Victimology
Victimology
1
INTRODUCTION TO
te
bu
VICTIMOLOGY
tri
is
rd
WHAT IS VICTIMOLOGY?
,o
st
The term victimology is not new. In fact, Benjamin Mendelsohn first used it in 1947 to
describe the scientific study of crime victims. Victimology is often considered a subfield of
po
criminology, and the two fields do share much in common. Just as criminology is the study
of criminals—what they do, why they do it, and how the criminal justice system responds to
them—victimology is the study of victims. Victimology, then, is the study of the etiology (or
y,
causes) of victimization, its consequences, how the criminal justice system accommodates and
op
assists victims, and how other elements of society, such as the media, deal with crime victims.
Victimology is a science; victimologists use the scientific method to answer questions about
victims. For example, instead of simply wondering or hypothesizing why younger people are
tc
more likely to be victims than are older people, victimologists conduct research to attempt to
identify the reasons why younger people seem more vulnerable.
no
As previously mentioned, the term victimology was coined in the mid-1900s. Crime was,
of course, occurring prior to this time; thus, people were being victimized long before the
scientific study of crime victims began. Even though they were not scientifically studied,
victims were recognized as being harmed by crime, and their role in the criminal justice
process has evolved over time.
Before and throughout the Middle Ages (about the 5th through the 16th century), the
burden of the justice system, informal as it was, fell on the victim. When a person or property
was harmed, it was up to the victim and the victim’s family to seek justice. This was typically
te
and victim was stressed. Notice that the early response to crime centered on the victim, not
the state. This focus on the victim continued until the Industrial Revolution, when criminal
bu
law shifted to considering crimes violations against the state rather than the victim. Once the
victim ceased to be seen as the entity harmed by the crime, the victim became secondary.
tri
Although this shift most certainly benefited the state—by allowing it to collect fines and
monies from these newly defined harms—the victim did not fare as well. Instead of being the
is
focus, the crime victim was effectively excluded from the formal aspects of the justice system.
rd
Since then, this state-centered system has largely remained in place, but attention—at least
from researchers and activists—returned to the crime victim during the 1940s. Beginning in
this time period, concern was shown for the crime victim, but this concern was not entirely
,o
sympathetic. Instead, scholars and others became preoccupied with how the crime victim
contributes to his or her own victimization. Scholarly work during this time period focused
st
not on the needs of crime victims but on identifying to what extent victims could be held
responsible for being victimized. In this way, the damage that offenders cause was ignored.
po
Instead, the ideas of victim precipitation, victim facilitation, and victim provocation emerged.
y,
Although the field of victimology has largely moved away from simply investigating how much
a victim contributes to his or her own victimization, the first forays into the study of crime
no
victims were centered on such investigations. In this way, the first studies of crime victims
did not portray victims as innocents who were wronged at the hands of an offender. Rather,
concepts such as victim precipitation, victim facilitation, and victim provocation developed
o
from these investigations. Victim precipitation is defined as the extent to which a victim is
D
responsible for his or her own victimization. The concept of victim precipitation is rooted
in the notion that, although some victims are not at all responsible for their victimization,
other victims are. In this way, victim precipitation acknowledges that crime victimization
involves at least two people—an offender and a victim—and that both parties are acting and
often reacting before, during, and after the incident. Identifying victim precipitation does not
necessarily lead to negative outcomes. It is problematic, however, when it is used to blame the
victim while ignoring the offender’s role.
Similar to victim precipitation is the concept of victim facilitation. Victim facilitation
occurs when a victim unintentionally makes it easier for an offender to commit a crime.
2 n Victimology
te
who facilitated her
own victimization.
bu
This woman is not
blameworthy—the offender should not steal, regardless of whether the purse is in plain view
tri
or not. But the victim’s actions certainly made her a likely target and made it easy for the
offender to steal her purse. Unlike precipitation, facilitation helps understand why one person
is
may be victimized over another but does not connote blame and responsibility.
rd
Contrast victim facilitation with victim provocation. Victim provocation occurs when
a person does something that incites another person to commit an illegal act. Provocation
suggests that without the victim’s behavior, the crime would not have occurred. Provocation,
,o
then, most certainly connotes blame. In fact, the offender is not at all responsible. An example
of victim provocation would be if a person attempted to mug a man who was walking home
st
from work and the man, instead of willingly giving the offender his wallet, pulled out a gun
and shot the mugger. The offender in this scenario ultimately is a victim, but he would not
po
have been shot if not for attempting to mug the shooter. The distinctions between victim
precipitation, facilitation, and provocation, as you probably noticed, are not always clear-cut.
y,
These terms were developed, described, studied, and used in somewhat different ways in the
mid-1900s by several scholars.
op
tc
On November 5, 2013, two armed robbers entered a shot both of the robbers in the chest. Both of the robbers
Reading, Pennsylvania, convenience store and stole were pronounced dead at the scene. What do you think
D
cash, cigarettes, and lottery tickets. They got more than about this incident? Was the man justified in shooting
they bargained for! After leaving the store with their the robbers? Was this victim facilitation? Precipitation?
loot, a friend of the owner of the store confronted them, Provocation? What do you think about one of the friends
and the two robbers then raised their gun at him. In of the robbers who said, “they should have thought about
response, the man then pulled out his own weapon and this before going”?
Source: Adapted from Bayliss, K., & Chang, D. (2013, November 5). Man shoots, kills 2 armed robbers: Police. [Link]
news/local/[Link].
te
increase victimization risk. He considered that victims may provoke victimization—acting
as agents provocateurs—based on their characteristics. He argued that crime victims could
bu
be placed into one of 13 categories based on their propensity for victimization: (1) young;
(2) females; (3) old; (4) immigrants; (5) depressed; (6) mentally defective/deranged; (7) the
tri
acquisitive; (8) dull normals; (9) minorities; (10) wanton; (11) the lonesome and heartbroken;
(12) tormentor; and (13) the blocked, exempted, and fighting. All these victims are targeted
is
and contribute to their own victimization because of their characteristics. For example, the
rd
young, the old, and females may be victimized because of their ignorance or risk taking,
or may be taken advantage of, such as when women are sexually assaulted. Immigrants,
,o
minorities, and dull normals are likely to be victimized due to their social status and inability
to activate assistance in the community. The mentally defective or deranged may be victimized
because they do not recognize or appropriately respond to threats in the environment. Those
st
who are depressed, acquisitive, wanton, lonesome, or heartbroken may place themselves in
po
situations in which they do not recognize danger because of their mental state, their sadness
over a lost relationship, their desire for companionship, or their greed. Tormentors are people
who provoke their own victimization via violence and aggression toward others. Finally, the
y,
blocked, exempted, and fighting victims are those who are enmeshed in poor decisions and
unable to defend themselves or seek assistance if victimized. An example of such a victim is a
op
person who is blackmailed because of his behavior, which places him in a precarious situation
if he reports the blackmail to the police (Dupont-Morales, 2009).
tc
Benjamin Mendelsohn
no
Known as the “father of victimology,” Benjamin Mendelsohn coined the term for this area of
study in the mid-1940s. As an attorney, he became interested in the relationship between the
o
victim and the criminal as he conducted interviews with victims and witnesses and realized
D
that victims and offenders often knew each other and had some kind of existing relationship.
He then created a classification of victims based on their culpability, or the degree of the
victim’s blame. His classification entailed the following:
1. Completely innocent victim: a victim who bears no responsibility at all for victimization;
victimized simply because of his or her nature, such as being a child
2. Victim with minor guilt: a victim who is victimized due to ignorance; a victim who
inadvertently places himself or herself in harm’s way
4 n Victimology
te
Mendelsohn’s classification emphasized degrees of culpability, recognizing that some
victims bear no responsibility for their victimization, while others, based on their behaviors or
bu
actions, do.
tri
Stephen Schafer
is
One of the earliest victimologists, Stephen Schafer (1968) wrote The Victim and His Criminal: A
rd
Study in Functional Responsibility. Much like von Hentig and Mendelsohn, Schafer also proposed
a victim typology. Using both social characteristics and behaviors, his typology places victims
in groups based on how responsible they are for their own victimization. In this way, it includes
,o
facets of von Hentig’s typology based on personal characteristics and Mendelsohn’s typology
rooted in behavior. He argued that people have a functional responsibility not to provoke others
st
into victimizing or harming them and that they also should actively attempt to prevent that from
occurring. He identified seven categories and labeled their levels of responsibility as follows:
po
6. Self-victimizing—total responsibility
7. Political victims—no responsibility
o
D
Marvin Wolfgang
The first person to empirically investigate victim precipitation was Marvin Wolfgang (1957) in
his classic study of homicides occurring in Philadelphia from 1948 to 1952. He examined some
558 homicides to see to what extent victims precipitated their own deaths. In those instances
in which the victim was the direct, positive precipitator in the homicide, Wolfgang labeled the
incident as victim precipitated. For example, the victim in such an incident would be the first to
brandish or use a weapon, the first to strike a blow, or the first to initiate physical violence. He
found that 26% of all homicides in Philadelphia during this time period were victim precipitated.
te
victims and that the victim was likely
most influential
to have a history of violent offending
bu
criminologists
himself. Alcohol was also likely to
in the English-
play a role in victim-precipitated
speaking world
tri
homicides, which makes sense,
(Kaufman, 1998).
especially considering that Wolfgang
is
determined these homicides often
rd
started as minor altercations that
escalated to murder.
Since Wolfgang’s study of victim-precipitated homicide, others have expanded his
,o
definition to include felony-related homicide and subintentional homicide. Subintentional
homicide occurs when the victim facilitates his or her own demise by using poor judgment,
st
placing himself or herself at risk, living a risky lifestyle, or using alcohol or drugs. Perhaps not
surprising, a study of subintentional homicide found that as many as three-fourths of victims
po
Menachem Amir
op
The crime of rape is not immune from victim-blaming today, and it certainly has not
been in the past either. Menachem Amir, a student of Wolfgang’s, conducted an empirical
tc
no
FOCUS ON RESEARCH
o
D
Even though the first study examining victim precipitation 48.9% (n = 438) were victim precipitated. They further
and homicide was published in 1957, this phenomenon found that homicides in which the victim had a previous
is being examined in contemporary times as well. In history of offending were more likely to be victim
recent research examining 895 homicides that occurred precipitated than homicides in which the victim had no
in Dallas, Texas, Muftić and Hunt (2013) found that such history.
Source: Adapted from Muftić, L. R., & Hunt, D. E. (2013). Victim precipitation: Further understanding the linkage between victimization and offending
in homicide. Homicide Studies, 17, 239–254.
6 n Victimology
te
in terms of how women should behave sexually. He may then choose to rape her because of
his misguided view of how women should act, because he thinks she deserves it, or because
bu
he thinks she has it coming to her. Amir’s study was quite controversial—it was attacked for
blaming victims, namely women, for their own victimization. As you will learn in Chapter 8,
tri
rape and sexual assault victims today still must overcome this view that women (since such
victims are usually female) are largely responsible for their own victimization.
is
rd
THE HISTORY OF VICTIMOLOGY:
THE VICTIMS’ RIGHTS MOVEMENT
,o
Beyond the attention victims began to get based on how much they contributed to their own
victimization, researchers and social organizations started to pay attention to victims and their
st
plight during the mid-1900s. This marked a shift in how victims were viewed not only by the
public but also by the criminal justice system. As noted, scholars began to examine the role of
po
the victim in criminal events, but more sympathetic attention was also given to crime victims,
largely as an outgrowth of other social movements.
y,
op
Even though the field of Victimology has moved beyond murder are not known, it is believed that Husbands and
the early typologies put forth by von Hentig and others, Hassan were members of a gang, known as Sic Thugs.
victimology still is concerned with victim precipitation, Husbands had previously been attacked by Hassan and
o
provocation, and facilitation. Consider the case of other members of Sic Thugs. He was tied up with duct
D
Ahmed Hassan, a 24-year-old man, who was shot and tape and tortured in a bathtub in an empty public-
killed at a Toronto, Canada, shopping mall on June 2, housing apartment. According to the typologies you have
2012. Christopher Husbands, aged 23, shot him and learned about, how did Hassan contribute, if at all, to his
injured six others. Although the exact motives behind the own victimization?
Source: Adapted from Mertl, S. (2012, June 12). Toronto Eaton Centre shooting shines light on Canada’s gang problem. The Daily Brew. Retrieved
from [Link]
te
made known to the police, whereas the National Crime Survey relied on victims to recall
their own experiences. Further, victims were asked in the survey whether they reported
bu
their victimization to the police and, if not, why they chose not to report. For the first time, a
picture of victimization emerged, and this picture was far different than previously depicted.
tri
Victimization was more extensive than originally thought, and the reluctance of victims to
report was discovered. This initial data collection effort did not occur in a vacuum. Instead,
is
several social movements were underway that further moved crime victims into the collective
rd
American consciousness.
subjugation of women, the women’s movement took on as part of its mission helping female
victims of crime. Feminists were, in part, concerned with how female victims were treated by
the criminal justice system and pushed for victims of rape and domestic violence to receive
y,
special care and services. As a result, domestic violence shelters and rape crisis centers started
op
appearing in the 1970s. Closely connected to the women’s movement was the push toward
giving children rights. Not before viewed as crime victims, children were also identified as
being in need of services, as they could be victims of child abuse, could become runaways, and
tc
could be victimized in much the same ways as older people. The effects of victimization on
children were, at this time, of particular concern.
no
Three critical developments arose from the recognition of women and children as victims and
from the opening of victims’ services devoted specifically to them. First, the movement brought
awareness that victimization often entails emotional and mental harm, even in the absence of
o
physical injury. To address this harm, counseling for victims was advocated. Second, the criminal
D
justice system was no longer relied on to provide victims with assistance in rebuilding their
lives, thus additional victimization by the criminal justice system could be lessened or avoided
altogether. Third, because these shelters and centers relied largely on volunteers, services were
able to run and stay open even without significant budgetary support (Young & Stein, 2004).
8 n Victimology
CONTRIBUTIONS OF
te
THE VICTIMS’ RIGHTS MOVEMENT
We will discuss the particulars of programs and services available for crime victims today in
bu
Chapter 6, but to understand the importance of the victims’ rights movement, its contributions
should be outlined.
tri
Early Programs for Crime Victims
is
In the United States, the first crime victims’ compensation program was started in California
rd
in 1965. Victim compensation programs allow for victims to be financially compensated for
uncovered costs resulting from their victimization. Not long after, in 1972, the first three
,o
victim assistance programs in the nation, two of which were rape crisis centers, were founded
by volunteers. The first prototypes for what today are victim/witness assistance programs
st
housed in district attorneys’ offices were funded in 1974 by the Federal Law Enforcement
Assistance Administration. These programs were designed to notify victims of critical dates
po
in their cases and to create separate waiting areas for victims. Some programs began to make
social services referrals for victims, providing them with input on criminal justice decisions
that involved them, such as bail and plea bargains, notifying them about critical points in
y,
their cases—not just court dates—and going to court with them. Victim/witness assistance
op
With women and children victims and their needs at the forefront of the victims’ rights
no
movement, other crime victims found that special services were not readily available to them.
One group of victims whose voices emerged during the 1970s was persons whose loved ones
had been murdered—called secondary victims. After having a loved one become a victim of
o
homicide, many survivors found that people around them did not know how to act or how to
D
help them. As one woman whose son was murdered remarked, “I soon found that murder is a
taboo subject in our society. I found, to my surprise, that nice people apparently just don’t get
killed” (quoted in Young & Stein, 2004, p. 5). In response to the particular needs of homicide
survivors, Families and Friends of Missing Persons was organized in 1974 and Parents of
Murdered Children was formed in 1978. Mothers Against Drunk Driving was formed in 1980.
These groups provide support for their members and others but also advocate for laws and policy
changes that reflect the groups’ missions. The National Organization for Victim Assistance was
developed in 1975 to consolidate the purposes of the victims’ movement and eventually to hold
national conferences and provide training for persons working with crime victims.
te
1. Federal legislation to fund state victim compensation programs and local victim
bu
assistance programs
tri
2. Recommendations to criminal justice professionals and other professionals about how to
better treat crime victims
is
3. Creation of a task force on violence within families
rd
4. An amendment to the U.S. Constitution to provide crime victims’ rights (yet to be
passed)
,o
As part of the first initiative, the Victims of Crime Act (1984) was passed and created the
st
Office for Victims of Crime in the Department of Justice and established the Crime Victims
Fund, which provides money to state victim compensation and local victim assistance
po
programs. The Crime Victims Fund and victim compensation are discussed in detail in
Chapter 6. The Victims of Crime Act was amended in 1988 to require victim compensation
eligibility to include victims of domestic violence and drunk-driving accidents. It also
y,
Legislation and policy continued to be implemented through the 1980s and 1990s. The
Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, passed in 1994 by Congress, included the
tc
Violence Against Women Act. This law provides funding for research and for the development
of professional partnerships to address the issues of violence against women. Annually, the
attorney general reports to Congress the status of monies awarded under the act, including
no
the amount of money awarded and the number of grants funded. The act also mandates that
federal agencies engage in research specifically addressing violence against women.
o
In 1998, a publication called New Directions From the Field: Victims’ Rights and Services for
the 21st Century was released by then attorney general Janet Reno and the Office for Victims
D
of Crime. This publication reviewed the status of the recommendations and initiatives put
forth by President Reagan’s task force. It also identified some 250 new recommendations for
victims’ rights, victim advocacy, and services. Also integral, during the 1990s, the federal
government and many states implemented victims’ rights legislation that enumerated specific
rights to be guaranteed to crime victims. These rights will be discussed in detail in Chapter
6, but some basic rights typically afforded to victims include the right to be present at trial, to
be provided a waiting area separate from the offender and people associated with the offender
during stages of the criminal justice process, to be notified of key events in the criminal justice
10 n Victimology
te
VICTIMOLOGY TODAY
bu
Today, the field of victimology covers a wide range of topics, including crime victims, causes of
victimization, consequences of victimization, interaction of victims with the criminal justice
tri
system, interaction of victims with other social service agencies and programs, and prevention
of victimization. Each of these topics is discussed throughout the text. As a prelude to the text,
is
a brief treatment of the contents is provided in the following subsections.
rd
The Crime Victim
,o
To study victimization, one of the first things victimologists needed to know was who was
victimized by crime. In order to determine who victims were, victimologists looked at official
st
data sources—namely, the Uniform Crime Reports—but found them to be imperfect sources
po
for victim information because they do not include detailed information on crime victims.
As a result, victimization surveys were developed to determine the extent to which people
were victimized, the typical characteristics of victims, and the characteristics of victimization
y,
incidents. The most widely cited and used victimization survey is the National Crime
Victimization Survey (NCVS), which is discussed in detail in Chapter 2.
op
From the NCVS and other victimization surveys, victimologists discovered that
victimization is more prevalent than originally thought. Also, the “typical” victim was
tc
identified—a young male who lives in urban areas. This is not to say that other people are not
victimized. In fact, children, women, and older people are all prone to victimization. These
no
groups are discussed in detail in later chapters. In addition, victimologists have uncovered other
vulnerable groups. Homeless individuals, persons with mental illness, disabled persons, and
prisoners, all have been recognized as deserving of special attention given their victimization
o
Costs of Victimization
Victimologists are particularly interested in studying victims of crime because of the mass
costs they often incur. These costs of victimization can be tangible, such as the cost of stolen
or damaged property or the costs of receiving treatment at the emergency room, but they
te
can also be harder to quantify. Crime victims may experience mental anguish or other more
bu
serious mental health issues such as posttraumatic stress disorder. Costs also include monies
spent by the criminal justice system preventing and responding to crime and monies spent to
assist crime victims. An additional consequence of victimization is fear of being a victim. This
tri
fear may be tied to the actual risk of being a victim or, as you will read about in Chapter 4,
is
with the other consequences of victimization.
rd
Recurring Victimization
An additional significant cost of victimization is the real risk of being victimized again that
,o
many victims face. Unfortunately, some victims do not suffer only a single victimization event
but, rather, are victimized again and, sometimes, again and again. In this way, a certain subset
st
of victims appears to be particularly vulnerable to revictimization. Research has begun to
po
describe which particular victims are at risk of recurring victimization. In addition, theoretical
explanations of recurring victimization have been proffered. The two main theories used
to explain recurring victimization are state dependence and risk heterogeneity. Recurring
y,
with the criminal justice system. As is discussed in detail in Chapter 4, many persons who are
victimized by crime do not report their experiences to the police. The reasons victims choose
no
to remain silent, at least in terms of not calling the police, are varied but often include an
element of suspicion and distrust of the police. Some victims worry that police will not take
them seriously or will not think what happened to them is worth the police’s time. Others
o
may be worried that calling the police will effectively invoke a system response that cannot
D
be erased or stopped, even when the victim wishes not to have the system move forward. An
example of such a victim is one who does not want to call the police after being hit by her
partner because she fears the police will automatically and mandatorily arrest him. Whatever
the reason, without a report, the victim will not activate the formal criminal justice system,
which will preclude an arrest and also may preclude the victim from receiving victim services
explicitly tied to reporting.
When victims do report, they then enter the world of criminal justice, a world in which
they are often seen as witnesses rather than victims, given that the U.S. criminal justice system
12 n Victimology
te
the criminal justice system so that victim satisfaction can be maximized and any additional
harm caused to the victim can be minimized. The criminal justice response will be discussed
bu
throughout this text, especially since different victim types have unique experiences
with the police.
tri
is
The Crime Victim and Social Services
The criminal justice system is not the only organization with which crime victims may
rd
come into contact. After being victimized, victims may need medical attention. As a
result, emergency medical technicians, hospital and doctor’s office staff, nurses, doctors,
,o
and clinicians may all be persons with whom victims interact. Although some of these
professionals will have training or specialize in dealing with victims, others may not treat
st
victims with the care and sensitivity they need. To combat this, sometimes victims will have
persons from the police department or prosecutor’s office with them at the hospital to serve
po
as mediators and provide counsel. Also to aid victims, many hospitals and clinics now have
sexual assault nurse examiners, who are specially trained in completing forensic and health
exams for sexual assault victims.
y,
In addition to medical professionals, mental health clinicians also often serve victims, as
op
large numbers of victims seek mental health services after being victimized. Beyond mental
health care, victims may use the services of social workers or other social service workers.
tc
But not all persons with whom victims interact as a consequence of being victimized are part
of social service agencies accustomed to serving victims. Crime victims may seek assistance
from insurance agents and repair and maintenance workers. Crime victims may need special
no
accommodations from their employers or schools. In short, being victimized may touch
multiple aspects of a person’s life, and agencies, businesses, and organizations alike may
o
find themselves in the position of dealing with the aftermath, one to which they may not
be particularly attuned. The more knowledge people have about crime victimization and its
D
Prevention
Knowing the extent to which people are victimized, who is likely targeted, and the reasons
why people are victimized can help in the development of prevention efforts. To be effective,
prevention programs and policies need to target the known causes of victimization. Although
the offender is ultimately responsible for crime victimization, it is difficult to change offender
te
can change them. For example, since routine activities and lifestyles theories identify daily
routines and risky lifestyles as being key risk factors for victimization, people should attempt to
bu
reduce their risk by making changes they are able to make. Other theories and risk factors related
to victimization should also be targeted (these are discussed in Chapter 2). Because different
tri
types of victimization have different risk factors—and, therefore, different risk-reduction
strategies—prevention will be discussed in each chapter that deals with a specific victim type.
is
As victimology today focuses on the victim, the causes of victimization, the consequences
rd
associated with victimization, and how the victim is treated within and outside the criminal
justice system, this text will address these issues for the various types of crime victims. In this
way, each chapter that deals with specific types of victimization—such as sexual victimization
,o
and intimate partner violence—will include an overview of the extent to which people are
victimized, who is victimized, why they are victimized, the outcomes of being victimized, and
st
the services provided to and challenges faced by victims. The specific remedies in place for
crime victims are discussed in each chapter and also in a stand-alone chapter.
po
y,
op
SUMMARY
tc
• The field of victimology originated in the early to mid-1900s, with the first victimologists attempting to identify how
victims contribute to their own victimization. To this end, the concepts of victim precipitation, victim facilitation, and
no
• Marvin Wolfgang and Menachem Amir conducted the first empirical examinations of victim precipitation. Wolfgang
D
studied homicides in Philadelphia, and Amir focused on forcible rapes. Wolfgang found that 26% of homicides were
victim precipitated. Amir concluded that 19% of forcible rapes were precipitated by the victim.
• The victims’ rights movement gained momentum during the 1960s. It was spurred by the civil rights and women’s
movements. This time period saw the recognition of children and women as victims of violence. The first victim
services agencies were developed in the early 1970s.
• The victims’ rights movement influenced the development of multiple advocacy groups, such as Mothers Against Drunk
Driving, Families and Friends of Missing Persons, and Parents of Murdered Children.
14 n Victimology
te
bu
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
tri
1. Compare and contrast victim precipitation, victim 4. How does the victims’ rights movement
facilitation, and victim provocation. correspond to the treatment of offenders and
is
rights afforded to offenders?
2. Why do you think the first explorations into
rd
victimization in terms of explaining why people are 5. Does examining victim behavior when attempting
victimized centered not on offender behavior but to identify causes of victimization lead to victim
3.
on victim behavior?
What are the reasons behind labeling crimes as
,o blaming? Is it wrong to consider the role of the
victim?
st
acts against the state rather than against victims?
po
KEY TERMS
y,
INTERNET RESOURCES
An Oral History of the Crime Victim Assistance Field Video and Audio Archive ([Link]
This website contains information from the Victim Oral History Project, intended to capture the development
and evolution of the crime victims’ movement. You will find video clips of interviews with more than 50 persons
critical to this movement, in which they discuss their contributions to and perspectives of the field.
te
The American Society of Victimology ([Link]
bu
This organization advances the discipline of victimology by promoting evidence-based practices and providing
leadership in research and education. The website contains information about victimology and victimologists.
This organization looks at advancements in victimology through research, practice, and teaching.
tri
is
rd
,o
st
po
y,
op
tc
no
o
D
16 n Victimology