to foster belongingness
and shared identity. Online communities in the AMS serve as platforms to exchange information and
resources and provide insights on clients, platforms, and practices (see Table A19 in the Annex). These
communities help workers navigate the system and maximise the benefits of platform work. To foster
belongingness, some communities provide virtual workspace and organise periodic face-to-face gatherings.
YouTube also provides information on tools and resources to new and interested crowdworkers. Online
communities such as Freelancer Community-Cambodia, Freelance Indonesia, Indonesia Freelance Writers,
Myanmar Content Writer, SG Freelance Jobs, and Freelance/Remote/Parttime IT Jobs Viet Nam provide
venues for sharing information on job postings, scam alerts, and tips on improving the members’ crafts.

Some associations have working relationships with the government. In Malaysia, the Malaysian Allied
Freelancer Association focuses on the upskilling of workers and is working closely with MDEC. In the
Philippines, Filipino Homebased Moms (FHMoms) started as a Facebook Group in 2017 and later became
a social enterprise empowering mothers through online work and entrepreneurship. Potentially due to
the active engagement of freelancers’ groups and associations in fora and dialogue, policymakers in the
Philippines have become more aware of crowdwork.

Communities of freelancers are important. Through cascading information and sharing insights, communities,
and groups can guide upstart crowdworkers to navigate platform work. These also provide support and a
sense of belongingness, which are essential given that few appreciate the nature of work on platforms. For
example, a vibrant community of freelancers in the Philippines provides training services, technical support,
and practical tips on negotiations and filing taxes. Some groups have evolved into social enterprises and
cooperatives and have become active in state-led training programmes.

7.2.4. Skills development

A combination of soft and hard skills is important in crowdworking. Communication, writing, digital
marketing, advertising, and graphic creation are skills that appear to be in demand on platforms. Hard skills
are obtained from various sources, including YouTube, and by following agencies and sellers on LinkedIn
that recommend skills and strategies. A set of soft skills are also needed, including sociability, patience,
diligence, politeness, and grit.

Offline labour market experience and education level are not relevant to securing jobs on crowdwork platforms.
Thus, workers’ strategies differ depending on the stage of crowdworking they are in. Upstart crowdworkers
begin with small tasks/projects, send proposals to a job listing, and specify low bid rates. These increase the
possibility of landing a job. As workers accumulate experience and build their platform credentials through
the platforms’ rating/review system, they start specifying higher bid rates.

Crowdworking can serve as a stepping stone to achieving other goals. Some crowdworkers in the Philippines
have become successful in their platform work. They develop good working relationships with clients.
Eventually, they directly work with platforms, avoiding platforms’ commission fees. They also get referrals
from previous clients. Some ask for periodic increases in remuneration, while others benefit from client-
sponsored training programmes. Thus, soft skills like negotiation and communication skills are important.
Other crowdworkers recognise the unstable nature of work on platforms. They plan to do freelancing-related
ventures, such as establishing an agency for freelancers or becoming mentors/trainers of government-led
training programmes.

Crowdworkers who took their clients out of platforms maintain their platform accounts to continue building
their work history. Some leveraged their credentials and established their businesses. They secure work
from platforms, which they accomplish with the help of their workers. These entrepreneurial crowdworkers
provide work in their communities, pay taxes, and contribute to their workers’ social protection.

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 101
 7.2.5. Inclusivity and diversity

In principle, crowdwork fosters inclusivity and diversity. It provides opportunities to interested workers
regardless of gender and race. Furthermore, it does not discriminate based on disabilities or lack of formal
educational background.

In practice, securing a job on platforms may not be easy for everyone. This is true for platforms involved in
high value-adding jobs. These require niche skills and accredited certifications like the Cambridge English
Advanced (CAE) and International English Language Testing System (IELTS) English Proficiency Exam.
Despite successful registration and validation, new workers do not easily land a job unless they are willing
to spend on some services sold by platforms. For example, Upwork implemented in 2020 the “connects”
system, where applications to jobs require several “connects”. This signals the worker’s intention to apply
for a job. There are around 50 free connects upon registration, and workers need to buy from Upwork if
they wish to apply for more jobs.

Crowdwork may not work for everybody. There are challenges to crowdwork, including the lack of
infrastructures that provide good connectivity. The 2021 PIDS-DICT Online Survey of Market and Non-
Market work indicates that slow connection is a key issue in the Philippines. Access to devices and
equipment can also be an issue since some tasks can be better done using a desktop or a laptop. Despite
the shared facilities (e.g. Tech4ED) in most local government units that aim to equip marginalised sectors
like the poor and people with disabilities, people in remote areas still need to travel and incur travel costs.
While microtasks that involve clicking images can be done using smartphones, these still require a good
internet connection.

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8. Good Practices in Platform Work
in ASEAN and EU

8.1. ASEAN
Government: Investing in skills and human capital

Cognizant of the importance of skills in harnessing opportunities brought about by the ICT sector,
some state-led programmes help the workforce adapt to the evolving needs of the labour market. In
Singapore, the Ministry of Communications and Information/Infocom Media Development Authority works
with industry partners to scale the Continuing Education and Training (CET) efforts under the TechSkills
Accelerator (TeSA). The Industry Preparation for Pre-graduate Programme (iPREP) offers school-to-work
transition opportunities such as internships and mentoring. The programme also provides scholarships
to support information and communication areas of study and Science and Technology, Engineering, and
Mathematics courses.

Concerning crowdwork, the Malaysia Digital Economy Corporation spearheads the eRezeki, which means
e-sustenance, and the Global Online Workforce (GLOW) programmes. The eRezeki programme matches
Malaysians, especially those from low-income groups, to jobs on digital platforms. Participants are profiled
and matched to tasks on 130 platforms verified by the MDEC and the Ministry of Multimedia Malaysia via
the Crowdsourcing Committee. The GLOW programme aims to develop competitive digital freelancers
who secure projects from international platforms like Upwork and Freelancer. The programme is open
to Malaysians with programming, coding, and graphic design skills who are not formally employed,
unemployed, or underemployed. Participants of the programmes receive a 3-day intensive training in
techniques on job search, onboarding clients, project management, money management, and investments
for continuous improvements. In addition, as part of the government’s intervention to help workers during
the pandemic, a special GLOW programme was introduced in 2020. It helps qualified participants access
some of the premium features on platforms that enable them to compete effectively with other freelancers.

In the Philippines, the DICT spearheads the DigitalJobsPH programme that provides training to equip
Filipinos with ICT-related skills. Its first phase in 2017 provided training on digital campaign strategies for
micro, small, and medium enterprises. Its second phase, in partnership with the local government units
nationwide, offers courses in virtual assistance, digital marketing, social media marketing, content writing,
web development, and graphic design. The programme also helps participants set goals, create an online
presence, build portfolios, secure jobs, and grow clients. From 2017-2022, the programme has already
provided 413 training. Out of the 7887 graduates, 28% have online jobs. In addition, 24 agencies engaged
in online work were established in the first half of 2022, 54% of which are registered in the Department of
Trade and Industry or the Securities and Exchange Commission.

Businesses: Leveraging the platform’s business model

The disruptions in the transport industry resulting from the presence of platforms are not necessarily
perceived negatively by the incumbent leaders. For example, Blue Bird, a major player in the traditional
taxi industry in Indonesia, has formed strategic partnerships with Gojek and Shopee. While Blue Bird has
integrated itself into the platforms’ business model, employer-employee relations remain. Thus, Blue Bird’s
workers continue to receive security benefits and entitlements.

Leveraging its advantage in financial technology, Robinhood, a homegrown food delivery platform
in Thailand, was created by the Siam Commercial Bank (SCB) during the pandemic as part of the SCB’s
corporate social responsibility. After one year of operation, it has 2.3 million registered users, 164000

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 103
 merchants, and 20000 riders93. It has plans to grow its users to 4 million, expand into travel, shopping, and
courier services, and become a regional super app94. Given its relative infancy in the platform business,
the stellar performance of Robinhood can be attributed to the readily available funds from the SCB and its
existing customer base. In addition, the business model of Robinhood differs from other platforms since
it does not charge subscription and Gross Profit fees. Instead, it monetises the data it collects from user
transaction histories. By mining the data, Robinhood develops and offers customised financial products
and digital loan services. Robinhood also provides free accident insurance to riders in the first six months
and charges THB20 each month afterwards.

In the Philippines, MyKuya is an on-demand application that aims to create one million jobs for Filipinos.
MyKuya acts as a digital storefront, providing enterprises with tools to connect partners with demand. Unlike
typical on-demand platforms, MyKuya service providers are not independent contractors but employees
of enterprise partners such as companies or organisations with a fleet of riders, driver cooperatives, and
manpower agencies. Thus, workers have employer-employee relations, which assure them of security
entitlements.

Rights groups: Leveraging technology to promote the flow of information

To help job seekers in Cambodia and Myanmar, Golden Dreams 2.0 provides labour market information
and facilitates discussion, which helps prevent job seekers from becoming victims of illegal recruitment and
exploitative work arrangements. Taking off from its collaboration with various interest groups in Cambodia
and Myanmar, Golden Dreams 2.0 now includes a Job Recruitment Marketplace where job seekers can find
legitimate employment opportunities. While the platform does not explicitly deal with platform workers, it
is an example of leveraging technologies to empower workers and amplify their voices.

Cooperatives and social enterprises: Providing support to grow online businesses and freelancing careers

Cooperatives are democratic organisations that foster equal rights and sharing responsibilities. Besides
financial services and employment opportunities, cooperatives provide a shared experience that enhances
the spirit of cooperation and community-based growth. In the Philippines, the Filipino Online Professional
Service Cooperative (FOPSCo) is a community of online freelancers, trainers, online business owners,
and DigitalJobsPH graduates that offers support to online professionals through training and coaching/
mentoring. It also aims to upskill Filipino online professionals to higher value-adding tasks. FOPSCo has
leadership training programmes for online professionals who wish to establish manpower agencies. In
addition, the cooperative provides virtual co-working spaces and support groups. In Singapore, Istoria
Co-operative Singapore Limited is a social enterprise that targets freelancers in the creative industries. It
provides workshops and training in photography and videography.

Social enterprises are enterprises that address social issues in the community. A social enterprise that aims
to empower Filipino mothers, FHMoms started as a Facebook group in 2017, with its founder providing a
basic introduction to online work, including online courses for marketing, virtual assistants, and accounting
and strategies to secure jobs. In 2020, it became a sole proprietorship that provides a platform for learning
and job opportunities to home-based moms. Some notable programmes include rent-to-own computers,
which enable mothers to get computers and devices at staggered payments, and the Wifi para kay Nanay
(Wifi for Mothers). In 2021, FHMoms established its digital services agency. The agency brings jobs to
the community of mothers by leveraging the business networks and corporate linkages the FHMoms’
proprietor has developed since the enterprise started operation.

Workers: Developing entrepreneurial mindsets

Some crowdworkers leverage their soft skills to build good relationships with clients. Once trust is established,
workers transact with clients outside the platforms, which is beneficial since firms and workers no longer
pay the platforms’ commission fees. Some crowdworkers with strong credentials became entrepreneurs
and built their manpower agencies. In the Philippines, the manpower agencies are registered and are
legally required to pay taxes and provide workers’ entitlements and benefits.

93- [Link] Accessed on May 8, 2022

94- [Link] Accessed on May 7, 2022

104
8.2. EU
Eurofound: Implementing initiatives to enhance information flow

Recognising that platform work is heterogeneous, the European Foundation for the Improvement of
Living and Working Conditions puts up a repository of the European member states’ initiatives on the
platform economy. The Platform Economy Initiatives compile information and provide a credible source of
information on the European member states’ policies, programmes, and action plans (see Table A20 in the
Annex). Stakeholders can learn about the tools, resources, and data related to the platform economy. They
can also learn about the member states’ legislations, rules, and guidelines. Thus, these can help researchers
and policymakers to look into the best practices of economies with advanced regulatory and governance
frameworks.

Legislators: Crafting rules in support of labour platform workers

In recent years, various European bodies have acknowledged the growing importance of regulation in
labour platform work by implementing rules that the European member states can adopt according to
their contexts.

These include the 2017 European Court of Justice ruling that Uber is a transport service provider, not
an e-commerce company, which gives the member states room to regulate the platform based on their
transportation laws (Future of Work Institute, 2021). In the same year, the European Parliament adopted a
text that proposes regulating work on labour platforms, including modernising the existing labour market
and social protection regulations95. In 2019, the European Parliament approved new rules to protect workers
on atypical contracts and non-standard jobs96. These rules have been used by member states like France,
Spain, and the United Kingdom for Uber to formalise a subordination relationship and for drivers to be
classified as employees, and member states like Switzerland for Uber Eats to register as a carrier and to
hire drivers as employees (Future of Work Institute, 2021). In 2021, the European Commission adopted
a proposal for a Directive on improving working conditions in platform work97. The new rules should
guarantee that people working through platforms enjoy the labour and social rights to which they are
entitled. At the same time, they will gain access to new rights that ensure transparency and accountability
of algorithmic management systems.

The labour laws have also evolved in member states to integrate non-standard work arrangements. For
example, the Bill on Transport Mobility in France provides for the workers’ rights to data, vocational
training, and collective representation98. The Real law decree No. 9/2021 in Spain recognises that platform
food delivery riders are employees, not independent contractors99. The Rider Law in Spain also establishes
the presumption of employment on platforms, which applies to the distribution of products when the
employer exercises its direction, organisation, and control through algorithmic management100. Transport
laws also ruled that platforms offering ride-hailing services are transport companies, such as the Greek Law
No. 4530/2018 and Spain’s Rider Law.

However, platforms have demonstrated resistance to these laws. In Spain, for example, Deliveroo bowed out
of the market partly because of the Rider Law. At the same time, Glovo changed its business model to go
around the provisions establishing the presumption of employment in the Rider Law. In its revised system,
riders have more autonomy since they can freely log in without selecting time slots, refuse deliveries,
and subcontract to other workers101. Despite this, the Supreme Court ruled that notwithstanding these
adjustments, subordination remains since Glovo owns the software and the platform.

95- European Parliament calls for guidelines for digital platforms -Fair Crowd Work, Accessed May 18, 2022
96- [Link] Accessed May 16, 2022
97- [Link]
98- [Link]
Accessed on May 19, 2022
99- [Link] Accessed on May 19, 2022
100- [Link] Accessed on May 20, 2022
101- [Link] Accessed on May 20, 2022

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 105
 Various actors: Setting standards through research and rating system

Rating systems provide a benchmark that stakeholders can use to assess platform labour practices. In
addition, it can set standards that international, regional, and local communities can adopt. There are
several initiatives towards this end. The Fairwork project is based at the Oxford Internet Institute and
the Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB) Berlin Social Science Centre. It evaluates the
working conditions on digital platforms based on the five principles of fair work: fair pay, fair conditions, fair
contracts, fair management, and fair representation. The project is being implemented in 25 countries across
five continents. It highlights the best and worst labour practices on labour platforms. The FairCrowdwork,
a joint project of IG Metall (German Metalworkers’ Union), the Austrian Chamber of Labour (Austrian
Trade Union Confederation), and the Swedish Unionen, is an online rating system for web and app-based
platforms and provides insights on the reputation of platforms. The initiative, however, depends on the
voluntary contributions of workers.

Unions and workers’ organisation: Establishing a code of conduct in crowdwork and establishing a body
to enforce such

A UK and eight German crowdsourcing platforms signed the Crowdsourcing Code of Conduct, an agreement
among platforms operating in Germany to abide by the minimum working standards. In line with this,
the crowdsourcing platforms, the German Crowdsourcing Association, and IG Metall established a joint
Ombuds Office, which will resolve disputes among actors on the platforms and oversee the enforcement
of the Code. Convinced that platform actors will abide by the Code, crowdworkers are urged first to settle
disputes with platforms. The Ombuds Office will step in only when conflicts are not resolved.

Unions: Empowering platform workers to take action

Unions, especially those driven by the logic of influence, have supported workers on labour platforms in
Europe. For example, in Austria, Foodora bike couriers, aiming to negotiate for good working conditions,
established Works Council with the help of the Austrian Transport Services Union Vida102. As provided for
by the legal framework in Austria, the Council has rights to information and consultation on major business
decisions. Besides its role in the Crowdsourcing Code of Conduct in Germany, the IG Metall may also
defray the legal cost of up to EUR 100000 in workers’ legal disputes with clients103. In Germany, the workers’
protest and the involvement of unions and workers’ councils have paved the way for Flink and Lieferando
to move to a permanent contract model104.

Workers: Taking control through platform cooperatives

Driven by the logic of membership (e.g. serving the needs of members), platform cooperatives with
workers as co-owners are gaining traction as alternatives to venture capital-financed platforms. Platform
cooperatives adopt a shared ownership approach and democratic governance and use technology to sell
goods or services.

France has the highest number of platform cooperatives among the European member states. This can
be credited to its cooperative-friendly national legal framework, including the precise legal definitions
of various cooperatives, clear rules to safeguard cooperative principles, and clear guidelines to address
financial and investment shortages105. For example, the Coursiers Nancéiens (Couriers from Nancy), a
platform cooperative in Nance, France, provides an ecological-friendly, ethical, and sustainable way of
doing business. It operates mainly through cargo bikes, providing social protection and insurance to bikers
and promoting local developments through partnerships with local merchants106.

102- Foodora couriers found works council -Fair Crowd Work, Accessed May 18, 2002
103- Unions for Platform Workers -Fair Crowd Work, Accessed May 18, 2002
104- [Link] Accessed May 20, 2002
105- [Link] Accessed on
May 16, 2022.
106- [Link] Accessed on May 17,
2022.

106
Eva107, also in France, is a platform cooperative for riders that achieved network effects after launching its
app in 2019. The app leverages blockchain technology in which every actor has records of transactions. This
fosters transparency, decentralises data management, and solves the skewed information accumulating in
favour of platforms.

CoopCycle Federation is an International Federation of bike delivery cooperatives from 12 European

countries. It offers a platform software that manages deliveries and supports developing business ideas.
In addition, member cooperatives are creating alliances with merchants who share their sustainable and
ecologically friendly approach to business. Their members, including the Mensakas Cooperative108 in Spain
and the Les Coursiers Montpelliérains109 in France, are successful examples.

107- [Link] Accessed on May 18, 2022.

108- [Link] Accessed May 18, 2022
109- [Link] Accessed May 18, 2022

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 107
 9. Recommendations

The Outlook has 1) investigated the economic conditions that led to the rise of labour platforms in ASEAN
and examined their consequences, 2) analysed the institutional and regulatory challenges that should be
addressed to ensure decent work in platform work in the AMS, 3) analysed good practices from the EU and
identified emerging business models that have potential in fostering decent work, 4) identified policies and
initiatives that each AMS could pursue to ensure that the human capital development and social protection
systems adapt to the changing nature of work, and 5) highlighted the importance of ASEAN cooperation
on the platform economy by identifying programmes and initiatives in which the AMS could collaborate to
ensure decent work in platform work. Based on quantitative and qualitative data, the Outlook recommends
policies and initiatives for platform work.

9.1. Summary of findings and recommendations:

Quantitative data analysis
The Outlook finds a continued high unemployment rate in ASEAN labour markets based on the data
collected. Thus, there is a need for both industry and serves to provide work options, especially for women
and youth. The crucial role of services in the structural transformation of ASEAN economies, the importance
of an internet-based, data-intensive, and technology-dependent future, and the acceleration of digitisation
resulting from the pandemic are all relevant to the rise of platform work. Many workers are engaged in
OLPs, amounting to 63 million in online freelancing activities and roughly 40 million in on-demand digital
activities. There is observed increased participation in on-demand labour platforms, especially during the
pandemic, although there is diminishing access to this work as the market becomes saturated. The rise in
crowdwork is associated with the decreased GDP shares of the service and agricultural sectors.

Other specific findings are as follows:

· The association of the rise in crowdwork engagement in OLPs with decreased shares of the service and
agricultural sectors to GDP suggests that crowdwork demand is affected by the country’s structural
transformation.

· A positive correlation exists between increased gross domestic capital formation and crowdwork worker
shares, denoting the need for ICT infrastructure.

· The correspondence between women’s labour force participation and increased engagement in
crowdwork, especially in countries with lower HDI.

· There is a positive correlation between crowdworker share and unemployment. There is a negative
correlation between these variables if crowdworker share is interacted with increased domestic capital
formation.

· Workers participating in OLPs mostly wish to engage in secondary jobs. Thus, their impact on job
generation and reducing unemployment is limited.

· There is a significant size of informal workers relative to the total workforce.

· Women and the less educated are being drawn to the informal sector.

· Social protection remains a constraint in achieving decent working conditions, even for self-employed
workers.

108
 · Given government support, the possibility of transitioning from the informal sector to the formal sector
through OLPs as these work arrangements offer the same flexibility and greater training opportunities
than the informal sector.

· There are barriers to the transition from informal to OLPs, including the uncertainty of engaging in the
global labour market, the lack of face-to-face interaction with employers, the possible discrimination of
certain groups of workers, especially women, due to monopsony power of employers.

Based on these findings, the following recommendations are made around the five conceptual issues
identified in Section 3.1.

Issue 1: The transformation of jobs into their digital equivalence

The first issue is the disruption that the online platforms may be causing. The question is whether this
will replace some jobs and thus cause more unemployment. From the results, it was not the case. OLPs
became an option for people looking for secondary and complementary work. Unlike automation, which
was destroying jobs, OLPs seem to attract the unemployed.

Unfortunately, not all of them were absorbed by the OLP because of its competitive nature and the lack
of skills. The changes in unemployment were conditional on Gross Capital Formation, and engagement
in the informal sector remains substantial. The recommendation then is that, apart from improving the
digital infrastructure, national governments should be able to provide subsidies to workers who wish to
gain access to online digital platforms by improving skills and social protection. In other words, these OLPs
can create employment opportunities, and governments should be open to these alternative work venues.

Issue 2: The sustainability of digital platforms

The second issue deals with the sustainability of these OLPs. These pertain to the viability of using OLPs
as another option for creating jobs. The observed deindustrialisation and the rise of the service sector as
an engine of growth provide some fertile ground for OLPs to survive. Nevertheless, the data indicate that
in countries with substantial capital formation, OLPs were successful in decreasing unemployment. This
means that the returns from OLPs in creating new jobs may not be the same for all AMS. Because of this,
its sustainability in developing countries may be in question. Encouraging locally-grown OLPs that adapt
to the local resources, including the needs of the local and regional industries, can be explored. The goal
is for local economies to take advantage of this technology.

Issue 3: The Impact on Women

This issue deals with gender disparities that affect labour market outcomes. The data we have shown that
the share of crowdworkers is associated with women’s labour force participation rate, and more importantly,
this correlation significantly increases in countries with lower Human Development Index. The fact that
women workers seem to be using these platforms, which in turn, is related to increasing their labour force
participation, indicates that OLPs can decrease gender employment disparity. However, wage disparities
may not be addressed since women’s engagements in OLPs are found in lower-income countries. The
recommendation is to enforce decent work conditions and provide social protection targeted to women.

Issue 4: The Market Power of Platforms

This issue relates to the market power inherent in online labour platforms because of their associated direct
and indirect network effects. The data, however, reveal that while only a few major platforms are found
in the market, their revenue shares are contestable and can be challenged by potential local entrants.
Nevertheless, despite this limited control of platforms in the global market, the issue is the presence of
monopsony or the ability of platforms to markdown earnings below the actual contribution of the workers
to their firms’ revenues, given the heterogeneous nature of labour being exchanged and lack of uniform
earning structures in these markets. Workers are unlikely to complain about the remuneration offered,
especially if they have limited options to engage in these other non-digital or digital work alternatives.

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 109
 The solution to this problem is not to regulate the platforms, fix remuneration or impose conditions on the
platforms. These can ultimately destroy the sustainability of the platforms indicated in issue no. 2. Instead,
the proper recommendation is to strengthen workers’ bargaining power by giving them more options,
providing social protection, including unemployment insurance, and defining their rights to decent work
conditions. The goal is to provide workers the ability to negotiate their demands better and be paid
equally according to their productivity.

Issue 5: Transition from informal to formal activities

This issue deals specifically with the problem of a huge informal sector in AMS. The characteristics of
platforms, specifically the degree of flexibility offered to the workers, are similar to the informal sector.
The data indicate that OLPs had hardly made a dent in the size of the informal sector. A significant part
of the problem is the lack of qualifications since platform engagements require a specific set of skills and
education to be accepted. Hence, highly skilled workers in the informal sector are more likely to be hired in
OLPs. However, the percentage of these workers did not seem to change significantly. This means beyond
the skill set of workers, there are other barriers to the potential transition of workers from informal to formal
activities. The issue is likely the inherent uncertainty that comes along with dealing with platforms where
face-to-face transactions are limited.

This issue is similar to the fourth one in that the recommendation is again to provide programs that
can strengthen workers’ bargaining power to demand the conditions for decent work and tasks that will
provide them with some security.

9.2. Summary of findings and recommendations: Qualitative

data analysis
The qualitative data indicate that new business models bring to light regulatory deficits, including Labour
Codes that have yet to cover work in non-standard work arrangements, and infrastructure deficiencies,
including slow Internet connectivity and inadequate hard and soft skills. There is a lack of social protection,
although agencies in charge of the social security system in some AMS have implemented initiatives
and collaborated with on-demand platforms to increase the coverage of platform workers. Associations
and groups foster belongingness and solidarity among both types of platform workers. However, riders
have more advanced support from unions. Some regional on-demand platforms support their partners’
upskilling and personal development, while crowdworking platforms do not. Concerning inclusivity, there
is still no specific state-led policy targeting different vulnerable populations, although big on-demand
platforms have gender-sensitive policies. Despite that, attention is skewed towards riders and drivers,
leaving policies on other on-demand services wanting. Concerning crowdwork, strategies that encourage
the formalisation of crowdworkers are useful. Crowdworkers that cannot be formalised should not be
precluded from obtaining state-led support, however.

Innovations in the world of work have outpaced regulations. Regulatory deficits have implications for
attaining decent work. However, excessive regulations can stifle innovations. Thus, governments in the AMS
should strengthen the overall ecosystem of the platform economy, with platforms growing responsibly. To
do this, it is imperative to understand the nature of platform work and its issues. Are these issues new or
just variants of existing problems in non-platform work? How can policies address these challenges? How
can these policies promote platforms’ responsible growth and innovations? How can nations achieve a
sustainable ecosystem where innovation and decent work coexist? How can platform work take a human
development orientation? Given the business models using platforms, combining traditional and innovative
approaches to craft nuanced policies and initiatives is also useful. Based on the qualitative data analysis,
the subsequent sections recommend some policies and initiatives that can be pursued at the national and
ASEAN levels.

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9.2.1. Policies and initiatives to explore for platform work

Aim for the sustainability of the worker

· The skills needed in platform work are not substantially different from those in non-platform work. For
example, the hard and soft skills required in crowdwork are also relevant in traditional work arrangements.
Thus, the AMS must assess the current workforce competencies and how these can be adjusted to the
existing and emerging needs of labour markets. Putting up a training and skills development system
will guide platform workers to make informed choices on training pathways should they wish to shift
to a traditional work arrangement. The system is also useful to workers who wish to pursue platform
work, especially those involved in platforms that require certifications.

· Some AMS are transitioning into an aging society. Thus, initiatives to upskill and retool are key to
enhancing the participation of older people in opportunities that technology and innovations bring.
Special training programmes for older people can be developed given that older people remain
productive even after retirement.

· PWD can benefit from opportunities in crowdwork. Thus, skills and training programmes that cater to
PWD will foster inclusivity in platform work

· Some AMS are ahead on this front. Singapore, for example, launched the national SkillsFuture
movement in 2015 to provide Singaporeans with opportunities to develop to their fullest potential
throughout life through skills mastery and lifelong learning. To encourage individuals to take greater
ownership of their skills development, Singaporeans aged 25 and above are given a SkillsFuture Credit
account with an opening credit of SG$500, which does not expire. In October 2020, a top-up of SG$500
was provided, with a 5-year expiry, unlike the opening credit, to nudge individuals to take timely action
to upskill and reskill. Singaporeans aged 40 to 60 also received an additional SkillsFuture Credit (Mid-
Career Support) of SG$500, to enable them to access reskilling and upskilling opportunities. With such
provisions, reskilling and career transition programmes are also being scaled up to help Singaporeans,
particularly mid-career workers, remain employable and pivot to new job roles.

· Meanwhile, Malaysia has established the Human Resource Development Corporation Corp. (HRD Corp),
implementing training programmes for employers, individuals, and training providers. Upskill Malaysia,
under the HRD Corp, is an integrated platform for government-funded skills programmes that provide
an efficient way for individuals to search and apply for training or skills development programmes. It
currently offers training courses in 35 skill areas.

· Other AMS can learn from the experiences of these skills systems and investigate its best practices that
can be customised into the AMS’ specific context. Inspired by the SkillsFuture Initiative, the Philippines
has crafted the Philippine Skills Framework (PSF) Initiative, an inter-agency effort to guide the workforce
in building its skills/competencies and employers in designing human resource management and talent
development plans. Thus, the PSF Initiative allows workers to chart their career and skills development.

Target promotion and protection

· Expand social protection programmes by exploring the combination of protection and promotion
systems. While some comprehensive skills development systems are in place in some AMS, these
are currently stand-alone systems. It would be useful to explore how the social protection system
can be linked with the training/skills development system. For example, depending on the context,
governments can provide subsidies like SkillsFuture Singapore or design unemployment insurance with
upskilling/retooling provisions. This can be helpful, especially for people who have plans to shift work
or pursue different career paths.

· Social protection systems should be portable to support the workers’ movement from one mode of job
to another and flexible to accommodate varying capacities to pay. For example, some crowdworkers and

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 111
 on-demand workers have indicated that their platform work is temporary, and they save for a business
or wait for the right opportunities to join the traditional work arrangement. In addition, workers do
not voluntarily subscribe to any social protection programme due to inadequate or unsteady income
streams and the desire for higher take-home pay. Thus, systems that allow the customisation of payment
schedules and structures are imperative. Further, delays in the contribution payment should not result
in the deactivation of membership since reactivations entail paperwork.

· Agencies in charge of social security and the provident fund should intensify their social protection
and saving literacy campaign programmes. Some workers view the payment of premiums as a tax.
Thus, including a module on social protection in state-led training initiatives for platform workers is
useful in informing workers of enrolment, payment, and claims processes. In addition, emphasizing the
benefits and the government’s counterparts (if any) to the workers’ social security and provident fund
contribution could encourage higher uptake.

· Agencies in charge of social security should consider designing a special programme for platform
workers. This further highlights the need for systems that allow the customisation of payment schedules
and structures.

9.2.2. Policies and initiatives to explore specific to on-demand work

Amend labour laws to become more responsive to workers’ needs in the digital economy

· Amend labour codes to clarify the employment classification of on-demand workers and implement
other initiatives while legislative and consultative processes are ongoing. Despite nuances in work on
different platforms, decent work remains an overarching issue to be addressed. Labour codes have
yet to integrate non-standard work arrangements, which results in regulatory deficits that allow new
business models to operate in the context of no-employment relations. Changes in the classification
and definitions may take some time due to the legislative and consultative processes. Consultations
will ensure that amendments will capture the unique aspects of platform work. While these processes
are ongoing, it is useful to implement other initiatives, including partnerships with platforms on social
protection and savings and conducting consultations regarding the applicable minimum standards.

· Promote workers’ voice and representation; Adjust rules and regulations on collective bargaining to give
voice and representation to workers in non-standard work arrangements. Currently, only those with
employment relations can organise and negotiate. The lack of voice and representation in collective
bargaining originate from the limitations in the workers’ employment status. While adjustments in the
labour code are being made, it is prudent to encourage associations and unions to push for issues in
platform work in social dialogues and legislative hearings. Finding legislators who will champion the
cause of decent work in platform work is also crucial.

Explore partnerships with on-demand platforms to enhance the provision of workers’ social protection

Some AMS have made significant progress on this front. The Malaysian government, for example, has a
memorandum of understanding with major platforms, resulting in one platform’s inclusion of an auto-
deduct feature that simplifies its workers’ savings efforts, while another has agreed to pay a portion of
the EPF contributions of their high-performing partners. These collaborations demonstrate how platforms
value their partners, which can attract more loyal partners. These can potentially result in other platforms
to follow, setting the norms for participating in their partners’ savings fund and social protection. Indeed,
some platforms recognise the role of partner riders/drivers in their business models, and they express
willingness to forge stronger collaborations with the State.

Acquire an in-depth understanding of on-demand work before formulating regulatory frameworks

· Robust consultations with different platforms and workers are essential in understanding working
conditions and minimum standards in pay and security. Consultations will clarify obligations and set
minimum applicable standards approved by all stakeholders, making regulations likely to be successful.

112
 These will also help define “active” work on platforms, which can facilitate the scope and nature of social
protection or insurance provided to platform workers.

· Experiences in the EU and the AMS demonstrate that platforms adapt their systems to circumvent
attempts at regulation. Thus, it is crucial that platforms and workers are represented in committees and
technical working groups.

· Different platforms have distinct management policies and foster diverse working conditions, which
result in varying issues and challenges. For example, the risk of road accidents is higher for workers
in two-wheeled than in four-wheeled ride-hailing services. Responsibilities are bigger for workers
who move people than parcels/goods. Personal service providers like cleaners, nannies, and massage
therapists work in environments with less autonomy and independence. Thus, establishing technical
working groups for major sectors can lead to more nuanced policies.

· National governments can explore an experimental regulatory sandbox. A sandbox is a controlled

and time-bound environment that allows for live testing of technologies, services, and business
models, with appropriate supervision and safeguards110. Sandboxes are historically used in the financial
sector, although these are now applied in energy, transport, and the digital economy. These can be
valuable tools to determine the workers’ employment classification and explore approaches that can
enhance institutional capacities and address gaps in social protection. Experiments that establish new
employment classifications and determine platform workers’ modes of social protection can be valuable
exercises.

Improve data collection initiatives to aid evidence-based policies and programmes

Evidence is important to ensure that policies address issues and challenges. In the case of platforms, the
lack of data limits researchers from shedding light on various issues. Platforms are the best sources of data.
However, their unwillingness to share their trove of information limits stakeholders from gaining an in-depth
understanding of the unique aspects of work. This presents a challenge, although the government can use
innovative approaches like exploring how the Application Programming Interface and data crawling can
extract information from various web sources. Governments can also forge collaborations with platforms
through data-sharing agreements.

In addition, statistics authorities should explore the collection of nationally representative data on non-
standard work arrangements. In this exercise, careful considerations should be made to strike a balance
between survey costs and the quality of the data collection. On the one hand, it would be cost-effective
if the data collection is a rider to Labour Force Surveys. On the other hand, rider questions may not fully
capture the scope of these work arrangements. There is also a need for a clear definition and taxonomy of
platform work, which will guide the nature of questions that will be asked and the types of indicators that
will be collected.

Create sustainable and fair environments for all stakeholders involved

Few players in the market can result in practices that are inimical to the interest of workers. This is more
so in the case of platforms when innovations are occurring faster than the development of regulatory
frameworks. Moreover, the presence of many platforms can benefit workers as platforms compete through
better work policies. Thus, the government must establish free and fair competition, allowing new businesses
to enter and thrive in the market.

Applying the applicable minimum standards to all platforms is just as important as preventing market
monopolies. Some platforms expressed willingness to abide by the regulations provided these arise
from in-depth consultations and are applied by the State without exceptions. This means that the same
regulations and standards should govern platforms offering similar services.

110- [Link]
technologies-for-sustainable-development/, Accessed on June 10, 2022

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 113
 Explore the viability of platform cooperatives

Platform cooperatives offer alternatives to venture capital-financed platforms. These adopt the platform
technology to facilitate the conduct of businesses, and as cooperatives, foster shared ownership and
democratic governance. This means that platform workers are part of the platform’s decision processes
and are more likely to get decent and fair working conditions. Platform cooperatives are gaining traction in
Europe (e.g. Coursiers Nancéiens, Les Coursiers Montpelliérains, Eva in France, and Mensakas Cooperative
in Spain). Coursiers Nancéiens provides social protection and insurance to bikers. Eva fosters transparency
through decentralised data management, which solves information asymmetry.

However, setting up platform cooperatives has challenges. Financing for platform cooperatives is a key
issue since platforms require investments in software and physical and human capital infrastructures. The
development of platform cooperatives also requires looking into the suitability of existing regulatory
frameworks for cooperatives. Cooperatives also have existing regulations and structures, which may or
may not be conducive to the development of platform cooperatives. In the Philippines, for example, the
Cooperative Development Authority acts as a developer and regulator, while in Indonesia, directions
mostly come from the national government following a top-down approach. Reducing regulatory barriers
to establishing cooperative platforms and enhancing independence in development and innovation can
be explored. The AMS can investigate the successful platform cooperatives in France, Germany, Italy, and
Switzerland and analyse how the principles can be adopted into the AMS context.

9.2.3. Policies and initiatives to explore specific to crowdwork

Encourage crowdworkers to become formal entrepreneurs

· Streamline legal and regulatory requirements in licensing and registration and simplify tax administration,
reporting system, and payment structures.

· Simplify the registration and payments to social protection programmes by establishing an online
portal that will serve as a one-stop payment system for workers’ insurance and social security funds and
linking this system to various online and offline payment channels.

· Provide incentives and supports to formal entrepreneurs and conduct dissemination exercises to
educate the entrepreneurial community on the advantages of joining the formal sector.

Recognise that not all crowdworkers can be formalised; Ensure equal access to state-led programmes

The few legislative efforts on crowdwork are focused on registered crowdworkers. However, crowdwork
is heterogeneous in scope, duration, and complexity. Depending on their motivations and skills, workers
will secure jobs continuously or intermittently. Attempts at formalising the latter are challenging since
the transaction and administrative costs of compliance with regulatory requirements may outweigh
the perceived benefits of formalisation. Thus, ensuring that informal workers can benefit from state-led
programmes and initiatives is important, especially in skills and training development. Doing so enhances
the workers’ chance to secure higher value-adding and less intermittent jobs, paving the way for potential
formalisation.

Recognise the importance of social enterprises, cooperatives, and associations of crowdworkers, Empower
these entities

Enterprises, cooperatives, and associations enhance the visibility of crowdworkers. They should be
recognised as vital links to the communities of crowdworkers. They should be engaged in consultations
when crafting programmes for the crowdworkers’ promotion and protection. Partnerships with these
entities are useful in cascading information on government policies and initiatives and in determining
sectoral needs and challenges. They also have programmes that assist their members in owning devices
and enhancing access to the Internet. Thus, governments can tap into these entities to better understand
how successful programmes can be replicated or upscaled.

114
9.3. ASEAN
ASEAN region is rich in human resources and is the frontrunner in harnessing opportunities brought about
by innovations in the ICT sector. Various crowdworking platforms recruit workers from specific member
states, while some on-demand platforms operate in several member states. However, member states have
varied institutional capabilities, manifested in some nations being more advanced in digital indicators and
existing programmes and initiatives for platform workers. Thus, as an economic community aiming for
a competitive, innovative and dynamic ASEAN, and resilient, inclusive, and people-oriented region (as
articulated in ASEAN Economic Community Blueprint 2025), it is crucial among member states to learn
from each other’s experiences, strengthen existing connections, and forge new pathways to promote and
protect platform workers and improve decent work.

To improve decent work on platforms, collaboration among stakeholders, including platforms, platform
workers is key. The wealth of information each member states possess is a resource and tool that, when
pooled together, can help ASEAN community gain better policy insights. Thus, member states’ collaboration
in information management and participation in fora and dialogue are key. Crafting regional guidelines for
on-demand platforms and a code of conduct for crowdworkers can also be useful. Without formal standards
for platform work, the former can be useful in forwarding minimum standards for decent on-demand work.
The latter can help mitigate the adverse effects of worker oversupply and competition on platforms. These
guidelines should be crafted with key stakeholders to foster co-ownerships and encourage buy-ins.

9.3.1. Initiatives to explore for platform work

Spearhead the management of information on platform work and the platform economy in the region

Information on platforms in the AMS can be a valuable tool and resource for policymakers, researchers,
platforms, and platform workers. A one-stop repository of information in ASEAN on regulations, laws,
minimum standards, and platform ratings will inform stakeholders and governments of good practices and
reasonable approaches to address regulatory deficits. To this end, the ICT bureau in each AMS can leverage
its management information systems to collect pertinent information that can be customised should
consistency in the format at ASEAN level be prescribed. In addition, the one-stop repository initiative of
the Eurofound can be looked into to determine what other information, tools, and resources can be shared
and harmonised.

Facilitate regional dialogue and forum

Various on-demand platforms operate in the AMS. Most take a hyper-local approach to ensure a quick
response to changes in local markets. Meanwhile, new entrants and small, local platforms adopt the practices
of leading platforms. Thus, workers in the region face similar issues, such as the platforms’ substantial
control, workers’ employment status and its implications for security, lack of representation, and decreasing
incentives and incomes. The AMS should spearhead regional dialogues and fora to set standards and
guidelines for platforms and workers and to strengthen cooperation to achieve decent work in the region.
These dialogues and fora, not only provide avenues for stakeholders to share worst scenarios and best
practices, but also facilitate stakeholders to forge and/or strengthen connections in the ecosystem.

9.3.2. Initiatives to explore specific to on-demand work

Explore crafting regional guidelines for platforms

Big platforms operating in the region can have different policies depending on regulations in specific AMS
and the initiatives pursued by agencies in charge of social protection. Thus, disparities can be observed
within and among member states. Regional guidelines are, thus, useful, especially in the absence of
standards from the Labour Codes. Unlike the Labour Code that mandates standards, regional guidelines
crafted in collaboration with key stakeholders can effectively attain decent work on platforms. Government

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 115
 representatives from the AMS, platform representatives, workers, and tripartite partners can agree on the
minimum acceptable standards. Having regional guidelines can be beneficial to key stakeholders. It can
reduce platforms’ vulnerability to disruptions arising from workers’ protests and sudden regulations. It can
also send positive signals to the labour market. Thus, platforms can attract and retain workers vital to the
platforms’ operation.

9.3.3. Initiative to explore specific to crowdwork

Facilitate the crafting of a Code of Conduct for crowdworkers and for platforms

Crowdworkers are mostly coming from the Global South. Workers in the AMS can have strong bargaining
power if they put up a unified front and avoid practices of cutthroat competition among workers. To do this,
associations and groups play key roles. Associations and groups representing the interests of crowdworkers
in the AMS can come together through a forum/meeting organised by ASEAN secretariat and explore the
possibility of crafting guidelines in ASEAN crowdworkers’ conduct on platforms. In the short run, a code of
conduct targeting platform workers and their groups and associations is easier since these stakeholders will
actively participate in consultations given the correct motivations and incentives.

Crowdworkers’ adherence to the code of conduct is key. Unity in following the crowdworkers’ code sends
a strong signal to clients and platforms that crowdworkers in the region mean business. This can compel
platforms to participate in future efforts to craft a crowdworking platforms’ code of conduct. It is also
important for platforms to realize that their adherence to such code can demonstrate their goodwill and
attract better workers in the process.

116
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 11. Annex

11.1. Supplementary Tables

Table A1. List of interviewees

Mode of
Labour Ministries Country Date
Participation

Brunei Darussalam Written response April 23, 2022

Cambodia Written response March 16, 2022

Indonesia Written response March 11, 2022

Lao PDR Written response April 18, 2022

Malaysia*

Myanmar Written response March 10, 2022

The Philippines Written response June 2, 2022

Singapore Virtual interview April 12, 2022

Thailand Written response March 15, 2022

Viet Nam Written response May 11, 2022

ICT Ministries

Brunei Darussalam Virtual interview March 4, 2022

Cambodia Written response March 11, 2022

Indonesia+

Lao PDR**

Malaysia Written response April 1, 2022

Myanmar Written response March 11, 2022

The Philippines***

Singapore Written response May 4, 2022

Thailand Written response March 21, 2022

Viet Nam Written response March 16, 2022

Social Security Organisations

BPJS Ketenagakerjaan Indonesia***

Employees Provident Fund (EPF/ KWSP) Malaysia Virtual interview June 23, 2022

Social Security System (SSS) The Philippines Virtual interview May 30, 2022

Central Provident Fund Singapore^

Social Security Office (SSO) Thailand Written response July 6, 2022

126
 Mode of
Labour Ministries Country Date
Participation

MSMEs

Indonesia Written response March 18, 2022

Malaysia Written response March 29, 2022

The Philippines***

Singapore^^

Thailand^^^

Viet Nam Written response March 30, 2022

Chamber of Commerce

Thailand Written response March 31, 2022

Platform representatives

Foodpanda (Regional) Written response June 3, 2022

GoJek (Regional) Written response March 17, 2022

Grab (Regional) Written response August 24, 2022

LineMan Wongnai Thailand Written response March 28, 2022

MyKuya the Philippines Virtual interview April 7, 2022

Robinhood Thailand Virtual interview May 4, 2022

Workana Malaysia Written response April 12, 2022

Platform Workers (requested not to be identified)

Male crowdworker The Philippines Virtual interview March 2, 2022

Male rider The Philippines Written response March 2, 2022

Female crowdworker, agency owner The Philippines Virtual interview March 4, 2022

Female crowdworker, agency owner, trainer The Philippines Virtual interview March 2, 2022

Male rider The Philippines Virtual interview March 9, 2022

Male rider Thailand Written response April 20, 2022

Groups/Associations

DKI Jakarta Serikat Pengemudi Gojek SPDT- Virtual and

Indonesia April 5/6, 2022
FSPM (DKI Jakarta Gojek Driver Union) Written interview

FH Moms The Philippines Written response March 30, 2022

Kagulong (Kapatiran sa Dalawang Gulong) The Philippines Virtual interview March 30, 2022

Freedom Union Rider Thailand Written response April 20, 2022

Just Economy and Labor Institute (JELI) Thailand Virtual interview April 12, 2022

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 Mode of
Labour Ministries Country Date
Participation

Subject matter experts

Victoria Fanggidae (PRAKARSA Institute) Indonesia Virtual interview March 16, 2023

Diatyka Widyad (Universitas Indonesia) Indonesia Virtual interview March 29, 2022

Zhai Gen Tan (Asia School of Business) Malaysia Virtual interview March 21, 2022

Cheryll Soriano (Fairwork the Philippines/ De

The Philippines Virtual interview March 9, 2022
La Salle University (DLSU)

Mitzie Conchada (DLSU) The Philippines Written response March 15, 2022

Jack Qiu (National University of Singapore) Singapore Virtual interview May 17, 2022

Thanee Chaiwat (Chulalongkorn University) Thailand Written response April 13, 2022

Thorn Pitidol (Thammasat University) Thailand Virtual interview April 1, 2022

Trisorn Thirachiwanon (Thailand Development

Thailand Virtual interview April 5, 2022
Research Institute)

Nguyễn Đức Lộc (Social Life Research Institute) Viet Nam Written response July 26, 2022

Pham Thanh Nga (Hanoi International

Viet Nam Virtual interview May 11, 2022
Arbitration Centre)

+ Replied on 3.11.2, deferred response to the Ministry of Labor

* Replied that referred person might answer on their behalf, namely Mr. Tan Zai Gen and Ms. Rachel Gong on 3.7.22
** Replied on 3.11.22, deferred response to the Ministry of Labor on 3.11.22
***No response
^ Replied on 5.25.22, deferred response to the Ministry of Labor
^^ Replied on 3.10.22, deferred response to the Ministry of Labor
^^^ Replied that the Ministry of Labor should respond

128
Table A2. Composition of employment by economic activity by gender and
economic activity, 2011-2019

Panel A. 2011-2015

Female Male

Agriculture Industry Services Agriculture Industry Services

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 24.97 9.91 14.15 24.54 10.56 15.87

Myanmar 20.93 6.22 14.57 31.41 10.37 16.50

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 34.71 3.84 11.01 33.12 6.18 11.14

The Philippines 7.98 3.97 27.37 23.09 11.69 25.91

Viet Nam 23.22 8.35 16.28 23.32 13.24 15.60

Indonesia 13.04 5.91 19.02 22.01 15.20 24.82

Higher-income countries

Thailand 16.55 8.55 20.82 21.62 12.77 19.69

Malaysia 2.92 7.30 26.61 9.66 20.53 32.98

Brunei Darussalam 0.20 4.40 36.72 0.43 14.22 44.04

Singapore 0.02 5.55 35.30 0.08 13.68 45.37

Panel B. 2016-2019

Female Male

Agriculture Industry Services Agriculture Industry Services

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 18.98 12.31 17.53 17.68 14.24 19.26

Myanmar 18.13 6.53 15.98 31.57 10.10 17.69

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 32.00 4.42 12.69 31.00 7.81 12.08

The Philippines 5.87 3.82 29.14 18.96 14.61 27.59

Viet Nam 19.52 10.59 17.77 19.95 15.57 16.60

Indonesia 11.00 6.49 21.62 19.14 15.61 26.14

Higher-income countries

Thailand 13.04 9.14 23.44 18.50 13.91 21.97

Malaysia 2.43 7.75 28.10 8.44 19.56 33.72

Brunei Darussalam 0.23 3.89 37.55 1.13 14.56 42.64

Singapore 0.01 4.76 36.85 0.04 11.45 46.89

Source: ILO (2022)

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 Table A3. Average unemployment rates by sex and age, 2011-2022

Panel A. All Ages

2011-2015 2016-2019 2020-2022

Female Male Total Female Male Total Female Male Total

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 0.53 0.52 0.52 0.34 0.23 0.29 0.59 0.43 0.51

Myanmar 0.89 0.67 0.76 1.29 0.84 1.03 2.11 1.68 1.85

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 0.70 0.80 0.75 0.77 0.86 0.82 1.13 1.23 1.18

The Philippines 3.66 3.32 3.45 2.69 2.31 2.46 2.67 2.27 2.42

Viet Nam 1.16 1.41 1.29 1.61 1.84 1.73 2.39 2.16 2.27

Indonesia 4.59 4.45 4.50 3.75 4.24 4.05 3.89 4.65 4.35

Higher-income countries

Thailand 0.52 0.54 0.53 0.76 0.75 0.75 1.15 1.17 1.16

Malaysia 3.33 2.90 3.06 3.70 3.14 3.35 4.66 4.30 4.44

Brunei Darussalam 8.07 6.41 7.10 9.37 7.58 8.33 9.09 6.53 7.58

Singapore 4.21 3.51 3.80 4.03 3.56 3.76 4.22 3.66 3.89

Panel B. 15-24 years

2011-2015 2016-2019 2020-2022

Female Male Total Female Male Total Female Male Total

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 0.73 0.79 0.76 0.67 0.50 0.58 1.63 1.26 1.43

Myanmar 1.80 1.45 1.61 2.95 2.20 2.52 5.17 5.22 5.20

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 1.72 1.93 1.82 2.05 2.25 2.15 2.98 3.20 3.09

The Philippines 11.42 8.17 9.40 8.70 6.28 7.18 8.81 6.17 7.16

Viet Nam 4.44 4.46 4.45 6.21 6.31 6.27 7.95 6.90 7.37

Indonesia 17.02 16.29 16.58 14.84 14.99 14.93 15.08 15.76 15.49

Higher-income countries

Thailand 3.37 2.24 2.69 5.13 3.47 4.14 6.85 5.44 6.01

Malaysia 11.45 9.58 10.31 12.57 10.48 11.32 16.65 13.36 14.67

Brunei Darussalam 25.84 22.52 23.93 29.15 26.39 27.51 27.12 20.54 23.13

Singapore 12.11 6.73 9.10 11.71 6.50 8.77 12.66 7.55 9.84

130
 Panel C: For 25 + years

2011-2015 2016-2019 2020-2022

Female Male Total Female Male Total Female Male Total

Lower-income countries

Cambodia 0.46 0.41 0.43 0.24 0.14 0.19 0.31 0.19 0.25

Myanmar 0.58 0.43 0.49 0.83 0.51 0.64 1.36 0.97 1.12

Middle-income countries

Lao PDR 0.31 0.42 0.37 0.37 0.49 0.43 0.61 0.76 0.69

The Philippines 1.85 2.07 1.98 1.52 1.45 1.48 1.66 1.55 1.60

Viet Nam 0.50 0.73 0.61 0.86 1.04 0.96 1.64 1.45 1.54

Indonesia 2.03 2.15 2.10 1.57 2.17 1.94 1.74 2.57 2.24

Upper income countries

Thailand 0.22 0.31 0.27 0.34 0.41 0.37 0.65 0.70 0.67

Malaysia 1.51 1.56 1.54 1.95 1.82 1.87 2.47 2.77 2.65

Brunei Darussalam 4.78 3.58 4.07 6.39 4.70 5.41 6.70 4.53 5.42

Singapore 3.35 3.21 3.27 3.28 3.29 3.29 3.52 3.38 3.44

Source: ILO (2022)

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 131
 Table A4. Legal framework on labour and employment and information on social security in the AMS

Framework setting the terms and Some amendments Social Security

conditions of labour and employment

Brunei Employment Order 2009, Workmen’s Employers and employees contribute to the Employers’
Darussalam Compensation Act 1957, Workplace, Trust Fund (Tabung Amanah Pekerja), which covers old
Safety, and Health Order 2009, age, housing, disability, and death
Employment Agencies Order 2004, and [Link]
Employment Information Act 1974

Covers all persons who are employed

under a contract of service [Link]
[Link]/SitePages/[Link]

Cambodia Labour Law, 1997 Royal Kram No. NS/RKM/1021/011: amends several Employers with one or more employees must register
[Link] articles of the Labour Law related to work shifts and themselves and their employees with the National
labour labour dispute resolution Social Security Fund (NSSF), which covers Social Security
[Link] Schemes on Occupational Risk, Health Care, and
amendments-to-the-labour-law/ Pension
[Link]

Indonesia Labour Law Number 13 of 2003 Omnibus Law Government Regulation No. 35 of Employers register their employees with the Badan
[Link] 2021 (GR 35/2021), amendments on fixed-term Penyelenggara Jaminan Sosial (BPJS) to provide work
docs/760/Indonesian+Labour+Law+- employment contracts, outsourcing, hours of work, and accident insurance, life insurance benefit, and old age
+Act+13+of+[Link] the procedure for the termination of employment. benefit
[Link]
omnibus-law-significant-changes-for-contract-workers/

Lao PDR Labour Law, 2006 Labour Law, 2013, amendments on the quota of Employers and employees contribute to the Lao Social
[Link] foreign employees, employment contract duration, Security Organisation that covers old age, healthcare,
MONOGRAPH/78249/83512/F619261308/ working hours/shift work/overtime, severance payment, disability, and death
[Link] employees’ representatives, collective bargaining [Link]
[Link]
lao-pdr-labour-law-important-update/

Malaysia Employment Act, 1955 Under review to introduce multiple other measures, Employers and employees contribute to the Employees’
[Link] including amendments on pregnancy/maternity Provident Fund (EPF) and the Social Security
WEBTEXT/48055/66265/[Link] protection, working hours, flexible working Organisation (SOCSO), which cover retirement, disability,
arrangements, employment discrimination disputes, survivor’s benefits, and medical payments.
fines on sexual harassment, and forced labour
[Link] Per Budget 2020, the Malaysian government has also
amendments-to-malaysias-employment-act/ increased the scope for Employee Provident Fund (EPF)
Coverage. All employees hired on a contractual basis
are now eligible for EPF. Currently voluntary service but
expected to become an obligation in the future. https://
[Link]/malaysia-labour-law-
changes/

132
 Framework setting the terms and Some amendments Social Security
conditions of labour and employment

Myanmar Labour law, Employers and employees contribute to the Social

[Link] Security Board that covers healthcare, employers’
detail?p_lang=en&p_isn=96369 compensation, and death
[Link]

The Labour Code, Presidential Decree 442, Employers and employees contribute to the Social
Philippines 1974 Security System (SSS), National Health Insurance
Program, and the Home Development Mutual Fund that
cover sickness, maternity, disability, retirement, deaths
and funerals, health insurance, and housing loans. http://
[Link]/

Singapore Employment Act of Singapore Amended the core human resource and payroll Employees and employers contribute to the Central
compliance termination procedures, leave allowances Provident Fund (CPF), which covers its workforce’s
for employers, and employees’ rights in the workplace. healthcare, retirement, and housing needs. It is
[Link] funded by contributions from both employers and
employment-act-the-top-6-amendments/ employees. [Link]

Thailand 1975 Labour Relations Act (right to Employers and employees are required to contribute to
organise and collectively bargain the Social Security Fund that covers disability, maternity;
Thai Labour Protection Act B.E.2541 (LPA) and death benefits, child and old-age benefits;
and the Thai Civil and Commercial Code unemployment benefits; total social security tax http://
(TCCC) [Link]/
[Link]
thai-labour-contracts-what-you-need-to-
know/

Viet Nam Labour Code, regulate the employment New Labour Code took effect in January 2021, offers Employers and employees contribute to the Viet Nam
relationship between the wage-earning greater protection for employees, rules on working Social Security that covers retirement, healthcare,
worker and the employer, and the hours, termination, independent trade unions workers’ compensation, and death
social relationships directly connected (rather than state-run) viewed as better aligned with [Link]
to this employment relationship. international best practices.
[Link] [Link]
WEBTEXT/38229/64933/e94vnm01. [Link]/
htm#c1
Source: Authors’ compilation.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 133
 Table A5. Platforms at the global level

Platform Services Founded date Headquarter Markets Number of partners/users

99designs by Vistaprint Marketplace Platform for freelance (graphic) 2008 (Founded USA Worldwide, including all 150,000 talented freelance
(under design-related jobs and services such as logo Year) ASEAN Member States designers brought more than 1
Cimpress PLC) branding, website design, marketing products, with focused on businesses million creative projects to life,
etc. from the United States
of America, Canada,
United Kingdom, France,
Germany, Italy, Spain,
the Netherlands,
Switzerland, Austria,
Belgium, and Australia.

Amazon Mechanical Crowdsourcing platforms for jobs and services 2005 USA Worldwide, including all 250,810 MTurk workers
Turk that require Human Intelligence Tasks may ASEAN Member States worldwide
include surveys, experiments, coding tasks, or
any other work

Content Marketplace Platform for freelance writing- 2015 USA Worldwide, including all
related jobs and services (academic, marketing, ASEAN Member States
entertainment, etc.)

Crossover (for Work) Online recruitment platform for remote, 2014 (as USA Worldwide, including all 70+ companies
freelance, and flexible jobs that include Crossover) ASEAN Member States
Engineering, Product Management, Support,
Finance, Marketing, Sales, and Operations

CrowdSPRING Marketplace platform for freelance/ 2008 (Launch USA Worldwide, including all 60,000+ businesses, agencies
(crowdSPRING, LLC) crowdsourced design-related digital services Year) ASEAN Member States as clients, 220,000+ designers
such as logo, website, print, and graphic design

DesignCrowd Marketplace platform for freelance design- 2007 Australia Worldwide, including all 1 million graphic freelancers,
(DesignCrowd Pty Ltd) related digital services such as logo, website, ASEAN Member States 400,000 completed projects
print, and graphic design

Envato Studio (Part of Marketplace Platform for freelance design- 2013 (as Australia Worldwide, including all 3 million users
Envato Pty Ltd.) related jobs and services such as logo design, Microlancer); ASEAN Member States
digital marketing, copywriting, web/app design 2014 (as Envato
& development, video production Studio)

Fiverr (Fiverr Freelance marketplace platform for various 2010 Israel Worldwide, including all 4 million customers worldwide,
International Ltd.) digital services with 550 categories, ranging ASEAN Member States 50 million transactions, three
from programming to 3D design, digital million+ freelancers from 160
marketing countries
to content creation, from video animation to
architecture.

134
Platform Services Founded date Headquarter Markets Number of partners/users

FlexJobs (FlexJobs Online recruitment platform for remote, 2007 USA Worldwide, including all 100 million users
Corporation) freelance, and flexible jobs ASEAN Member States

[Link] Freelancing and crowdsourcing marketplace 2009 Australia Worldwide, including all 59 million employers and
(Freelancer Limited) for digital services such as software ASEAN Member States freelancers, 21 million jobs
development, writing, data entry design, posted
engineering, the sciences, sales and marketing,
accounting, and legal services.

Freelancewritinggigs. Marketplace Platform for freelance writing- 2005 (Founded United Worldwide, including all
com (purchased by related jobs and services (academic, marketing, Year); 2010 Kingdom ASEAN Member States
Splashpress Media Ltd.) entertainment, etc.) (Sold to
Splashpress
Media)

[Link] Marketplace for digital freelance services such 1998 (before USA Worldwide, including all 800,000 client-employers, 3
as software development, writing, data entry, 2003, known as ASEAN Member States million users
design, engineering, education/training, sales Emoonlighter)
and marketing, finance, and legal services.

[Link] Crowdsourcing platform that connects 2009 (Started USA Worldwide, including all
employers with workers focused on data Year) ASEAN Member States
collection and analysis, moderation and/or
extraction of data, annotation, categorisation,
image or video tagging, translation and
transcription, product testing, research, survey
jobs, and more.

Nexxt (Nexxt, Inc.) Online full-service recruitment marketing 1998 (previously USA Worldwide, including all 100 million members,
platform/marketplace known as ASEAN Member States 29+million resumes/
[Link]) applications of job seekers

Peopleperhour (People Marketplace Platform for freelance jobs 2007 United Worldwide, including all 1.2 million clients, two million
Per Hour Limited) and services targeting businesses such Kingdom ASEAN Member States freelance workers
as Technology & Programming, Writing &
Translation, Design, Digital Marketing, Video
& Photo & Image, Business, Music & Audio,
Marketing, Branding & Sales, social media

PixelClerks (under Online freelance marketplace for graphic 2012 USA Worldwide, including all
Ionicware Inc.) design services ASEAN Member States

SEO Clerk (under Online marketplace for search engine 2011 USA Worldwide, including all 100,000 freelancers, 150,000
Ionicware Inc.) optimisation (SEO) and other digital marketing ASEAN Member States professional service
services like a virtual assistant, content writing,
programming, and art & design

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 135
 Platform Services Founded date Headquarter Markets Number of partners/users

Skyword (Skyword Inc.) Online Digital Marketing Services for Businesses 2004 USA 22 countries, including all 300+ of the world’s best
(Content Creation, Editorial, Training, Data & ASEAN Member States brands, 4,600 vetted freelance
Insights) writers, videographers, and
photographers; and its strategic
and editorial services

Toptal (Toptal LLC) Marketplace Platform for freelance skill 2010 USA Worldwide, including all 1.2 million freelancer
tech-related occupations such as engineers, ASEAN Member States applications received; 16,000
software developers, designers, finance experts, clients served in the year 2021
and product managers with 2,000 company-clients

Truelancer (Truelancer An online marketplace that provides services 2014 India Worldwide, including all 600,000 freelancers, with a
Internet Pvt. Ltd.) such as developers, designers, content writers, ASEAN Member States listing of 5000+ services/gigs
virtual assistants, growth hackers, and social
media experts.

Upwork (Upwork Inc.) Freelance marketplace platform for various 1998 (as USA Worldwide, including all 12 million freelancers, 5 million
digital services such as sales and marketing, Elance), 2003 ASEAN Member States registered clients with more
customer (as oDesk), 2013 than three million jobs
service, data science and analytics, design and (as Elance-
creative, web, mobile, oDesk), 2015 (as
and software development. Upwork)

We Work Remotely Online recruitment platform for remote and 2013 Canada Worldwide, including all 3 million visitors
freelance jobs ASEAN Member States

WordClerks (under Online freelance marketplace for content 2016 USA Worldwide, including all
Ionicware Inc.) professionals ASEAN Member States

Working Nomads Online recruitment platform for remote, 2014 Worldwide, including all
freelance, and flexible jobs that include ASEAN Member States
Design, Education, Writing, Customer Success,
Healthcare, Legal, Engineering, Support,
Finance, Marketing, Sales, and System
Administration
Source: Authors’ compilation. Accessed on May 2022

136
Table A6. Comparison of a global platform and a platform hiring in a specific
local labour market

Characteristics Upwork OnlineJobsPh

Registration • Build profile by adding education, work • Build profile by adding preferred jobs and
experience, key words for skills, bio (can skills.
detail how you work)
• Provide name, mobile number, and other
• Set wage rate. details like skills for profile page.
• Add photo and location • Verify ID to get a verification score. It’s over
100 “ID Proof” points.

Will get 50 number of “connects” upon

registration

Can copy other freelancers’ profile/ keywords Can copy other freelancers’ profile/ keywords
(like hashtag) or the job listing industry (like hashtag) or the job listing industry
specifically to appeal to certain type of specifically to appeal to the client.
clients.

Can add certifications to boost profile The platform offers free simple English tests/
page. Upwork has partnered with Credly IQ score to add to your profile. This may
to get digital credentials, but workers can boost profile page.
certifications manually. Certifications are
more digitally-related like graphic designs
certifications from Google, shopping ads
certification, IELTS for virtual assistants.

Job search Needs “connects” to apply for a job listing. Can apply for a job listing as long as the
Each job listing has a certain number of freelancer’s “ID proof” points pass the
“connects” to apply. A freelancer account minimum required by the listing.
gets free 10 “connects” monthly. If not used,
it gets rolled over as long as the total number Ways to increase points in case the
does not go over 200 “connects”. Additional minimum points are not met:
payment is needed if you lack the needed
number of “connects” to apply for a job a. Government ID verification is worth 30
listing. points. The verification requires a selfie
with the ID.
b. Mobile number verification is another 20
points.
c. Address verification is 30 points.
d. Facebook account increases “ID Proof”
points. Same goes for profile picture.

Can see the if the clients’ mode of payment is

verified or not. If verified, it means they have
a credit card linked to their account signaling
they may not be bogus clients.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 137
 Characteristics Upwork OnlineJobsPh

Job application To apply, submit cover letter and resume. While the platform has a chat/email/
Some jobs ask for a sample work at the message feature, a lot of job listings would
Upwork facility. It is the norm to apply encourage the freelancer to either email
at the platform since ALL modes of the client personally or go to an external
communications are available in the Google form/website to apply. OnlinejobsPH
platform such as email, chat, video call via makes clients pay a subscription fee to be
Microsoft Team meeting, etc. Both clients able to hire workers on the platform. On
and freelancers are given all tools possible to the upside, the platform does not charge
communicate inside the platform to lessen freelancers commission fees. However, with
the chance of bringing the work outside the applications done outside the platform, first
platform. time freelancers might be unprotected due
to the exposure of personal data in unknown
external sites.

Clients use their own way of applying like via

Skype, Google form, or their own site.
• Some clients may have alarming Google
form/external site questions such as
birthdates. This may be a way to age
discriminate.
• Some clients just ask for internet
connection speed, province, and resume.
Then after emailing/filling up the forms,
the client would contact workers for
interview. Each client again has their own
way of interviewing.

Application is competitive. Application is competitive.

Upwork offers freelancers to “upgrade” their
free account to be able to access certain data
on application like the bidding range on job
listings.

Applying is a risk. Some clients ask for trial Applying is a risk. Some clients ask for trial
run or trial outputs and don’t pay for the time run or trial outputs and don’t pay for the
spent on the trial period. For example, clients time spent on the trial period.
can ask the freelancer to watch training
videos or produce short outputs prior to job
commencement without pay.

Setting Up Upwork guarantee freelancers to earn at No protection of US$3 of hourly rate.

Rate the minimum of US$3 per hour, which puts
a floor on hourly rate. To make sure both Most jobs offer more than US$3 of hourly
freelancers and clients are aware of this rate.
price floor, the system does not let workers Allows freelancers to set their own fee and
indicate less than US$3 as a desired wage. everything is up to negotiation with the
There is also a commission fee being charged clients.
to freelancers.
There are three ways to work for Upwork:
• DIY- bid at posting made by client via
Talent Marketplace
• “All-in Project” Service- bid yourself per
project project with timeline via Project
Catalog
• Ask Upwork to be a recruiter to direct
freelancers to a client via Talent Scout

Accepting a Job offers are done thru the Upwork system, Depends per job listing. There are jobs being
Job which allows freelancers to see the final rate, applied outside the system, notifications can
Upwork’s commission fees, and expected net be done via the platform or outside. If done
pay once the job is done. There is also an offer inside the platform, freelancers can handle
date expiry which is 7 days. offers via message board.

138
 Characteristics Upwork OnlineJobsPh

Tracker Upwork Time Tracker (external application to Timeproof (external application to be

be downloaded) downloaded)

Freelancers cannot start working without New tracker of OnlinejobsPH. Some clients
this. The accepted job offer is already uses this based on their indicated suggestion
embedded on this external application upon on job listings, some do not.
logging on the app.
Randomly, the tracker would take
screenshots of what the freealancers are
doing during the logged hours. Clients have
access to these screenshots.

Invoicing Fast invoicing, timely payment Depends on the agreement with clients (e.g,
monthly, bi-weekly)

The Upwork Service/Commission Fee is 20%

when the freelancer is relatively new to the
platform. For billing over US$500, Upwork
charge a lower fee of 10% and can get even
lower with higher amounts of billing over
time.

Payment Freelancers will receive payment that is net Depends on negotiation. Normally PayPal.
of the commission fee. They can withdraw via
Paypal/ direct bank transfer with additional No commission fees or withdrawal fees.
withdrawal fees.

Feedback Once the job is finished and paid, freelancers No review system detected
and clients can review each other. Reviews
are now part of their profiles.
Source: Authors’ compilation

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 139
 Table A7. Platforms at the regional level

Platform Services Founded date Headquarter Markets Number of partners/

users

Logistics/Courier services

Borzo On-Demand Delivery (Parcels via 2012 (Banabikurye Netherlands Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, 2 million users, 2.5
Motorcycle) in Turkey, formerly Viet Nam, and other international million couriers
known as Dostavista countries such as Mexico, South
or Mr. Speedy, as Korea, Russia, Brazil, India, and
Click Entregas in Turkey
Brazil, as Quickers
in South Korea, as
NOW/Wefast in India)

FlashExpress (Flash Online Logistics Platform that 2017 Thailand Thailand, the Philippines, Malaysia, 10,000 employees,
Express Co. Ltd. is provides door-to-door pickup and and Lao PDR 2,500 delivery points
under Flash Group) delivery service

Lalamove On-Demand Logistics Delivery 2013 Hong Kong Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, 8 million Users;
Service (All Types of Vehicles: Walker, Singapore, Thailand, Viet Nam, and 700,000 Drivers
Motorcycle, Car (Sedan), Van, 5.5- other international countries such
and 9-Ton Trucks) as Hong Kong, Taiwan, Brazil, and
Mexico

Ninja Xpress/ Ninja 3rd party logistics service provider 2014 Singapore Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, 110,000,000+
Van (Ninja Logistics with a focus on e-commerce Indonesia, Thailand, Myanmar, and Southeast Asians
Pte. Ltd) firms, merchants, or businesses as Viet Nam served, 600,000
customers shippers/ users

ZTO Express (ZTO Logistics Express delivery services 2002 China Cambodia, Thailand, Lao PDR, Viet 19,009 people/
Express Cayman which include shipping and freight Nam, Singapore, and China employees
Inc) international deliveries

140
Platform Services Founded date Headquarter Markets Number of
partners/users

Food-delivery services

AirAsia Food AirAsia Food- On-Demand Deliveries 2020 (as subsidiary: Malaysia AirAsia Food- Malaysia, Thailand,
(Food); AirAsia- Travel (Airline/Flight, Hotels), AirAsia Food); 1993 and Indonesia
Ecommerce (Shopping Platform) (for AirAsia)

Deliveroo On-Demand Deliveries (Food, Grocery) 2013 (Roofoods Ltd) Singapore Singapore, and in other 8 million Active
(Roofoods Ltd) international countries such as Users, 180,000
the United Kingdom, Ireland, Drivers Globally,
Netherlands, France, Belgium, 160,000 Partner-
Italy, Australia, Kuwait, Hong Kong, Restaurants
United Arab Emirates

Easy Eat AI (Easy Food Technology Service (Includes food 2019 Singapore Malaysia, (soon on Singapore, 1000+ Malaysian
Eat Pte Ltd) delivery with emphasis on digitalizing Indonesia, and India) Restaurants users
existing restaurants from inventory and
customer orders to delivery and gaining AI-
based data analytics to improve revenue.)

Foodpanda On-Demand Delivery Platform for 2012 Singapore Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia, the
(under Delivery Deliveries (Food and Groceries/Mart) (Foodpanda), Philippines, Cambodia, Lao PDR,
Hero- German Germany Myanmar, and other international
company) (Parent countries such as Taiwan,
Company) Bangladesh, Pakistan, Hong Kong,
Slovakia, Hungary, and Germany

Oodle Eats (The On-Demand Deliveries (Food) with logistics 2014 Singapore Singapore, Malaysia, and other 1,000+ food
Oddle Company) partners such as Lalamove and Zeek international countries like Taiwan maker-partners in
and Hong Kong Singapore, 5,000+
food makers-
partners regionally

Pop Meals (Farm On-Demand Food Manufacturer and 2015 (formerly Malaysia Malaysia and Thailand (online only The database has
to Fork Sdn Bhd) Delivery Service (Automated Food known as Dah in THA) 2000 dish options
Production and Logistics) With Dine-In/ Makan)
Takeaway Option via 30 Outlet Stores

Zeek (Established On-Demand Logistics Service Platform 2017 Hong Kong Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia, 10,000 delivery
by Kin Shun (Motorbike, Bicycle, Ebike, Van, and Truck) Viet Nam, and other international couriers
Information that focuses on merchants and food countries like Taiwan Hong Kong
Technology Ltd.) delivery industry players as clients

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 141
 Platform Services Founded Headquarter Markets Number of partners/
date users

Ride-hailing services

ComfortDelGro Offline/Online Ride-Hailing and 2003 Singapore Singapore, Malaysia, and other 35,000 vehicles,
(ComfortDelGro Corporation Transport Services (bus, taxi, rail, international countries such as 12,605 employees
Limited) car rental and leasing, automotive Australia, Ireland, China, New
engineering services, inspection, Zealand, and the United Kingdom
and testing services, driving centres,
non-emergency patient transport
services, insurance broking services,
and outdoor advertising)

Deliveree Group (known On-Demand Transportation, Moving, 2014 (Launch Thailand Thailand, the Philippines, and 66,000+ active
as Transportify, Inc. in the and Logistics Services (Trucks, Vans, Year) Indonesia vehicles, 2.7 million
Philippines) and Car Economy Vehicles) downloads/
installations, 11 million
cargo deliveries

FastGo (FASTGO Viet Nam On-Demand Ride-Hailing App 2018 Viet Nam Viet Nam, Myanmar, and Singapore 60,000 driver-
Joint Stock Company) (private car, luxurious car service, partners
and taxi service)

GOGOX (formerly known as On-Demand Transportation, Moving, 2013 Hong Kong Viet Nam, Singapore, and other 4.5 million registered
GOGOVan) and Logistics Services (Trucks, Vans, international countries such as drivers
and Motorcycle Vehicles) Hong Kong, China, Taiwan, South
Korea, and India

Gojo (Gojo Global, licensed On-Demand Ride-Hailing Service 2020 (for Malaysia (for Malaysia, Viet Nam, Thailand, the 4 million global
by Asian Famous Tours & (Car) GOJO Asia) GOJO Asia) Philippines (alpha testing stage in travelers
Travel Sdn Bhd. in Malaysia, Davao City as Hirna), and in other
licensed by Hirna Mobility international countries such as
Solutions Inc. in the France, Norway, USA, Scotland,
Philippines, known as OGIS Jordan, and India
Digital Service & Trading
Company Ltd in Viet Nam,
licensed by Bangkok Taxi
Co., Ltd in Thailand)

InDriver (inDriver Inc.) On-Demand Ride-Hailing (car 2013 USA Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, 100 million users, 1
service), courier service, and truck Viet Nam, Lao PDR, and other billion rides
moving service international countries

142
Platform Services Founded date Headquarter Markets Number of partners/
users

Maxim (Taxi Maxim On-Demand Ride-Hailing (car 2003 Russian Indonesia, Malaysia, Viet Nam,
is under OOO Mobil service), Courier Service Federation the Philippines (testing service
TeleCom) stage), and in other 11 international
countries

Moovby (Urban On-Demand Car-Sharing Platform/ 2017 Malaysia Malaysia and Indonesia
Mobility Asia Sdn Application (includes trucks and
Bhd) 7-seater premium vehicles)

TADA (TADA On-Demand Ride-Hailing App 2017 Singapore Singapore, Viet Nam, and 100,000 drivers,
Mobility Pte. Ltd)- (private car and tuktuk service) with Cambodia 890,000 users
powered by MVL limited grocery services
Labs

Zoomcar (ZoomCar, On-Demand Car-Sharing Platform/ 2013 (Launch Year) India The Philippines, Viet Nam, 20,000 car owner-
Inc.) Application (includes 7-seater Indonesia, and other international partners
premium vehicles) countries such as India and Egypt

Multi-services

GoTo (GoTo Group) On-Demand Deliveries (Food, 2010 (as Gojek), Indonesia Indonesia, Viet Nam, Singapore, and Two million+ Partner-
Shopping, Courier Express), Financial 2021 (as GoTo due Malaysia Drivers (with 1.7
Services (Payment), Other Services to merger with million in Indonesia
(Massage, etc.) Tokopedia) alone); 900 000+
GoFood Merchants;
36.3 million Active
Users as of 2019

Grab (Grab On-Demand Deliveries (Food, 2012 Singapore Singapore, Cambodia, Indonesia, 2.8 million Active
Holdings Inc.) Shopping, and Courier Express), Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Partner-Drivers; 2
Ride Mobility Services, Financial Thailand, and Viet Nam, million Merchants; 122
Services (Payment, Insurance, and million Unique Users
Investment), and Others (Hotel (as of 2019)
Booking; Giftcards)

KiwiGO (KiwiPay On-Demand Deliveries and Ride- 2013 (as Meal Temple Singapore Cambodia (as KiwiGO due to
Pte. Ltd, merged Hailing Services (courier, private car, Group) (formerly in merger), Lao PDR (as MyDelivery),
with Meal Temple tuktuk, food, and grocery services), Cambodia as Myanmar (as Myanmore, as an
Group Pty Ltd.) Curated Content, E-commerce Meal Temple investor in FreshGora), and in other
Marketplace, Logistics, Financial Group) 17 international countries
Services as a payment method

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 143
 Platform Services Founded Headquarter Markets Number of partners/
date users

Other services

Ayasan Service (known Online Professional Cleaning (Home 2013 Thailand Thailand, Lao PDR, Indonesia, and 40,000 registered
as Care2Clean in Lao Cleaning and Ironing), Nanny Care, Viet Nam candidates/cleaners/
PDR, GoMaidAgency in Elderly Care, Personal Driver, and Office nannies/drivers,
Indonesia) Cleaning Services 30,000+ users,
20,000+ family clients,
100+ company clients,
20+ embassy clients

bTaskee (bTaskee Company On-Demand Home-related service 2016 Viet Nam Viet Nam (9 major cities and 7,000 cleaners/taskers
Limited) application (Home cleaning, Air- provinces: Hanoi, Hai Phong, Da (Viet Nam), 200,000
conditioning, Cooking, Laundry, and Nang, Nha Trang, Da Lat, Binh customers,
Grocery Assistant) Duong, Bien Hoa, HCMC, and Can
Tho), and Thailand

Fresh Cleaning (Fresh Online Professional Cleaning 2017 Singapore Singapore and Viet Nam
Cleaning Pte Ltd) Services (Full Service Residential
and Commercial Cleaning, Post
Construction, Disinfection, Moving In
and Out, Carpet Cleaning, and others)

Doctor Anywhere (Doctor Online Telehealth Platform with home 2017 Singapore Singapore, Viet Nam, Malaysia, the 3,000 medical
Anywhere Pte Ltd) care services, wellness marketplace, and Philippines, and Thailand professionals across
physical clinics Southeast Asia,
2.5million users, 500+
team members

Hello Health (Hello Health Online Health & Wellness information 2015 Singapore Singapore, Viet Nam, Indonesia, 35 million unique
Group Pte. Ltd., known as platform that includes healthcare Myanmar, Malaysia, Thailand, monthly users, 300
Hello Bacsi & MarryBaby (in content Cambodia, the Philippines, and people in the team
Viet Nam), Hello Sehat (in other international countries such
Indonesia), Hello Sayarwon as India and Taiwan
(in Myanmar), Hello
Khunmor (in Thailand),
Hello Krupet (in Cambodia),
and Hello Doctor (in the
Philippines)

Kaodim (Cease Operation Online Labour Service Marketplace 2014 Malaysia Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines,
from July 2022)- known as (plumbers, electricians, salon services, and Singapore
[Link] (The Philippines), fitness instructors, and movers to
Beres (Indonesia) photographers)

144
Platform Services Founded Headquarter Markets Number of partners/
date users

ServisHero (ServisHero On-Demand Home-Related 2015 Malaysia Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand
Group) Professionals (Cleaners, plumbers,
electricians, handyman, disinfection
technicians, and more)

PasarPolis (PT Pasarpolis Online platform for digitech insurance 2015 Indonesia Indonesia, Viet Nam, Thailand, and 35 million customers,
Insurance) products that include ride-hailing India 10,000 agents, 30
drivers, online drivers, and merchants insurance providers

Qoala (PT Archor Online platform for digitech insurance 2018 Indonesia Indonesia, Malaysia, Viet Nam, and 50,000 insurance
Technology Digital) (life, car, health, travel, motorcycle, Thailand marketers
tropical disease, smartphone policies)
products that partners with big unicorn
companies

Ruangguru (PT Ruang Raya Online Marketplace for private tutors 2014 Indonesia Indonesia, Viet Nam, Thailand, and 17 million users,
Indonesia, as Kien Guru in with its learning management system (Launch Singapore 15,000 students,
Viet Nam, as StartDee in (LMS), dubbed as “Uber for tutoring Year) 300,000 teachers,
Thailand) service” 4,000 employees,
100+ subject areas

Snapask (Snapask Inc) On-Demand and Online Educational 2015 Hong Kong Singapore, Thailand, Indonesia, 100,000 students,
Platform that provides “Snap Questions” (Launch Malaysia, Viet Nam, and other 5,000 qualified tutors
tutoring services, online video, Year) international countries such as
interactive tutoring services in various Hong Kong, Australia, New Zealand,
subject matters. and Taiwan

Tutor Hunt International Online Educational Platform that 2005 United The Philippines, Singapore, and
provides tutoring services in various Kingdom other 22 international countries
subject matters, whether mathematics,
language lessons, or music tuition

Crowdwork

FastWork (Fastwork Online Freelance Marketplace that 2015 Thailand Thailand and Indonesia 700,000 users
Technologies Co., Ltd.) provides digital services such as
software development, design and
illustration, content marketing, and
video editing

Source: Authors’ compilation. Accessed on May and June 2022

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 145
 Table A8. Platforms in Brunei Darussalam

Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

Ride-hailing and courier services

Dart Brunei (Dart Ride-Hailing/Sharing Mobility Services and 2017 (Launch Year) Brunei Darussalam (Brunei- 150 drivers, 140 rides
Logistics Sdn Bhd) Deliveries (Food and Courier Express via Runners- Muara, Kuala Belait, and within 24 hours,
coming soon) Tutong)

GoRush and GoRush On-Demand Express Courier and Medicine Delivery 2019 (Launch Year for Brunei Darussalam
Pharmacy Delivery Pharmacy Delivery), (Nationwide)
(under Globex Global 2017 (Launch for
Logistics Sdn Bhd) GoRush), 2008
(for Globex Global
Logistics)

JiFEE (JiFEE Courier Delivery Service (Technology-based 2015 beauty products,

Technologies Sdn Bhd Logistics supply chain)
partnered with Chinese
firm- SF Express Co.,
Ltd.)

E-commerce

Agrome Market Online Fresh Produce Marketplace (Connecting 2020 (Online Launch Brunei Darussalam (Brunei- 100 orders a day, 40 local
Local Farmers to Customers)- Delivery has in-house Year) Muara, Kuala Belait, Tutong, farmers-partners
runners and outsourced freelance runners and Temburong)

Babakimpo Online Shopping Merchandise/ Department Store 2017 Brunei Darussalam and 50,000 Products
(Babakimpo Sdn. Bhd) (food, sports gear, gadgets, household supplies, Shipping to Overseas
etc.) Delivery mode was not indicated if in-house of
3rd party.

BruEcom Online Marketplace (Online Cube Store- 2021 (Online Brunei Darussalam (Brunei-
Animation, Electronics, Supplies) Launch Year); 2020 Muara, Kuala Belait, Tutong,
(Established Year) and Temburong)

Community for Brunei Online Marketplace for Food, Merchandise, and 2020 (Launch Year) Brunei Darussalam (All 43 MSMEs in food and
(under Bank Islam NGO Service (Focus on Small Businesses and NGO Districts) beverage, handcrafted
Brunei Darussalam) Donations). Delivery with 3rd party logistics products and services,

Go Mamam (Go On-Demand Food Marketplace (includes delivery) 2020 Brunei Darussalam (Brunei- 80 drivers, 200 daily
Mamam and Co.) Muara, Kuala Belait, and orders, 25+ restaurants,
Tutong)

146
 Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

HealthBeauty365 Online Health and Beauty Store- Delivery with 3rd 2020 (Online Launch Brunei Darussalam (All
(BWorld365 Sdn Bhd) party logistics Year) Districts except Kg. Ayer /
Offshore stations)

Hey Domo (under DXM On-Demand Online Marketplace (Food, 2019 Brunei Darussalam 9,000 active users, 200
Sdn Bhd) Apothecary, Merchandise, Technology like Printing, vendors, and 100 daily
Design)- includes delivery deliveries

Kadai Runcit (under On-Demand Grocery Delivery 2017 (Launch Year) Brunei Darussalam (Brunei- 20 or 30 orders in a day,
Techbru Solutions (B) Muara, Kuala Belait, and
Sdn Bhd) Tutong)

LetsBuy (under Online Marketplace for New and Pre-Loved Items 2020 (Launch Year) Brunei Darussalam (Brunei- 50 vendors during launch
DSTIncomm) with a focus on MSMEs Muara, Kuala Belait, Tutong
and Temburong)

[Link] (under Online Shopping Merchandise (fashion, sports gear, 2017 (Launch Year) Brunei Darussalam (Brunei-
Techbru Solutions (B) gadgets, groceries, books & stationaries) Delivery Muara, Kuala Belait, and
Sdn Bhd) with in-house and 3rd party logistics Tutong)

[Link] Digitalised Night Marketplace called “Pasar 2020 (Launch Year) Brunei Darussalam (Brunei- 12 vendors
(operated by Beep Pelbagai Barangan Gadong” with 3rd Party logistics Muara)
Digital Solutions)-
under maintenance

Randomities (under Online Marketplace for Lifestyle Products-with 3rd 2018 Brunei Darussalam (Brunei-
H&F Enterprise) party logistics delivery Muara, Kuala Belait, Tutong
and Temburong)

Shopifull (Shopifull Online Shopping Merchandise (groceries, sports Brunei Darussalam (Brunei-
Company) gear, gadgets, household supplies, etc.) Delivery Muara, Kuala Belait, Tutong
with in-house logistics and Temburong)

[Link] Online Platform for Gadget, Electronics, and IT 2020 (Launch Year) Brunei Darussalam (Brunei-
(under Mydigitalbn Accessories- delivery via runners or 3rd party Muara, Kuala Belait, Tutong
Enterprise) logistics and Temburong)

Ta-Pow! (Ta-Pow and On-Demand Food, Groceries, and Homebase 2020 Brunei Darussalam (Brunei- 38+ vendors, 30 drivers
Co.) Marketplace (includes delivery) Muara)

Weelago Online Shopping Merchandise/ Department 2018 (Online Launch Brunei Darussalam and over 2,000 items for sale
Store (groceries, sports gear, gadgets, household Year) Shipping to Overseas
supplies, etc.) Delivery with 3rd party logistics
Source: Authors’ compilation. Accessed on May 2022

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 147
 Table A9. Platforms in Cambodia

Platform Services Founded Markets Number of partners/users

date

Logistics and courier services

Joonaak (Joonaak Enterprise Logistics that include courier and delivery 2015 (Launch Cambodia 300,000 in sale
Solutions Co., Ltd) services that target both businesses, Year) transactions,
organisations, schools, and direct consumers

Larryta Express Online platform for bus and car service (includes 2017 Cambodia
inter-provincial routes)

Virak Buntham (Virak Buntham Online platform for bus and premium car service 2004 Cambodia
Express Tour & Travel/ VET) (includes inter-provincial and cross-country
routes)

Food delivery services

E-GetS (E-GetS Technology Co.) On-Demand Deliveries (Food, Mall/Shopping, 2018 Cambodia 3,500 business partners,
Courier Express) 2,500 daily orders

Muuve (Muuve Tech Co Ltd)- On-Demand Deliveries (Food) 2018 Cambodia (Phnom Penh and 100,000 users
Temporarily No Operation Due Siem Riep province)
to Acquisition on May 2022

Nham24 (GO24 Cambodia Co., On-Demand Deliveries (Food, Flowers, Groceries, 2016 (Launch Cambodia 350 employees, 2,000
Ltd) Courier Express) Year) restaurants, and
supermarkets partners

Ride-hailing services

PassApp (PassApp On-Demand Ride-Hailing Service (private car, 2016 (Launch Cambodia (Phnom Penh, 10,000 drivers,
Technologies) rickshaw, and tuktuk/3 wheeler bike service) Year) Siem Reap, Sihanouk Ville,
Battambang, Kampong Cham,
and Kampot)

WeGO (G.O WeGo Co. Ltd) On-Demand Ride-Hailing Service (private car, 2017 Cambodia 7,000 drivers
SUV, and tuktuk/3 wheeler bike service)

Zelo Taxi Cambodia (website On-Demand Ride-Hailing Service (private car Cambodia
down, no update on socmed) and tuktuk/ 3-wheeler bike service)

148
 Platform Services Founded Markets Number of partners/users
date

Other on-demand services

Agribuddy (Agribuddy Ltd.) Online platform that provides agricultural- 2015 Cambodia and India 600 rural entrepreneurs
related knowledge services to remote farmers (Buddies) to provide
via rural entrepreneurs or “buddies”. Other technical agricultural-
services include knowledge of the value chain, related assistance, 30,000+
microcredit, and capacity building. farmer/households, 20,000+
users

SokhaKrorm (Codingate) An online platform that helps patients navigate 2017 (Release Cambodia 3,000 users
nearest doctors, medical institutions, gyms, and Year)
pharmacies

Crowdwork

[Link] Freelance marketplace platform for various 2014 Worldwide, including all ASEAN
digital services such as sales and marketing, Member States with a focus on
design and creative, writing, and technology. the Cambodian labour market

Khmerlancer (CIJD Co.,Ltd) Freelance marketplace platform for various 2021 (Release Worldwide, including all ASEAN
digital services such as programming & IT, design Date as an Member States with a focus on
& photo, business & marketing, online study, app) the Cambodian labour market
video & audio, writing & translation, and lifestyle.

TovBan (TovBan Co. Ltd) Freelance marketplace platform for various 2020 Worldwide, including all ASEAN 1,926 freelancers, 78 projects
digital services such as sales and marketing, Member States with a focus on
design and creative, accounting, legal, writing, the Cambodian labour market
and technology.
Source: Authors’ compilation. Accessed on June 2022

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 149
 Table A10. Platforms in Indonesia

Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

Courier and delivery services

AnterAja (PT Tri Adi Logistics that include courier and delivery services 2019 Indonesia 15,000 couriers, 700,000+
Bersama is under PT Adi (Launched packages every day
Sarana Armada Tbk/ASSA) Operational
Year)

BlueBird Group (PT Blue Logistics and Offline/Online Ride-Hailing (taxi, car, 1972 Indonesia (Jakarta, Surabaya, 23,000-vehicle fleet
Bird Tbk) charter bus, and limousine service via their brands Bandung, Bali, Lombok,
Bluebird, Pusaka, Silverbird, Goldenbird, Bigbird), Semarang, Medan, Pekanbaru,
courier service (Birdkirim), and truck moving service Palembang, Bangka Belitung,
Batam, Banten, Manado,
Makassar, Yogyakarta)

JNE Express (PT Tiki Jalur Logistics that include postal service, courier, same- 1990 Indonesia 5,000 outlets, 40,000
Nugraha Ekakurir) day delivery services, and large quantities via employees
trucking

Paxel (PT Paxel Algorita Logistics that include courier and same-day delivery 2018 Indonesia 2,000,000+ users,
Unggul) services 15,000,000+ packages

Other on-demand services

Halodoc (PT Media Dokter An online platform that connects patients with 2016 Indonesia (180 cities) 600,000 users, 20,000
Investama) doctors (telemedicine), labs, and pharmacies doctors, and 4,000
pharmacies in its partner
network

Alodokter (PT Sumo An online platform that connects patients with 2014 Indonesia 27 million monthly active
Teknologi Solusi) doctors (telemedicine), insurance services, and users, 30,000 doctors, and
digital healthcare content 1500 hospitals and clinics

Clean Inc (PT Cahaya Online cleaning services (general cleaning or deep Indonesia
Lentera Esa Abdi Nusantara cleaning) such as houses, apartments, buildings,
under PT Bina Kasih factories, and others.
Indonesia)

Kliknklin (PT KliknKlin On-Demand laundry service 2016 Indonesia (Jakarta, and 35 140 LaundryKlin branches
Digital Nusantara) cities)

150
Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

Cakap by Squline (PT Online platform for foreign language learning 2014 Indonesia 1.5 million students, 1,000
Cerdas Digital Nusantara) programs global and local teachers
of various educational and
professional backgrounds

HarukaEDU (PT. Haruka An online educational platform that provides 2013 Indonesia 50,000 users, partners with
Evolusi Digital Utama) online courses and degree programs with local and more than 30 universities
international universities, with vocational training
online via [Link]

Seekmi (PT Seekmi Global An online platform that provides laundry, cleaning, 2015 (Launch Indonesia (greater Jakarta and 5,000 technicians/partners/
Services) air-conditioning, electronic, daily task worker, Year) Bandung) service professionals
plumbing, and disinfecting services.

Zenius (PT Zona Edukasi An online educational platform that provides 2007 Indonesia 11.8 million users
Nusantara) comprehensive self-learning materials for local K-12
students includes tutoring services via Primagama
acquisition

Crowdwork

Gobann Freelance Marketplace Platform for digital micro-job 2012 Worldwide, including all ASEAN
services as low as Rp.50,000 with a unique feature Member States with a focus on
of being able to see if clients/freelancers have any the Indonesian labour market
friends in common on social media platforms to
serve as a sort of a referral-based employment

[Link] (PT Panonpoe Freelancing and crowdsourcing marketplace for 2014 Worldwide, including all ASEAN 4,300 users + as of 2014 with
Media) digital services such as software development, Member States with a focus on a projection of 870,000
writing, data entry, and design right through to the Indonesian labour market users
accounting and consultancy services.

SribuLancer (PT. Sribu Marketplace Platform for freelancers with a focus on 2014 Worldwide, including all ASEAN 232,000+ freelance
Digital Kreatif) design-related jobs and services such as logo design, Member States with a focus designers, 14,700+ SMEs and
copywriting, digital marketing, web/app design & on the Indonesian labour and corporate clients worldwide
development, video production, translation consumer market

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 151
 Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

E-commerce

Alfacart (under PT Sumber Online convenience store version of Alfamart, which 2013 Indonesia 10,000 stores network,
Alfalria Trijaya or Alfamart, sells groceries and various daily necessities.
formerly Alfamart Online)

Dinomarket ( PT Online marketplace for gadgets and electronics 2008 Indonesia

DinoMarket)

Klik-Eat (PT Klik Eat On-Demand catering delivery service with a healthy 2012 Indonesia
Indonesia) and delicious food culture that includes corporate
F&B ordering platform via [Link]

[Link] (PT Online fashion & lifestyle shopping platform 2016 (Launch Indonesia 150 globally renowned
GCommerce Digital Asia (renamed from [Link]) Year) brands with 20,000 SKUs
under PT Mitra Adiperkasa
Tbk)

Matahari Mall (PT Matahari Online version of a physical shopping/department 1958 Indonesia (77 cities) 40,000 employees
Department Store Tbk) mall that sells a variety of products

[Link] (PT Online curated fashion and lifestyle store that sells 2013 (Launch Indonesia
Shopdeca Global under apparel, footwear, accessories, jewellery, home living, Year)
migme Ltd.) and travel accessories

Transmart Carrefour (Trans Online version of physical hypermarket shopping 2012 Indonesia 112 Carrefour hypermarkets
Retail Indonesia is under CT (grocery and other items) (Acquisition and supermarkets
Corporation) of CT
Corporation)
Source: Authors’ compilation. Accessed on June 2022

Table A11. Platforms in Lao PDR

Platform Services Founded Markets Number of partners/users

date

LOCA (LOCA Co. Ltd.) On-Demand Ride-Hailing Service (private car 2018 Lao PDR (Vientiane, Luang 600 cars, 60,000 users
and taxi service) Prabang and Pakse)

GOTEDDY (GOTEDDY Co., Ltd.) On-Demand Deliveries (Food, Groceries, and 2019 Lao PDR 1,200-2,000 orders per day, 20,000
Courier Express) downloads
Source: Authors’ compilation. Accessed on June 2022

152
Table A12. Platforms in Malaysia

Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

Food/grocery delivery services

Beep/ Beepit/ Beep Online Food Delivery (Lalamove, GoGet, and 2020 Kuala Lumpur, Selangor, Klang 1000+ Restaurants-Partners
Delivery/ Beep by ZeptoExpress as logistic partners) Valley, including the Federal
Storehub Territories of Cyberjaya and
Putrajaya and Other Major
Areas

Delivery Eat (soon to Online Food Delivery 2012 Penang and Kuala Lumpur; 1500-2000 Restaurants-
be AirAsia) Northern Malaysia Partners

DD Express On-Demand Pick-Up and Delivery Service (includes 2016 Malaysia (Johor, Kedah,
(authorised by South Cold Chain Delivery) Kelantan, Kuala Lumpur,
Pacific Logistic Sdn Melaka, Negeri Sembilan,
Bhd) Pahang, Penang, Perak, Perlis,
Putrajaya, Selangor, and
Terengganu)

EASI MY (under On-Demand Deliveries (Food, Groceries, Courier 2014 Malaysia (Klang Valley, Penang, 25,000 restaurants across
HungryPanda Ltd.) Express); Other On-Demand Services (merchandises (EASI); 2017 Perak, Johor, Pahang, Melaka, different countries
like flowers, cleaning, and even laundry services) (HungryPanda) Negeri Sembilan, Sabah &
Sarawak), Australia, New
Zealand, Japan

Eat Cake Today (Eat On-Demand Cake Delivery (emphasis on cake 2017 Malaysia (Kuala Lumpur, 80 vendors offering 2,000
Cake Today Sdn Bhd) vendors with 4-hour cake delivery service) Petaling Jaya, Klang Valley and products
Selangor)

FoodPack (MY) Sdn. Online Food Delivery- emphasis on HALAL food 2016 Malaysia (operating mainly in
Bhd Klang Valley and Selangor)

HeyHo MY (HEYHO On-Demand Home Cooked Food Delivery (emphasis 2021 Malaysia (Klang Valley)
Sdn Bhd) on home chef- partners with Lalamove as third-party
logistics partner)

Hometaste On-Demand Food Manufacturer and Delivery Service 2017 Malaysia (Whole Klang Valley) Created 100 profitable food
(Hometaste Tech (emphasis on automation and sharing home-cooked/ businesses, 15,000 customer
Sdn. Bhd.) home recipes food) With Offline Store base, delivering over 18,000
home orders every month5
drivers, 16 people in the kitchen
team

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 153
 Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

Lolol (Lolol Sdn Bhd) On-Demand Deliveries (Food- From Food Truck, 2018 Malaysia (Melaka, Johor,
Home Cooked, Stall to Shop/ Restaurant; Groceries; Selangor, Kuala Lumpur,
Merchandise/ Mall), Financial Service (Prepaid Penang and Negeri Sembilan)
Reload, Postpaid Bill Payment, Bus Ticket Purchasing
as well as Game Points and Gift Card reloads)

Neybrfood Food Meals, Drinks, and Baked Goods Delivery 2020 Malaysia (Kuala Lumpur, 53 vendors
(Neybrfood Sdn. (emphasis on home chef- partners with lead time Selangor, Klang Valley)
Bhd.) flexibility)

Packed (under My Online Food Delivery- emphasis on Street Food 2019 (Launch Malaysia 120 vendors as of the year 2020
Packed Technologies Vendor (Mr. Speedy/Borzo and Bungkusit as logistic Year)
Sdn Bhd) partners)

QuikEats On-Demand Deliveries (Food, Groceries, Parcel) Malaysia (Selangor and other
areas)

Quick Sent (under Online Food and Groceries Delivery- emphasis on 2018 (for Malaysia (40 cities) 28,000 merchants (as Quinton
Quinton Group) Street Food Vendors Quinton Group) Group); 300,000+ customers
and 1.1 million orders (as
QuickSent)

Quin Pavilion (under Online Shopping and Delivery 2018 (for Malaysia 28,000 merchants and
Quinton Group) Quinton Group) 800,000 users (as Quinton
Group)

Selangor Digital Online Grocery (Fresh Produce) 2020 (Launch Malaysia (covers 36 areas in 50 delivery partners
E-Supply Chain/ Express, Same Day, and Next Day Delivery. Year) Shah Alam, Klang, and Rawang)
SELDEC (under
Selangor Industrial
Corporation Sdn Bhd
(SIC))

Yummi Hero (Yummi Home Made Cake Delivery and Packaging, 2019 Malaysia
Hero Sdn Bhd) E-commerce Platform, and Cake Baking

Ride-hailing services

Dego (formerly On-Demand Delivery - Transport 2009 Malaysia Users: 100000+; Employees:
known as 11-50
Myinteractivelab Sdn
Bhd)

Dropit. my (DropIt On-Demand Delivery Services (Same Day or Next 2015 Malaysia (Klang Valley, Penang,
Ventures Sdn. Bhd.) Day) and Johor)

154
Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

EzCab (EzCab Sdn. On-Demand Ride-Hailing App (private car, luxurious 2017 (Launch Malaysia (mainly in Penang, 2,000 registered taxi drivers
Bhd.) car service, and taxi service) Year) Perak, Klang Valley, Seremban,
Johor, Labuan and Sabah

GemSpot (GEM Live On-Demand Concierge Service, Gift & Food Delivery 2017 Malaysia (Klang Valley)
Sdn Bhd.) (emphasis on event/ party planning)

Ihantar (iHantar Sdn. On-Demand Delivery (Taxi, Moto, and Fly Rides), On- Founded- 2013; Malaysia (mainly Kajang, MY) Users: 1000+; Employees: 2-10
Bhd.) Demand Services multi-service
platform
launch- 2020

Kumpool (Handal E-hailing bus booking service, On-demand delivery, 2021 Johor Bahru, Klang Valley, Users: 10000+; Employees: 2-10
Indah Sdn Bhd/ Petaling Jaya
under Handal Group
of Companies)

mat despatch Same Day Next Day, and On-Demand Delivery, Rider 2016 Johor, Selangor, Kuala Lumpur, Users: 10000+; Employees: 11-
Or Driver For Hire, Mover, Courier Agent, Mailbox Pahang, Penang 50 Riders: 3000+
Drop, Fleet Services, Vehicle Shipping, Customs
Clearance, Food Delivery Platform

MyCar (under On-Demand Deliveries (Food, Groceries, Courier 2018 Malaysia (13 major cities) 1 million passengers a month,
Platform Apps Sdn Express); Task Runners; All in 60 minutes 100,000 drivers, 2 million
Bhd) passengers,
3,557,612+ completed trips

RidingPink (Riding On-Demand Ride-Hailing App (private car) for 2016 (Launch Malaysia
Pink Sdn Bhd) women and children Year)

Zepto Express On-Demand Delivery Services (3 Hours Delivery- 2016 Malaysia (Kuala Lumpur, 4,900 approved drivers with
(ZeptoLab [Link].) Guarantee), New Service: Warehousing Solution that Selangor, Penang & Johor about 4% to 5% that are active
includes storage, packing, and delivery Bahru) daily

Logistics and courier services

Bungkusit (HRZ On-Demand Deliveries (Food, Groceries, Courier 2017 Kuala Lumpur, Selangor, 27,000 riders, 3,000
Creations 53 Sdn Express); Task Runners; All in 60 minutes Penang, Johor, Negeri merchants, and 700,000
Bhd) Sembilan,Pulau Pinang, registered customers
Perak,Terengganu, Pahang,
Klang Valley area

collectco (CollectCo Transportation, Logistics and Storage; Parcel 2016 Malaysia Users: 10000+; Employees: 51-
Services Sdn. Bhd.) Self-Collect, Parcel Return, Sending Parcel, and 100; Partner companies: 9
E-commerce

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 155
 Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

goLog (GoBuilders Smart logistics, Same day delivery, order 2017 Malaysia Users: 10000+; Employees:
Netsoft Sdn Bhd) management system, payment management 11-50; Partner companies: 15
system, technology, software application, progressive Riders: 2190+
web application, and sharing economy

Just Lorry Malaysia On-Demand Moving Service (Professional house, 2016 Malaysia with International The combined fleet of 800
(Just Supply Chain office, piano, apartment, safebox, safebox moving Service to Singapore and registered vendors
Sdn. Bhd.) and disposal service, Warehousing and Cold Storage Thailand
Function for Corporate)

Meow Meow (Yunda On-Demand Borderless Food Delivery (with logistic 2021 (Launch Malaysia (anywhere); Singapore 50+ vendors across peninsular
Express Pte Ltd/ sister company Yunda Express and emphasis on Year) (soon) Malaysia; 100 cold storage
Yunda O2O Sdn Bhd) same-day food delivery anywhere around Malaysia warehouses in Malaysia
and Singapore)

Parcel365 (Parcel365 Parcel Delivery, Locker, Drop-off, and Collection 2018 Malaysia (Kuala Lumpur, Partnered with 12 major
Sdn Bhd) Penang, Pahang, Skudai) delivery services like FedEx,
Ninjavan, and J&T express

POS Laju Rider (Pos Dynamic mail and parcel services, financial services, 1992 Malaysia registered users to over 86,000
Malaysia Berhad) delivery and packaging, and supply chain solutions and delivered more than 3.3
million parcels

Other on-demand services

Maideasy (Maideasy Online Professional Cleaning Services (Full Service 2015 Malaysia (Kuala Lumpur,
Sdn Bhd) Residential & Commercial Cleaning including moving Selangor, and Putrajaya)
in/out, spring cleaning)

Maid4U (AJS Maju Online Professional Cleaning Services 2014 Malaysia (Cyberjaya and 250 experience workers
Services Sdn Bhd.) Putrajaya area)

Crowdwork

Collateam Online Platform that provides social recruitment 2021 Malaysia 5,000+ talents, 10,000+ job
services/crowdsourcing openings, and
RM1,000,000 Worth of job
matched

Cidekick (Cidekick On-Demand work platform for event and gig jobs 2016 Malaysia
Sdn Bhd)

[Link] Freelance Marketplace 2016 Malaysia

Freelancing Malaysia Freelance Marketplace Malaysia

156
 Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

GoGet ([Link]) On-Demand work platform (performing errands 2014 Malaysia 360,000 Users, 31,000
or temp work like deliveries, moving large Verified Part-Timers, 20,000
items, catering at events, data entry, and office gig workers, 5,000 business-
administration) partners

Startasker Online service marketplace such as homestay 2016 Malaysia

cleaning, promoter, event-model, handyman, moving
help, photographer, etc.

Workana (Workana Freelance and Remote Work Platform 2012 Physical Offices are in 600,000 entrepreneurs/
LLC) Argentina, Brazil, Malaysia, companies/customers; 3
United States of America, but million freelance workers
with the remote platform,
transactions can be worldwide
Source: Authors’ compilation. Accessed on May and June 2022

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 157
 Table A13. Platforms in Myanmar

Platform Services Founded Markets Number of partners/users

date

Food/Grocery delivery services

E-go Delivery Service On-Demand (via mobile, Facebook) Platform for Deliveries Myanmar (Mandalay)
(Food)

FreshGora (Meal Temple Online Platform for Deliveries (Food and Groceries/Mart) 2017 Myanmar 100 restaurants-partners, 100
Group is an investor) deliveries a day in Yangon,

Fresco (ValleVerde [Link]) Online Platform for Deliveries (Vegetables and Herbs) 2007 Myanmar (Yangon to
Mandalay and Bagan)

Food2U- website, and app On-Demand Platform for Deliveries (Food) 2015 Myanmar (Yangon) 5,000 deliveries per month
not working

Oway Fresh (under Oway Online Platform for Deliveries (Groceries/Mart) 2020 (Launch Myanmar 80,000 registered users
Travel & Tours Co. Ltd.) Year)

Yangon Door2Door/ On-Demand Platform for Deliveries (Food and Groceries/ 2013 Myanmar (Yangon) 50 restaurants-partners, 4,000
YangonD2D Mart) deliveries per month

Ride-hailing services

Get Ride (Get All Private On-Demand Ride-Hailing Service (bike, 3-wheeler bike/ 2017 Myanmar (Yangon and 10,000 vehicles registered
Ltd.)- not updated in-app tuktuk, and private car service) with call centre service Monywa)
since 2019

Karzo (Karzo Co., Ltd.) Online Logistics Platform truck delivery services for both 2016 (Launch Myanmar and Singapore 5,000 drivers
consumers and businesses (connecting truck drivers, fleet Year)
owners, and third-party logistics firms (3PLs))

KoneSi (KoneSi Freight Online Logistics Platform truck delivery services for both 2017 Myanmar (Yangon and 100+ business shippers, 300
Co.) consumers and businesses (connecting truck drivers, fleet Mandalay) fleet operator-partners, and
owners, and shippers/businesses) 2,000+ trucker-partners

Oway Ride (under Oway On-Demand Ride-Hailing Service (bike/motorcycle, 2016 (Launch Myanmar (Mandalay, 80,000 registered users
Travel & Tours Co. Ltd.) private car, premium car, and charter bus service) with call Year) Yangon, Bagan, Pwin O
centre service Lwin, and Mawlaymine)

158
Platform Services Founded Markets Number of partners/users
date

Other on-demand services

ConceptX (ConceptX Co. Online Educational Platform provides video courses for 2017 Myanmar 3,000+ students, 30 courses,
Ltd.) Grade 11 (Burmese) students in Math, Chemistry, and other 600+ videos, with international
subjects. and local online instructors

DedaaBox Online Educational Platform that provides video courses 2017 Myanmar (all Myanmar
and tutorial services for foreign languages. leadership, Cities)
business, marketing, project management, graphic
designs, communication skills, security awareness, and
more

MyanLearn (operated by Online Educational Platform that provides online courses, 2018 Myanmar 600 private education
PyinnyarTech Co. Ltd.) certification, and tutorial services for foreign languages providers/partners; 6,000 class
and other subject matters schedules

Sayar (powered by MMRD) Online Educational Platform that provides tutorial 2016 Myanmar
services for domains such as academics, art, digital design,
fitness, language learning, music, and programming

SAYA (operated by Online Educational Platform that provides online courses 2019 Myanmar with international and local
BinaryLab Ltd.) and interactive practice sessions in the English language. online instructors

FlyMya (Flymya Tech Co., Online Travel Agency Platform for flight ticket, express, 2015 Myanmar
Ltd.) bus, car rental, hotel, and hot balloon booking.

Wishbox Delivery Online Platform for Deliveries (Food, Parcels, and Gift/ 2017 Myanmar
(Wishbox Co. Ltd.) Flowers)

Crowdwork

[Link] (Chate Sat Freelance marketplace platform for various digital services 2016 (Launch Worldwide, including all 27,000 professionals/
Yar Co Ltd.) such as programming & IT, design, accounting, business, Year) ASEAN Member States freelancers
video & audio, writing & translation, business, and Legal. with a focus on the
Burmese labour market

MMFreelancer (A BH Freelance marketplace platform for various digital services Worldwide, including all
Edtech Co Ltd) such as programming & IT, design, accounting, business, ASEAN Member States
video & audio, writing & translation, business, and with a focus on the
consultation. Burmese labour market

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 159
 Platform Services Founded Markets Number of partners/users
date

Well Done Freelance marketplace platform for various digital services 2019 (Oldest Worldwide, including all 4,130 users, 420 services
such as programming & IT, design, accounting, business, Post on ASEAN Member States created
video & audio, writing & translation, business, and Website) with a focus on the
consultation. Burmese labour market

E-commerce

City Mall Online (City Mart Online Platform for Deliveries (Groceries and Department 1996 Myanmar (Mandalay, 20,000+ Products
Holding Co. Ltd) Store) Yangon, Nay Pyi Taw,
Pyin Oo Lwin, Shan,
Bago, Mon, Ayeyarwady,
and Sagaing)

[Link]/ Myanmar Online Retail Platform for Tech and Gadget 2013, 2018 Myanmar
ICT journal (Launch Year)
Source: Authors’ compilation. Accessed on June 2022

160
Table A14. Platforms in the Philippines

Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/

users

Food delivery services

Pick A Roo (invested by On-Demand Deliveries (Food, Groceries, 2020 (Launch Year) The Philippines (Metro Manila, 300 local and
Agile Digital Ventures, Inc, Retail, Medicine) Antipolo, Bacoor, and Cainta) international merchant-
under Megaworld Corp.) partners

RiderKo (Market On-Demand Deliveries (Food, Parcels, 2021 (Copyrighted) The Philippines (Metro Manila
Innovation Internationale, Groceries) and surrounding areas of Rizal,
Inc.) Cavite, Laguna, and Bulacan)

Ride-hailing services

Angkas PH (DBDOYC Inc.) On-Demand Ride-Hailing Mobility 2016 The Philippines (Metro Manila, 27,000 biker-partners, 4
Service (Motorcycle), Deliveries (Parcels, Metro Cebu) million app downloads
Grocery Pickup)

ePickMeUp (E-Pick Me Up On-Demand Ride-Hailing Mobility 2018 (Approval Year from The Philippines (Metro Manila
Inc.) Service (Motorcycle and Taxi), Deliveries Land Transportation and nearby cities)
(Parcels, Food, and Grocery Pickup) Franchising and Regulatory
Board); 2019 (App Launch
Year)

GoLag (GOLAG Inc.) On-Demand Ride-Hailing Platform (Car) 2018 The Philippines (primary 60,000 app users,
Laguna, with other areas such as
Bulacan, Cavite, Rizal, and Metro
Manila)

Hype (Hype Transport On-Demand Ride-Hailing Platform (Taxi, 2018 The Philippines
Systems, Inc.) Car, SUV, and AUV), Deliveries (Parcels,
Food, and Grocery Pickup)

JoyRide PH (We Move On-Demand Ride-Hailing Mobility 2019 (Launch Year) The Philippines (Metro Manila, 1 million user base,
People and Things the Services (Motorcycle, Tricycle, and Car), Rizal, Bulacan, Cavite, Laguna, 20,000 driver-partners,
Philippines, Inc.) Deliveries (Courier, Food, Groceries, and Baguio, and Metro Cebu) 5,000 merchant partners
Parcel)

MiDriver (Micab Systems On-Demand Ride-Hailing Platform (Taxi) 2012 (known as MiCab til The Philippines (Cebu, Bacolod, 6,500 taxi-drivers
Corp.)- no website, no 2019) Baguio, Iloilo and Metro Manila)
update on app

Move It the Philippines On-Demand Ride-Hailing Mobility 2018 (Social Media Presence The Philippines
(Operated by We-Load Services (Motorcycle), Deliveries (4-wheel Year)
Transcargo Corp.) courier, Food, Shopping Mall Groceries,
and Parcel Express)

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 161
 Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/
users

OWTO the Philippines On-Demand Ride-Hailing Platform (Car, 2018 The Philippines (Metro Manila 1,000 drivers
(operated by iPARA SUV, and High-End) and parts of Bulacan, Cavite,
Technologies and Laguna, and Rizal)
Solutions, Inc.)

snappy/ Snappy Cab On-Demand Ride-Hailing Platform (Car, 2018 (Approval Year from The Philippines
(Aztech Solution SUV, and High-End) Land Transportation
International Corp.) Franchising and Regulatory
Board)

TokTok PH (Cloud Panda On-Demand Deliveries (Parcel, Food, 2020 (Launch Year) The Philippines (Metro Manila, 80 merchant-partners,
PH Inc.) Shopping, Grocery Pickup, Logistics via Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, Rizal, 1 million downloads,
car, van, and trucks) Quezon Province) 20,000+ driver-partners,
100+ driver operators

U-Hop (U-Hop Transport On-Demand Ride-Hailing Platform (Taxi, 2015 The Philippines (Metro Manila, 1,000 active drivers
Network Vehicle System Car, and Van) Cebu, Davao, Iloilo, Cagayan de
Inc.) Oro, Bacolod, General Santos,
Baguio, Zamboanga, Boracay,
Angeles City, Subic, San
Fernando, Cavite, Lucena, and
Bicol)

Other on-demand services

51Talk PH (51Talk English Online Educational Platform that 2011 Chinese-consumer market with 20,000 Filipino English-
International, Inc.) provides online courses and interactive a focus on Filipino teachers speakers, 350,000+
practice sessions in the English language Students, 100,000+
to the Chinese students Lessons per Day

AcadSoc (AcadSoc Inc.) Online Educational Platform that 2011 Chinese-consumer market with 10,000 English-speaking
provides online courses and interactive a focus on Filipino teachers tutors around the globe,
practice sessions in the English language 40 million students in
to the Chinese students China

Bibo Global Opportunity Online Educational Platform that 2013 Worldwide, including all ASEAN 2,000 tutors (national
(Bibo Global Opportunity, provides online courses and interactive Member States like Thailand and foreign)
Inc. is under Digital Media practice sessions in the English with a focus mostly on Filipino
Mart Corporation Japan)- language. teachers
also known as Engoo in
other countries

Bizmates (Bizmates the Online Educational Platform that 2012 Japanese professionals- 1,000 Filipino instructors
Philippines Inc.) provides online courses and interactive consumer market with a focus
sessions in Business English language to on Filipino instructors
Japanese professionals.

162
Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/
users

KOMum (KOMum Online On-Demand Educational 1-1 tutoring 2020 (Social Media The Philippines and other full-time and part-time
Tutors PH) services in various subject matters such Presence Year) ASEAN and international remote tutors who are
as Lesson & Homework Assistance, countries such as the USA, Math, Science, Computer
Math, English and Filipino Enrichment Australia, Indonesia, Thailand, science, and Business
Programs, Reading & Creative Writing, and counting and Economics experts,
Foreign Languages, Programming, Art & linguists, pianists, and
Music Lessons artists

Rarejob PH (Rarejob, Inc.) Online Educational Platform that 2007 Japanese-consumer market with 15,000 Filipino tutors,
provides online courses and interactive a focus on Filipino instructors 15 million lessons
practice sessions in the English language
to Japanese students

Busy Bee Cleaning (Busy Online Professional Cleaning Services 2016 The Philippines 600+ projects
Bee Cleaning Co.) (Home, Deep Cleaning, and Disinfection)

Cleanhome On-Demand Professional Cleaning 2015 (Social Media Presence The Philippines (Metro Manila
Services (Full Service Residential & Year) specifically San Juan City,
Commercial Cleaning) Alabang, Paranaque City, Las
Pinas City, Manila City, Pasay
City, Pasig City, Taguig, Quezon
City, Mandaluyong, Makati City

Captain Cleaners (2485 Online Professional Cleaning Services 2015 (Social Media Presence The Philippines (Metro Manila)
Janitorial Services) (Full Service Residential and Commercial Year)
Cleaning, Upholstery Shampoo, Post
Construction, Disinfection, Ironing
Services, and others)

Clean Zone PH Online Professional Cleaning Services 2016 The Philippines

(disinfection, cleaning & sanitation
services: carpet, upholstery & mattress
cleaning, office deep cleaning, home
cleaning, grease trap cleaning)

Cleaning Lady Online Professional Cleaning Services 2016 The Philippines (Metro
(Lila Linis Inc.) (Home/ Condominium, Deep Cleaning, Manila specifically Las Pinas,
Disinfection, and Post- Construction) Makati, Mandaluyong, Manila,
Muntinlupa, Paranaque, Pasay,
Pasig, Pateros, Quezon City, San
Juan and Taguig)

CleanSource Solutions the Online Professional Cleaning Services 2020 The Philippines (Metro Manila
Philippines Inc. (Full Service Residential and Commercial specifically Eastwood, Ortigas,
Cleaning, Disinfection, Post-Construction, Makati, BGC & the rest of Quezon
Airconditioning service, Moving In and City)
Out, and others)

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 163
 Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/
users

CMDA Cleaning Services Online Professional Cleaning Services 2013 The Philippines (Metro Manila 3,821 homes, 4,021 offices,
(CMDA Condo & Office (Full Service Residential & Commercial and all of Luzon) and 211 restaurants
Cleaning Services) Cleaning) cleaned

Dash Cleaning Services Online Professional Cleaning Services 2020 (Social Media The Philippines (Metro Manila)
(Full Service Residential and Commercial Presence)
Cleaning, Grease Trap Cleaning,
Disinfection, Upholstery Cleaning,
Post Construction), Car Wash, and Air
Conditioner Services

Delmont Cleaning Services Online Professional Cleaning Services 2015 The Philippines
(Home, Deep Cleaning, Carpet Cleaning,
Disinfection, and Post-Construction)

Dust and Bin Cleaning Online Professional Cleaning Services 2017 (Social Media Presence) The Philippines (Metro Manila
Services Inc. (disinfection, cleaning & sanitation and nearby provinces)
services: carpet, upholstery & mattress
cleaning, office deep cleaning, home
cleaning)

EZY Lifestyle (known as Online Professional Cleaning Services 2012 The Philippines
Rainbow Cleaners) (Japanese Standard- General Cleaning, 100,000 clients
Office Cleaning, Housekeeping, Post
Construction, and Upholstery Shampoo)

Happy Helpers Online Professional Cleaning Services 2014 The Philippines (Metro Manila target of 1,000 helpers
(Home, Post Construction, Moving In/ specifically Taguig, Makati
Out, Disinfection, Office, Warehouse, and some areas in Pasig,
Retail Store) Mandaluyong, San Juan,
Greenhills, Quezon City, Bicutan,
Sucat/Paranaque, Alabang and
Muntinlupa)

[Link] Online and Traditional Household Helper The Philippines

Agency (contractual basis full-time
helpers)

Jiffy Cleaners Manila Online Professional Cleaning Services 2019 (Social Media The Philippines (Metro Manila)
(Full Service Residential and Commercial Presence)
Cleaning, Upholstery Shampoo, Post
Construction)

Lemon Cleaners (JBC Online Professional Cleaning Services 2014 The Philippines (Metro Manila,
General Housekeeping (Full Service Residential and Commercial Rizal, and nearby provinces)
Services) Cleaning, Post Construction, Moving In
and Out, and Upholstery Shampoo)

164
Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/
users

Manila Maid Online Professional Cleaning Services The Philippines (Metro Manila
(Full Service Residential & Office specifically Makati, Manila,
Cleaning) Mandaluyong, Fort Bonifacio
(BGC) Taguig, Pasay, Pasig /
Ortigas, Pasay, QC & more)

MyKuya (MKPH On-Demand Personal/Professional 2017 The Philippines (Metro Manila) 40 mall establishment-
Technologies Pte. Ltd.) Shopper and Delivery (all in one) partners

Ninja Made PH (Ninja Online Professional Cleaning Services 2017 (Social Media Presence The Philippines (Metro Manila
Made Services Co) (Full Service Residential & Commercial Year) and nearby provinces such as
Cleaning including air conditioner Bulacan, Pampanga, Subic, Rizal,
services) Antipolo, Laguna, Batangas, and
Cavite)

Prestige Housekeeping Online and On-call Professional Cleaning 2012 The Philippines (Metro Manila)
(Prestige Kampfstark the Services (Full Service Residential,
Philippines, Inc.) Commercial and Warehouse Cleaning,
Disinfection, Upholstery Shampoo,
Moving In and Out, and others)

Sweep Inspirations Online Professional Cleaning Services 2008 The Philippines

(Full Service Residential, Office Cleaning,
Post Construction, and Upholstery
Shampoo)

The Cleaning Tribe PH Online Professional Cleaning Services 2021 (Social Media Presence) The Philippines (Metro Manila 6,000 Serviced Homes &
(Full Service Residential & Commercial and nearby provinces) Offices
Cleaning), Car Interior Detailing. Aircon
Cleaning and Minor repair, Grease Trap
Cleaning, Painting and Minor Repair
works, and Hauling and Moving Service

Crowdwork (some are the Philippines-based and some are not but all heavily tap Filipino workers)

199Jobs Freelance marketplace platform for 2013 Worldwide, including all ASEAN
various simple digital services as low as Member States with a focus on
199 the Philippines Pesos. the Philippines labour market

Mr. Outsource Online Virtual Assistant/Professional 2013 Worldwide with a focus on

(VA) Platform that provides VA essential the Philippines in-house VA
tasks such as documentation, general professionals in Davao City, The
administration, accounting, real estate, Philippines
transaction coordination, researchers,
web developers and client support.

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 165
 Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/
users

MyOutDesk PH Online Virtual Assistant/Professional 2007 US and Canadian-consumer 7,500+ Clients Served,
(VA) Platform that provides VA essential market with a focus on the 2,000 virtual assistants
tasks such as documentation, general Philippines VA professionals
administration, accounting, real estate,
transaction coordination, and client
support.

OnlineJobs PH Freelance marketplace platform 2009 Worldwide, including all ASEAN 200,000 Filipino
for various digital services such as Member States with a focus on freelance profiles
programming & IT, graphic design, the Philippines labour market
bookkeeping, video & audio, writing &
translation, and business.

Remote Staff PH Freelance marketplace platform 2007 Australian and New-Zealand- 8,000 Philippine remote
for various digital services such as consumer market with a focus staff/professionals/
programming & IT, graphic design, on the Philippines labour market freelancers, 2,000
bookkeeping, video & audio, writing & and a physical office in Pasig international employers/
translation, and business. City, the Philippines clients, 90 Filipino in-
house employees

[Link] Online Virtual Assistant/Professional 2009 American-consumer market

(VA) Platform that provides VA essential (small business or professional)
(Virtual Assistant Talent, tasks such as documentation, general with a focus on the Philippines
LLC) administration, accounting, real estate, labour market with flexible
transaction coordination, web design, clients from USA, UK, and other
graphic designer, and client support. parts of the world

Virtual Coworker (Virtual Online Virtual Staff Platform that 2011 American and Australian- 1,500+ Filipino “staff”
Coworker Inc.) provides tasks such as general consumer market (small place, 1,000+ clients
administration, accounting, digital business or professional) with a
marketers, social media, virtual focus on the Philippine labour
assistance, and web developers services, market with flexible clients from
USA, UK, AUS, NZ, Canada, and
other parts of the world
Source: Authors’ compilation. Accessed on June and September 2022

166
Table A15. Platforms in Singapore

Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

Ride-hailing/Car-sharing
Shariot (AutoBahn On-Demand Car-Sharing and Car-Rental Platform 2020 (Launch Singapore 300 cars
Rent A Car Pte. Ltd.) (Cars and SUV) Year)
Tribecar (Tribecar On-Demand Car-Sharing Platform (Cars, Vans, 2016 Singapore 1,400 vehicles,
Pte. Ltd.)- acquired Lorries, and Motorcycles)
former CarClub
Company
Other on-demand services
Auntie Cleaner Online Professional Home-Related Services (Full 2015, 2012 Singapore
(Auntie Cleaner Service Residential and Office Cleaning with other (Social Media
(Singapore) Pte Ltd) services such as Part-Time Maid, Disinfection, and Presence Year)
Carpet Cleaning services)
Clean On Demand Online Professional Cleaning Services (Full Service 2018 Singapore
Residential & Commercial Cleaning including
disinfection and air conditioner services)
Comfy Homes Online and Offline Professional Home-Related 2002 Singapore
Services (Full Service Residential with other services
such as Laundry and Ironing services)
Helpling (Helpling Online Professional Home-Related Services (Full 2014 (Launch Singapore and other 350,124 homes cleaned,
Singapore Pte. Ltd.)- Service Residential and Office Cleaning with other Year) international countries such
with the acquisition services such as Disinfection, Handyman, Post as Australia, Canada, and
of another cleaning Renovation, Gardening, and Upholstery Cleaning several European countries
company named services)
Spickify
House Cleaner Online Professional Home-Related Services (Full 2005 (Web Singapore
Singapore Service Residential Cleaning with other services Site Presence)
such as Part-Time Maid, Disinfection, Carpet
services)
KMAC International Online Professional Cleaning Services (Full Service 2010 Singapore 2,000 services done, 200+
Pte Ltd Residential & Commercial Cleaning with other professional cleaners
services such as Upholstery Shampooing, and air
conditioner services)
Lumens (Lumens Online Platform for Car Rental with other services 2014 Singapore
Auto Pte Ltd) catering to Private Hire Vehicle (PHV) drivers

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 167
 Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users
Singapore House Online Professional Home-Related Services (Full Singapore
Cleaning Service Residential and Office Cleaning with other
services such as Part-Time Maid, Post Renovation,
and Ironing services)
Whissh (1 Plus Online Professional Home-Related Services 2016 Singapore and United 100,000 jobs/households, offices/
Private Limited) (Cleaning Residential & Commercial with other Kingdom buildings serviced
services such as laundry, plumbing, and air
conditioner services)
XSEED Singapore Online Educational Platform that provides online 2014 Worldwide 1 million+ children, 10,000+ hours of
(XSEED Education courses, resources, and interactive sessions to K-8 instruction, curriculum, assessment,
Pte Ltd) students and even provides tools for teachers and professional development
resources
Crowdwork
FastGig (Fastco Pte Online Freelance Marketplace that provides offline 2021 (Launch Focus on the Singaporean 10,000 registered workers and 2,000
Ltd.) and digital services such as Video Editing, Service Year) labour and consumer market who have taken up a job
Crew, Warehouse assistants, Retail Staff, and others
[Link] Online Freelance Marketplace that provides offline 2009 (Social Worldwide, including all 77,000 part-time jobs & freelance
(Dovalise Pte Ltd.) and digital services such as Graphic Designer, Media ASEAN Member States with jobs, 41,120 + registered hirers/clients,
Airport Handler, Warehouse assistants, Retail Staff, Presence Year) a focus on the Singaporean 133,000 freelancers & part-timers
and others labour market registered
Wantedly, Inc. Online Platform that provides social recruitment 2010 Singapore, and other 2.4-million monthly active users,
services/crowdsourcing international countries such 40,000 companies/ clients in Japan
as Japan and Hong Kong
E-commerce
RedMart via Lazada Online Grocery/ Supermarket Platform 2011 Singapore 1,000 local sellers
app (under the
Lazada Group)
Source: Authors’ compilation. Accessed on June 2022

168
Table A16. Platforms in Thailand

Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

Ride-hailing services

Bolt (Bolt Technology) On-Demand Ride-Hailing Service 2013 Thailand and other 44 30 million global users, 2,000 Thai
(private car) international countries drivers
across the globe

Taxi OK (developed On-Demand Ride-Hailing (Taxi) 2018 Thailand 12,893 taxis

by King Mongkut’s
Institute of Technology
Ladkrabang with DLT)

Food/Mart delivery

Ginja (Ginja Co., Ltd) On-Demand Deliveries (Food) 2015 Thailand (Bangkok)

GoBike (GoBike Co Ltd) On-Demand Ride-Hailing and Express 2015 Thailand (Bangkok) 15,000 riders, 500,000+ bookings
Delivery Service (Motorcycle)

LINE (LINE Man Wongnai LINE Man-On-Demand Delivery (Food, 2016 (as on-demand Thailand (LINE Man LINE Man (5.9 million Active
in Thailand) Grocery, and Parcel); Ride Mobility delivery in Thailand); Wongnai); Worldwide Users with 16 million downloads);
(Taxi Hailing); Messaging Application 2012 (as a messenger with popularity in Japan, Wongnai (400,000 restaurants and
Wongnai- Restaurant Review and application in Thailand); South Korea, Indonesia, 10 million users); LINE (167 million
Discovery Platform 2000 (as a messenger Taiwan (LINE Messaging Users in Japan, Thailand, Taiwan,
application in Japan) Application) and Indonesia)

Robinhood (operated by On-Demand Deliveries (Food), soon 2020 (Launch Year) Thailand (Bangkok, Chiang 2.8 million registered users, 30,000
Purple Ventures Co., Ltd., to expand into online travel agent, Mai, Chonburi, Nonthaburi) rider-partners, 225,000 merchant-
under Siam Commercial grocery, and parcel express deliveries partners
Bank)

TrueFood via TrueID On-Demand Deliveries (Food) 2021 (Launch Year) Thailand (Bangkok)
app (True Corporation
is under Charoen
Pokphand Group/ CP
Group)

Courier services

SKOOTAR (Skootar Co., On-Demand Express Delivery Service 2014 Thailand (Bangkok) 10,000 + drivers,
Ltd) (Parcels, Food, via Motorcycle, Car, and 100,000+ customers
Trucks)

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 169
 Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

Other on-demand services

Beneat (BeNeat Co., Ltd.) Online Professional Cleaning (Home 2016 Thailand (Bangkok and 400,000 orders serviced
Cleaning and Ironing) and Massage surrounding areas)
Therapy Services

Borigarn (Borigarn Online Professional Home-Related 2018 (Social Media Thailand (Bangkok)
Bangkok Service Services (Cleaning, Airconditioning, Presence Year)
Specialist) Moving, Pet-Sitters, Pool Cleaner,
Painter, Electrician, Plumber, Locksmith,
Pest Control)

Cleaning24 (Cleaning24 Online Professional Cleaning Services 2009 Thailand

Services Co. Ltd) (Full Service Residential, Office&
Commercial Cleaning, Upholstery
Shampooing)

Ever Healthcare (Ever Inc.) Online Medical & Aesthetic booking 2019 (Social Media Worldwide, including all 3,000+ Internationally certified
platform with a local and international Presence Year) ASEAN Member States with doctors, 200+ Internationally
medical network, also promotes medical a market of Thai nationals accredited hospitals
tourism within Thailand and expatriates

Fixzy (Fixzy Co., Ltd) Online Professional Home-Related 2014 Thailand (Bangkok and its 4,500 technicians, 150,000
and Maintenance Services (Cleaning, outskirts) downloads, 70,000 active users
Moving In and Out, Plumbing, Electrical,
Structural Repair, Washing Machine
Cleaning, Car Repair Service)

LING Live (Simya Labs Co. Online Educational Platform that 2017 Worldwide, including all 50+ teachers, 100+ students, 1000+
Ltd.) provides online courses and interactive ASEAN Member States app download
sessions the Thai and other less-spoken like Thailand, with a
languages such as Serbian, Lithuanian, focus mostly on Thai and
Bengali, or Albanian. international teachers

Maid Delivery (Maid Online Professional Cleaning Services 2010 Thailand (primarily the 500 customers a month
Delivery & Laundry (Full Service Residential, Cleaning, Eastern part of Bangkok)
Service) Moving In and Out, and Mattress/Sofa
Laundry Services)

Millennium Maid Service Online Professional Cleaning Services 2013 Thailand (Bangkok)
(Millennium Maid Service (Full Service Residential, Office&
Ltd.) Commercial Cleaning, Moving In and
Out, and Disinfection)

170
 Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

Ms Claire ( MS CLAIRE Online Professional Home-Related and 2015 Thailand (Bangkok and
- Professional Service Maintenance Services using premium Chonburi)
Cleaners) chemicals (Cleaning, Moving In and Out,
Pest control service, Laundry service,
Lawn mowing service)

Or’ease (Dumoroc Online Massage and Wellness Delivery 2017 (Social Media Thailand (Bangkok, Phuket,
Trading Co., Ltd) Platform (Massage, Spa, Webinars on Presence Year) Chiangmai) 42,355 bookings
Thai massage, and others)

Seekster (Seekster Co., Online Professional Cleaning and 2015 Thailand (Bangkok. Chiang
Ltd.) Maintenance Services (Full Service Mai, Chiang Rai, Pattaya
Residential, Office& Commercial City)
Cleaning, Disinfectant, Laundry, Repair,
and Maintenance)

Varie Cleaning Service Online Professional Cleaning and 2013 (Social Media Thailand (Bangkok)
Maintenance Services (Full Service Presence Year)
Residential, Cleaning, Moving In and
Out, Laundry, and Renovation / Painting
/ Plumbing Services)

E-commerce

Kaidee (acquired by Online Marketplace Platform for second- 2011 Thailand 650,000 users
EMPG Group) hand products to choose from and sell
with 30 various categories with a focus
on auto, electronics, and real estate.
Source: Authors’ compilation. Accessed on June 2022

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 171
 Table A17. Platforms in Viet Nam

Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

Food delivery services

Ahamove (under On-demand deliveries (Food, Shopping/Groceries, 2015 11 cities in Viet Nam 700,000+ business and
GiaoHangNhanh/ GHN and Courier Express), Moving Service with large household usage
Company) vehicles such as trucks

Baedal Minjok/ BAEMIN On-Demand Deliveries (Food, Groceries/Mart), 2010 (in South Viet Nam (21 major cities such 20.74 million users in South
(under Woowa Brothers Viet Creative Merchandise (BaeMin Studios) Korea); 2019 as HCMC, Hanoi, Da Nang, Bac Korea; 5 million Users in
Nam Co. Ltd) (in Viet Nam) Ninh, Phan Thiet, and Thai Viet Nam
Nguyen) and South Korea

Ride-hailing/Courier services

Be (Be Group Joint Stock On-Demand Deliveries (Courier Express), Ride- 2018 Viet Nam 300,000 drivers who
Company) Hailing Mobility Services (Bike and Car), Car Rent work in nearly 30 cities
Services, Flight Booking Services (via BeFlight), and provinces: 10 million
Digital Banking (with VPBank) customers,

Chungxe (Chung Xe., JSC) Online Motorbike/Motorcycle and Car Rental/ 2017 Viet Nam (Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh
Sharing Application City, Da Nang, Nha Trang, Phu
Quoc, Vung Tau, Hai Phong,
Quy Nhon, Ninh Binh, Sapa,
and expected. coverage in
major tourist spots and cities
nationwide)

MyGo (Viettel Logistics Co., On-Demand Deliveries (Courier Express), Ride- 2019 (Launch Viet Nam (63 provinces and 71,000 drivers
Ltd) Hailing Mobility Services (Bike and Car) Year) cities)

Mioto (Mioto Viet Nam Co., Online Car Rental/ Car Sharing Application (4-7 2017; 2018 Viet Nam (Ho Chi Minh City, More than 100 car models;
Ltd) seaters) (Launch Year) Hanoi, Da Nang, Da Lat, Binh 500 registered vehicles,
Duong, Nha Trang, and several and 10,000 tenants
provinces nationwide)

TripX (founded by Luster Online Car Rental/ Car Sharing Application (4-7 2019 Viet Nam
Engineering & Construction seaters)
Joint Stock Company)

Vato (Electronic Trading Joint On-Demand Deliveries (Food and Courier Express), 2018 Viet Nam (Hanoi and Ho Chi 5,000 drivers,
Stock Company)- formerly Ride-Hailing Mobility Services (Bike, Car, and Taxi), (Rebranded Minh City)
car booking app Vivu/ Bus Booking Services Year)
FaceCar

172
Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

Logistics

LOGIVAN (LOGIVAN Logistics services that connect shippers and a 2017 Viet Nam 40,000 truck owners/
Technologies Pte) network of empty returned truck suppliers

Other on-demand services

Ai Health (Ai Health Online medical services in finding personal 2020 Viet Nam (53 provinces and 1,437 doctors, 438 nurses,
Technology Joint Stock doctors, buying medication online, home care cities) and 672 hospitals, clinics,
Company) services, and managing lifetime electronic health pharmacies, and testing
records centres,

eDoctor (eDoctor Joint Stock Online Health Service (health advice, look up 2014 Viet Nam Partners-500 nurses and
Company) drugs & clinics) over 400 doctors as well
as 80 hospitals and clinics
across the country; over
100,000 transactions

Jio Health (Jio Healthy Clinic Online telemedicine, e-prescriptions, and 2014 (Launch Viet Nam 150 multi-specialty care
Co. Ltd.) pharmacy with physical smart clinics and over Year) providers on its platform
300 Jio-branded neighbourhood pharmacies

Kho Chia Sẻ Warehousing services with delivery and collection 2016 (Licensed Viet Nam
service Year)

Drobebox Online Fashion/Clothes Rental Application 2019 Viet Nam 600 subscriptions;

HOCMAI (HOCMAI Education Online educational platform in Viet Nam, offering 2007 Viet Nam 4 million subscribers, 1,000
Inc. is under Galaxy Media high-quality common core and soft skills modules courses, 200 teachers
and Entertainment) for students, including K-12 courses.

[Link] (Viet Resource Online platform to learn courses in soft and 2013 Viet Nam 200,000 unique users, 350
Training Co., Ltd (NLV professional skills like IT, foreign language, graphic experts/ instructors
Training)) design, and more

[Link] (Unica Online An online training platform that connects 2016 Viet Nam 500,000+ students, 1,000+
Training Joint Stock lecturers/experts with students lecturers, 80,000+ affiliates
Company)

MyParking (App developed An online collection of automobiles parking fees 2018 (Launch Viet Nam (Ho Chi Minh City)
by city’s transport and booking of parking spaces Year)
department and Viettel
Telecom)

ASEAN Employment Outlook

The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 173
 Platform Services Founded date Markets Number of partners/users

Rada (Rada Joint Stock On-Demand Home Service Application (Home 2016 Viet Nam (mainly in Hanoi and 50,000 active users per
Company) Repair/Service includes auto, motorbike, air Ho Chi Minh City) month, 2,500 service
conditioner, refrigerator, laundry washer, TV, providers
housekeeping, maid)

The Gioi Tho (inactive app On-Demand Home Service Application (Driver, Viet Nam
and website link since 2022) Home / Office Transporter, Unclog drain,
Refrigeration Electrician, General Labourer,
Locksmith, Vehicle Rescue, Household Electrician,
Plumber water, Furniture, Computer repairman,
Maid)

Crowdwork (not Viet Nam-based but heavily tap Vietnamese workers)

[Link] (along with Marketplace Platform for freelance digital 2010 (Started Worldwide, including all ASEAN 600,000 members,
Getdone Holdings) services such as sales and marketing, healthcare, Year) Member States with a focus on 300,000 jobs generated
manufacturing, education, design, programming, the Vietnamese labour market
hospitality/tourism, construction, IT, accounting/
finance.

Vlance (Owned by Marketplace Platform for freelance digital services 2013 Worldwide, including all ASEAN 250,000 active freelancers
Magenweb Viet Nam Joint such as software development, graphic design - Member States with a focus on with a total of 1,116,629
Stock Company) website, online marketing, accounting - tax. the Vietnamese labour market freelancers, 51,000+ jobs
posted
Source: Authors’ compilation. Accessed on June 2022

174
Table A18. Partial list of unions that support on-demand workers and
associations/communities of on-demand workers in the AMS

Name Classification Initiatives

Regional Homenet Southeast Association/ - Building sustainable knowledge and action

Asia Network networks through information and communication
- network of national technologies (ICT) media, subregional workshops,
(country) networks of etc. Through this, the network creates advocacy and
home-based workers policy dialogues.
- Promoting social protection schemes
- Strengthening social enterprises and facilitating
marketing through fair trade practices.

Cambodia Cambodian Food Union - Publicly acknowledged the opacity in the ride-hailing
and Service Workers and food delivery sector
Federation (CFSWF)

Independent Association - Publicly articulated that companies must be

Democracy of Informal responsible for all drivers, not only paying service fees.
Economy Association
(IDEA)

Indonesia Aerospace and Union - Initiated several protests and work stoppages
Transportation between 2016 to 2019
Workers division of
the Federation of
Indonesian Metal
Workers’ Union (SPDT-
FSPMI)

Confederation of Union - Spearheaded a social dialogue with the government

Indonesian Trade and the employer companies on employment
Unions/ Konfederasi relationships, social protection, and the judicial
Serikat Pekerja review of Act No. 22/2009 (Road Traffic and
Indonesia (KSPI-CITU) Transportation (LLAJ) to legalise the two-wheeled
vehicles as passenger transportation
- Established an Online Transportation Action
Committee (KATO)
- Advocated for the reform of labour law to recognise
riders as dependent workers
- Called out Gojek for its termination of 430 employees
for its absence of layoff negotiations

National Welfare Union - Subpoenaed PT Grab Indonesia, PT Karya Anak

Driver Union/ Bangsa, and PT Indonesian Freight Forwarding
Serikat Pengemudi to sit down and discuss the driver protection/
Kesejahteraan (SIKAP) accident/insurance plan. The subpoena was made
possible with the help of the Advocacy Team of the
Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association
(PBHI) Jakarta.

Online Courier Work Association - Protested the lower service fees, which means lower
Union (Sejaring) daily income.

Asosiasi Driver Online Association - Registered as an association with the Ministry of Law
(ADO) and Human Rights in March 2017
- Focused on the representation of online car drivers

Online Drivers’ Established in 2015 by online drivers who felt unsafe in

Communication the face of demonstrations by conventional drivers and
Forum (Forum wanted greater legal protection from the government
Komunikasi for app-based transport workers.
Pengemudi Online FKPO formed the All-Indonesia Organisation of
(FKPO)). Special Rental Vehicles (Organisasi Angkutan Sewa
Khusus Seluruh Indonesia), to create a more formal
organisation to achieve a seat at the negotiating table
with the government and the app-based transport
companies.

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 175
 Name Classification Initiatives

ASPEK Association - Established KATO

Indonesia (Association
of Indonesian Workers)

Front Driver Online Association - Had a social dialogue of FRONTAL- East Java which
Tolak Aplikator includes the Directorate of Intelligence and Security
Nakal/ Online Drivers for the East Java Police and Director General of
Rejecting Naughty Hubdat.
Applicators (FRONTAL) - Asked the government to revise the Ministry of
Transportation Regulation No. 12 of 2019, specifically
the calculation of service fees in East Java

Front Indonesia/ Front Association - Opened a dialogue to ask for unconditional

Independent Driver suspension of payments of vehicle loans in
Online Indonesia (FI) collaboration with Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah
Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (DPRD- DIY), a regional
people’s representative institution.

GrabExpress Sameday Association - Protested low service fees, which affected their low
Sejabodetabek daily income.
Association

Two-Wheel Action Association - Supported the Rancangan Peraturan Menteri

Association/ Gabungan Perhubungan /Draft Regulation of Ministry
Aksi Roda Dua of Transportation (RPM) on the Protection of
(GARDA) Application-Based Motorcycle Users’ Safety.
- Publicly rejected DKI Jakarta Provincial Government’s
policy of requiring online motorcycle taxi drivers
and online taxis to have an Employee Registration
Certificate (STRP) during the implementation of
Emergency PPKM.

Lalamove Partners Community - Protested Lalamove’s management decision not to

Gathering Forum release payment within the same day.

Online Drivers’ Union/ Community - Organised hundreds of drivers to protest at Gojek’s

Serikat Ojol Indonesia office in Solo (Central Java province) about the
(Seroja) reduction in GoFood’s minimum delivery fees.
- Supported the social dialogue of FRONTAL- East Java
with the Directorate of Intelligence and Security for
the East Java Police and Directorate General of Land
Transportation (Ditjen Hubdat).

Malaysia Grab Drivers Malaysia Association - Publicly asked the government officials for more
Association time for e-hailing drivers to obtain the public service
vehicle (PSV) license.
- Publicly defended Grab Malaysia’s move to charge
users a higher fee for canceling.
- Publicly asked Grab Malaysia to compensate drivers
for lost income due to Grab’s system disruption
across the region.

Persatuan Penghantar Association - Joined discourse seminar (with Malaysian Trades

P-Hailing Malaysia Union Congress) to urge the government to create
(Penghantar) rules and regulatory bodies to help solve all technical
problems that may relate to the welfare of e-hailing
and p-hailing drivers.

Persatuan Pemandu Registered - Publicly urged authorities to act against companies

Perkhidmatan Association/ like InDriver that operate without permission from
E-Hailing Malaysia/ Non- the Land Public Transport Agency (APAD).
Malaysia eHailing governmental - Alerted the public of InDriver’s illegal operation in
Drivers Association organisation Penang without a business mediation license.
(MeHDA) (NGO)
- Publicly urged the Transport Ministry to take
immediate action against Grab Malaysia after it failed
to repay the excess commission within the stipulated
period.
- Publicly appealed to the government to consider
including part-time drivers in its benefit of ‘one-off’
National Caring Assistance (BPN) worth RM500 to all
e-hailing drivers with a public vehicle license (PSV).

176
 Name Classification Initiatives

The Trade Union Congress Political Party - Filed resolution 1974 asking the House Committee
Philippines Party List on Labour and Employment to probe the working
conditions of food and grocery delivery riders.

Kapatiran sa Dalawang Umbrella - Publicly supported the passage in the House of

Gulong (KAGULONG) Association of Representatives and pushed for its fast approval in
riders the Senate of a bill aimed at regulating motorcycles
for hire called the Motorcycles-for-Hire Act.
- Publicly asked for social dialogue with the
government for the provision of fuel subsidies
considering Russian sanctions
- Pushed for the Riders’ Agenda, which includes the
call for an end to any forms of discrimination against
delivery riders and the junking of the Doble Plaka
Law or The Motorcycle Crime Prevention Act of 2019.
- Publicly disagreed with DOLE over Labour Advisory
No. 14, which states riders (if freelancers) are governed
by their contracts with a digital platform company,
called for DOLE to issue more binding guidelines to
protect the welfare of delivery riders.
- Publicly asked DOLE to issue out department order
over termination worker process rather than labour
advisories to have it more binding and enforceable.
- Had its Foodpanda Division join a ‘unity ride’ to the
Department of Labour and Employment Office
(DOLE) to voice concerns on Foodpanda PH’s new
payment scheme and an unclear freelancing system,
which resulted in lower earnings.
- Held a “Unity Ride for Rights” to the Department of
Transportation to allow a pilot run for motorcycle
taxis amid the COVID-19 pandemic.
- Requested government agencies to remove the
plastic barriers on motorcycle taxis.

Bulacan Motorcycle Confederation - Publicly disagreed with the Doble Plaka Law or The
Riders Confederation Motorcycle Crime Prevention Act of 2019 due to
enormous penalties.

United Delivery Union - A newly formed union in August 2022 that publicly
RIDERS of the disagreed with the widespread exploitation and
Philippines (RIDERS) abuse by their members’ supposed employers
who consider them freelance workers instead of
employees.

Davao United Delivery Association - Publicly released the news of Davao-based drivers
Riders Association Inc. receiving a 10-year suspension when Foodpanda
(DUDRAI) PH learned of a planned protest against its earnings
policy

Singapore National Trade Union National - Partner in the Tripartite Workgroup Committee
Congress (NTUC)- Confederation (TWG) that focuses on lower-wage workers and
Main affiliates of Trade self-employed persons. The TWG is involved in
include National Unions as well expanding the Tripartite Standard on Flexible
Delivery Champions as a network Work Arrangements and other initiatives such as
Association (NDCA), of professional developing a Tripartite Standard for engaging Self-
National Private Hire associations Employed Persons’ services. The TWG recommended
Vehicles Association and partners partners to work with insurers to make Self-
(NPHVA), and National across all Employed Person-related insurance products and
Taxi Association sectors in adopt a “contribute-as-you-earn” model.
(NTA). Other related Singapore. - Member of the Advisory Committee on Platform
affiliates are Visual, Workers, which was formed to strengthen protections
Audio, Creative for self-employed persons who work for online
Content Professionals platforms, specifically delivery persons, private-hire
Association, and car drivers, and taxi drivers.
National Instructors - Members enjoyed a one-off payment of up to Sdo200
and Coaches if they tested positive for COVID-19.
Association.

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 177
 Name Classification Initiatives

Singapore National Union - Partner in the TWG

Employers Federation - Member of the Advisory Committee on Platform
Workers

National Private Hire Association - Signed an official partnership with Grab through a
Vehicles Association Memorandum-of-Understanding (MOU). The MOU
(NPHVA) includes Grab’s support for independent high-
performing full-time drivers interested in becoming
members of NPHVA, for six months. The NPHVA will
serve as the voice of Grab drivers and will facilitate
a two-way flow of feedback between Grab and its
drivers.
- Members enjoyed a one-off payment of up to SG$200
if they tested positive for COVID-19.

Thailand Freedom Rider Union Online - Coordinated the gathering of LineMan Riders from
community Ayutthaya, Ang Thong, and Singburi provinces to
protest at the headquarters of LineMan-Wongnai and
then went to the Labour Ministry office to voice out
the opposition to base payment cut.
- Launched an online campaign to raise awareness on
rider safety & demand mandatory accident insurance
in partnership with the Solidarity Centre.

Chiang Mai Riders Online - Planned a protest over wage issues

Union community

Grab Driver BKK Online - Provided support networks for drivers to plan social
Thailand Community events, raise donations for drivers injured or killed on
the job, discuss grievances and eventually organise
labour actions

Motorbike Taxi Association - Publicly protested and demanded the removal of

Association of Thailand Grab’s GrabBike feature, which the group say is
operating illegally. Grab provided unfair competition
with other competitors like “Win” drivers.

Massage Therapist Online - Requested, via HomeNet Thailand, dry food and
Group Thailand Community survival bags to alleviate the distress of massage
therapists
- Helped organise a workshop on making natural
products and chemical-free farming
Source: Authors’ compilation

178
Table A19. Partial associations/communities of crowdworkers in the AMS

Name Classification Initiatives

Regional Women Who Code Association - Provides a digital inclusion for women through
(WWCode) a combination of advanced skills training and
- Global (20+ countries) online coding courses
including the Philippines - Encourages local leadership to foster local events
and grow the local network

Indonesia Freelance Community of Online - Provides an online venue to share business or job
Indonesia Community vacancies throughout Indonesia

Freelancer Indonesia Online - Provides an online venue to share business or job

Community vacancies throughout Indonesia

Malaysia Malaysian Allied Association - Participated in the development of the Social

Freelancer Association Synergy Programme, a safety net for full-time
(MAFA) freelancers in collaborations with authorities,
agencies, and private sectors

Malaysia Online Workers Association - Publicly provides a voice in Malaysia’s

Network/ Jaringan Pekerja crowdsourcing and online freelancing ecosystem,
Online Malaysia (MYOWN) though not very active

Malaysian Freelancer Online - Provides an online network venue to share

Community information among Malaysian freelancers to
improve their craft and share job postings, stories,
and scam alerts.

Freelancer Malaysia Online - Provides an online network venue to share

Community information among Malaysian freelancers to
share job postings, and scam alerts

The Connected Women Association - Empowers women through entrepreneurship,

Philippines freelancing, and remote work

Digital Career Advocates Association - Advocates for the welfare of online workers in the
of the Philippines (DCAP) Philippines by promoting digital work and career

Filipina Home-based Association - Delivers accessible upskilling courses and linkage

Moms (FHMoms) to strong community ties that include training for
work-from-home jobs like platform work

Filipino Online Association/ - Provides support through continuous education,

Professionals Cooperative marketing, mentoring, and leadership equipping
Service Cooperative of its member in their online freelance work
(FOPSCo)

Filipino Virtual Assistance Online - Offers online jobs courses, virtual assistance
at FVA Consultancy Community services, and franchising opportunities

Negros Online Workers Online - Offers a platform where Bacolod-based (a city on

Community the Negros Island) individuals aspiring to start
working from home can join.

Online Bicolano Workers Online - Offers a platform where Bicol-based online

Community workers like bloggers, graphics artists, virtual
secretaries, sellers, etc. can share job experiences,
job openings, tips, and online opportunities

Online Filipino Freelancers Online - Creates a dynamic and fun community for online
Community Filipino workers, where they can freely speak
their minds, share insights, help each other out
and grow as freelancers

PayPal PH Freelancers Online - Provides a place to share insights and tips on

Community everything related to freelancing

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 179
 Name Classification Initiatives

The Freelance Movement | Online - Provides an online venue built specifically for
Freelancing Community Community both Filipino freelancers and those aspiring to be
one

Singapore Visual, Audio, Creative Association - Advocates for freelancers and self-employed
Content Professionals professionals in visual/ audio/ creative content
Association (VICPA) through work-related advisory, resources,
industry-wide collaborations, and community.
Its members enjoyed a one-off payment of up to
SG$200 if they tested positive for COVID-19

Singapore Association Association - Provides a platform for discussion & engagement

of Motion Picture for all members who belong in the Film, TV,
Professionals (SAMPP) and new Broadcast Media industry, including
freelancers
- Launched an SG$40,000 SAMPP COVID-19 Relief
Fund to support motion picture freelancers
- Facilitated the distribution of free Antigen Rapid
Testing (ART) Kits to film production companies
specifically for unmasked screen talents

STAR Association Association - Represents the welfare of freelancers from the

events and entertainment industry
- Proposed a tiered relief scheme for its members
to benefit from a lower-level form of assistance as
part of the government’s Self-Employed Person
(SEP) Income Relief Scheme

SG Freelance Jobs Online -Provides an online network venue to share

Community/ information on job postings
Association

Viet Nam Viet Nam Freelance Online - Provides an online network venue to share
Developer Community/ information among Vietnamese freelance
Association developers

Source: Authors’ compilation

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Table A20. Information in the Eurofound’s platform economy initiatives

Information compiled

Advice and exchange Tools, educational documentation/resources on certain platforms, forum, and
projects supporting platform cooperatives

Awareness campaign/ Actions and campaigns of associations, unions, new platforms, worker-
information provision led collaboration of platform workers/researchers, institutes working on
platforms, and available datasets

Code of conduct and Memorandum on tax, code of good practice, collective agreement, bike
standards platforms, and declaration of principles related to the platform economy,

Industrial action Union resolutions on fair working conditions, issues raised over platform
workers’ rights, strikes, and data on worker resistance

Arbitration Rulings/judgments, decrees

Legislation Ratification of decrees, regulation in the transport sector, amendments to

road transport legislation, update of code of practice, tax reforms to include
digital platform businesses, strategies on sharing economy, laws for riders,
and definition of electronic platforms,

Taxation Taxation rules

Negotiation of working Resolutions on fair working conditions, protests, platforms’ pledge to set new
conditions social standards, collective agreements between platforms and trade unions,
assembly of workers that organise protests, organisation that mobilises
workers, and councils that negotiate agreements

Organising/representing Associations of platforms, business associations that promote digitisation,

platforms knowledge, and networking platforms for stakeholders in the sharing
economy

Organising/representing Unions, societies, associations, cooperatives, a federation of cooperatives, and

workers international cooperation

Provision of insurance and Unions dedicated to fighting for dignified working conditions, and platform
social protection cooperatives

Training Platforms, skills required, and training provided

Ratings and reputation Projects of various stakeholders to rate platforms, rules of behaviour, and user
system guidelines,
Source: Authors’ summary based on [Link] Accessed May 17, 2022

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 181
 Table A21. Examples of digital sites used by ASEAN to the COVID-19 crisis

Brunei Darussalam BruHealth (self-reporting)

Cambodia [Link] (support for decision-making)
Indonesia Pikobar (communication)
Siap Tanggap (support for decision-making)
Ur-scape (support for decision-making)
PeduliLindungi
Malaysia E-bazaar Melaka (economic recovery)
Gerak Malaysia (contact tracing)
Kita2Kita (aid distribution)
MySejahtera (contact tracing)
MyTrace (contact tracing)
PGCare (contact tracing)
SabahTrace (contact tracing)
SeLangkah (contact tracing)
The Philippines Smart Infocast (communication)
Singapore COVID-19 WhatsApp [Link] (communication)
Safe Distance @ Parks (behavior change)
Safe Entry (contact tracing)
Space Out (behavior change)
TraceTogether (contact tracing)
Thailand SydeKick (self-reporting)
Viet Nam COMOKIT (support for decision-making)
BlueZone (contact tracing)
Source: Clavier and Ghesquiere (2021)

182
11.2. Linking platform use to structural transformation to
employment
The Online Labour Index (OLI) provides a tracking of the workers who are active in major online labour
platforms across different countries around the world, thus allowing the exploration of the various types of
labour supply across the world. In gathering the database, the number of major OLPs has been changing
from time to time as well as the number of countries that have increased their share of transactions within
the labour platforms. The share of workers engaged in OLP in each country has been calculated from
varying samples of platforms, allowing for the estimation of the growing or declining participation of AMS
in online labour platforms. The worker shares seem to be a more appropriate measure, instead of the
number of workers in OLP, since the online labour market is not limited to the local economy but to the
expanding global market. In this case, the prospect of obtaining a platform job is also taken into account.

To investigate link between platform traffic and structural and labour transformation, we consider the
following equation:

(A.1)

where is the share in use of the platform of the country, c, at year, t. The variable, ,
is the vector of determinants of platform for a given country, including the shares of economic shares to
total GDP, the share of women participating in the labour force, the gross capital formation and human
development index. All these factors are expected to be associated with the use of the platform economy
especially because workers assess these factors which affect the region’s wage distribution. Furthermore,
given the limited number of observations, the model is restricted to only a few determinants.

Because of various unobserved cross-country shocks, such as news of international outbreaks or scientific
knowledge of the virus, yearly fixed-effects, , and for time-invariant unobserved characteristics of areas
and countries, like existing levels of income, health care, or infrastructure, with country fixed effects,
are included in the model. The latter are important, as many of these characteristics are likely to be
correlated with platform use across countries. Further confounders that may vary at the country-year
level, such as increased broadband infrastructure, are difficult to control since data are usually unavailable.
Furthermore, country-year fixed effects will not permit the estimate the coefficient for the specific policy
variables (as these would be correlated with the other included variables). However, most of these omitted
drivers tend to evolve slowly, thus minimizing the effect of these confounding factors. Finally, is the
error term. Considering that a lot of these factors are unobserved, the model will be estimated using the
fixed effects model, with standard errors adjusted for country level clustering to account for heterogeneity
within each country.

Because unemployment and platform use are both affected by the same unobserved variables affecting
workers, there is a need to estimate the effect of platform use on unemployment by using an instrumental
variable for platform use that is purged of the error terms. Using estimates in (A.1), platform worker shares
can be predicted using the observed factors. This becomes an instrumental variable that takes on the same
variance as the actual platform despite eliminating the effects of unobserved factors. Using this two-stage
approach, the following specific model can be estimated.

(A.2)

where is the predicted value of platform share using (A.1). The rest of the variables are
used to control for other key factors that will affect the unemployment, over and above their impact on
platform use.

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The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 183
 In this specification, an interactive term for platform share and gross domestic capital formation (GDCF) is
included. The primary value of this analysis is that, conditional on validating the parallel trends assumption
between these variables by estimating period-by-period dynamic difference-indifference coefficients, it
enables the assessment of the dynamics of changes in unemployment rates caused by platforms following
the increases in platform infrastructure as captured in the GDCF. Given that effectiveness of platform
usage is highly correlated with the quality of infrastructure in the country across time, there is a need to
separate the impact of these variables from each other. By controlling the time-varying effects of GDCF
and its interaction with platform usage, the coefficient reflects the changes in the unemployment that
can be attributed to platform shares of the country. This coefficient is thus interpreted as the change in
unemployment due to platform shares conditional on the provision of physical infrastructure,

A similar interactive term is also introduced in (A.1) where women labour force participation is interacted by
HDI to measure the parallel trends between labour participation and human capital investment. Countries
with higher women labour force participation is expected to also have high HDI. In order to disentangle
the effect of women labour force engagement on the use of labour online traffic, the variable needs to be
measured conditional on HDI.

184
 ASEAN Employment Outlook
The Quest for Decent Work in Platform Economy: Issues, Opportunities and Ways Forward 185