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of English and Germanic Philology?January
Journal
? 1986 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois
MAIDEN WARRIORS
2
See especially Vern L. Bullough, "Transvestites in the Middle Ages," American Jour
nal of Sociology, 79 (1974), 1381?94; John Anson, "The Female Transvestite in Early
Monasticism: The Origin and Development of a Motif," Viator, 5 (1974), 1? 32; Max
Gluckman, Order and Rebellion in Tribal Africa (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1963),
introduction and Ch. 3, and Victor Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure
(Chicago: Aldine, 1969), Chs. 3?5.
3
Natalie Zemon Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford: Stanford
Univ. Press, 1975), Ch. 5.
41 understand the maiden-warrior theme to be a subtype of the shield-maiden
theme. The latter term is used loosely in the literature to refer to any and all women
who take up the sword or associate themselves with warfare or behave in un
merely
feminine ways, however briefly and for whatever reason. Other of the shield
subtypes
maiden include the valkyrie, the avenging mother, and the maiden n. 12 below).
king (see
Maiden Warriors and Other Sons 37
Bibliotheca
In Inger Boberg's Motif-Index of Early Icelandic Literature, Arnamagnaeana, 27
are listed under F565.1 "Amazons.
(Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1966), examples
Woman warriors. Icelandic: For a recent, general discussion, focused on
'skjaldmaer'."
ballads, see Lise Praestgaard Andersen, Skjoldm0er: En kvindemyte (n.p.: Gyldendal,
historians have yet to
1982); and Holmqvist-Larsen, M0er, skjoldm0er og krigere. Literary
take into consideration the scanty but provocative archaeological evidence for military
women in the Germanic world. See especially Alfred Dieck, "Germanische Kriegerin
nen: Literarische Erw?hnungen und Moorleichenfunde," Arch?ologisches Korrespon
denzblatt, Hilda R. Ellis Davidson, The Viking Road to Byzantium (Lon
5 (1975), 93?96;
don: George Allen & Unwin, 1976), pp. 114?15.
ins vitra I The Saga of
51 have used the dual-language edition Saga Hei?reks konungs
theWise, tr. and ed. Christopher Tolkien (London: Thomas Nelson & Sons,
KingHeidrek
bases his text on the R redaction, in the lacuna from U and sup
i960). Tolkien filling
the end from U/203. References to other fornaldarsogur are to the edition of
plying
Gu?ni J?nsson, Fomaldar s?gur Nor?urlanda, 4 vols. (Reykjavik: Islendingasagna?t
cited as FSN. Translations are my own unless other
g?fan, 1954; rpt. 1959), hereafter
wise indicated.
38 Clover
struggle with her dead father over the sword is a struggle for phallic
authority. Only when she comes to the point where she can have sons
of her own (in psychoanalytic terms the proper resolution of the phal
lic conflict) does she resign herself to femaleness. So neat an example
is Herv?r's story of what Freud termed the masculinity complex that
many readers will be tempted to let it stand there, as a crystalline
realization of a human universal.
But is it so clear-cut? If we keep in mind that Herv?r's story is not a
case history but a fictional projection, and that it stands not alone but
in a context of equivalent and linked plots, we may perceive her situa
in a
tion somewhat different light?a light more medieval than mod
ern, and more anthropological than psychoanalytic.
Hervarar saga ok Hei?reks is above all a narrative of genealogy
and inheritance. It tells, in the main, the story of five generations:
Arngrimr, who gets the sword Tyrfingr (depending on the version)
either through marriage to Sigrlami's or by
daughter slaying Sigrlami
and seizing sword and daughter; his son Angantyr, who inherits it
from Arngrimr; Hervor, who "inherits" it from her father Angantyr;
her son Hei?rekr, who inherits from Hervor; and finally his son Ang
antyr, who avenges his father's death and retrieves the sword from
his slayers.6 Tyrfingr is thus more than a sword, more than a phallic
symbol, and more than a device. It is the emblematic
literary binding
representation of the larger patrimony?not only treasures and lands,
but family name and ancestral spirit?that each must se
generation
cure for itself and pass on to the next. of course, is
By generation,
meant son or sons (or son- or at least in the
perhaps sons-in-law),
normal and preferable case. So it works in Hei?reks saga for four of
the five generations. It is in the third generation that the line breaks:
Arngrimr male
Angantyr male
Hervor female
Hei?rekr male
Angantyr male
marriage, and his pregnant wife gave birth to their one and only child.
In the absence of brothers (and in the absence of paternal uncles, who
were also slain, with Angantyr, on Samsey), Hervor thus stands as the
sole survivor of her father's illustrious line. Herv?r's own son Hei?rekr
will also be illustrious, of course, as will his son Angantyr. For better or
worse, then, the generation of Angantyr Arngrimsson and the gen
eration of Hei?rekr must, if they are to be linked at all, be linked
through Hervor, the sole representative of the intermediate genera
tion. Herein lies the root explanation of Herv?r's masculinity. So
powerful is the principle of male inheritance that when it necessarily
passes through the female, she must become, in legend if not in life, a
a
functional son. The saga itself says as much. "Equip me as you would
son," she says to her mother as she readies herself to leave home in the
when she
quest for her father's grave. And the first thing she does
confronts her dead father on Samsey is to state her relationship and
her claim: "Vaki ]du,Angantyr, / vekr |)ik Hervor, / eingad?ttir / ykkr
Sv?fu; / seldu ?r / hvassan maeki, / {Dann er Sigrlama / sl?gu
haugi
the names of her dead uncles and ancestors, she
dvergar." Chanting
threatens to curse the entire line if she is not acknowledged as proper
heir. To Angantyr's that what she wants, the sword Tyr
protestation
fingr,
was taken by his slayers, she responds: "Segir ?>u eigi satt i... I
trau?r ertu / arf at veita / eingabarni," at which point the barrow opens
and the flames blaze up. For his part, Angantyr repeatedly calls
her daughter, even as he relinquishes the sword and grants her the
are the legacy of Arngrimr's
strength (afl) and bold spirit (eljun) that
sons: "Far vel, d?ttir, / flj?tt gaefa ek ?>?r / t?lf manna fj?r / ef p? trua
maettir, / afl ok allt it / {^at er synir Arngr?ms / at sik
eljun, go?a,
leif?u."
what genetic notions underlie this and other genealogical
Just
stories in early Scandinavian literature is not clear, but I have the im
pression that the idea of latent or recessive features, physical or char
was undeveloped; inherited qualities seem to manifest
acterological,
themselves in some degree in every generation. The qualities that
now bestows as the "legacy of Arngrim's sons," afl and eljun,
Angantyr
are emphatically "male" qualities. They may ultimately be "intended"
for Herv?r's future sons and their sons on down the line (as Angantyr
himself points out) but in the meantime they must assert themselves in
Hervor herself (as indeed they already have). As Hervor turns to leave
the barrow, she utters a final stanza in which she blesses her father
and refers to herself as "between worlds" ( "heizt {r?ttumst n? / heima ?
millum, / er mik umhverfis / eldar brunnu"). Indeed she is between
worlds: as the genetic conduit between the dead father and the un
40 Clover
born son, she bridges the worlds of male and female, living and dead,
past and future. Only when she becomes fully nubile and hence ready
to bear a male heir on whom the ancestral legacy will be unloaded, as
it were, can Hervor withdraw from the male sphere and return to
the female one. But until she is ready to produce another "son of
Arngrimr," she must function, in the genealogical breach, as a "son of
herself.7 It is a performance on which the heroic stature
Arngrimr"
of her future son Hei?rekr, and of his sons and their sons, quite liter
ally depends.8
Hervor may be the most elaborately drawn functional son in Norse
literature, but she is by no means the only one. A similar story is
out on the mythological level who Snorri tells it)
played by Ska?i, (as
upon the death of her father I>jazi, "took helmet, byrnie, and a com
plete set of weapons and went to to avenge her father"
?sgarOr
("Ska?i, d?ttir I>jaza jotuns, t?k hj?lm ok brynju ok oil herv?pn ok
ferr til ?sgarOs at hefna fo?ur sins").9 She settles for a husband,
Njor?r, but the marriage founders on the question of where to live.
Njor?r wants to be near the sea, while Ska?i "wanted to have the
homestead her father had owned, in the mountains at the place called
Prymheimr" ("Ska?i vill hafa busta? J^ann er ?tt haf?i fa?ir hennar. I>at
er ? fjollum nokkurum, par sem heitir I>rymheimr").10 Snorri does not
say in so many words that Ska?i is a sole heir, but such is clearly im
plied by the fact that the task of vengeance and the paternal inheri
tance both devolve on her.
More explicit is the case of I>ornbj?rg in Hr?lfs saga Gautrekssonar.11
The only child of King Eirekr of Sweden and his wife ( "f)au h?f?u ?tt
eina d?ttur barna, s? er I>ornbj?rg h?t"), she spends her girlhood
pursuing the martial arts. When her father objects to her masculine
71 have confined myself here to those examples in which the genealogical breach is
either explicit or
unambiguously implied.
8
Melissa Berman (Senior Thesis, Harvard University, 1977) makes the point that
Herv?r's narrative stint is very much like those of her male ancestors and progeny. "In
every generation of the story, the problem of the hero's to is
relationship society
out the repeating folk pattern of the fatherless hero's maturation,
brought through
which seems always to involve an to deal with normal
inability society, manifested by
violence, unnatural acts, pride, and often, supernatural wisdom. These elements play a
part in each of the four [main generational] units in HSH" (p. 42). It might also be
out in this connection that in medieval medical thought, children were com
pointed
monly believed, as Vern L. Bullough put it, "to resemble their fathers if the paternal
seeds were stronger, the mother if the maternal ones were." ("Medieval Medical and
Scientific Views of Women," Marriage in theMiddle Ages, Viator, 4 (1973), 497.
9Edda Snorra Sturlusonar, ed. Finnur Jonsson (Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1931),
pp. 80?81 (here normalized).
10Edda Snorra
Sturlusonar, p. 30.
nFSNlV, esp. Chs. 4-5.
Maiden Warriors and Other Sons 41
interests, she replies: "N? me? pv? at p? hefir eigi meir en eins manns
l?f til r?kisstj?rnar ok ek er n? {ritt einberni ok ? alian arf eftir })ik, m?
vera, at ek {rnrfi {Detta r?ki at verja fyrir konungum e?a konungsso
num, ef ek missi pin vi?" (Ch. 4). Her father provides her with men
and lands; and she adopts male dress and name (I>orbergr) and is
known as king. At this point in the story (as in several of the other
cases), the warrior-maiden or functional-son theme with the
merges
maiden-king (meykongr) theme?the haughty woman who swears not
to marry and defeats or kills her suitors.12 The next several
chapters
are given over to the efforts, finally successful, of the hero Hr?lfr
Gautreksson to bend I>ornbj?rg to his will.
One of Saxo's several shield maidens is Ladgerda, whom Ragnar
encounters on his visit to Norway shortly after the
Shaggy-Breeks
death of King Sivard.13 Like other well-born Norwegian women,
Ladgerda has assumed male dress for self-protection. Ragnar does
not hesitate to make use of the military services of these female war
riors in his quest for vengeance, and Ladgerda in particular proves "a
skilled female fighter, who bore a man's temper in a girl's body; with
locks flowing loose over her shoulders she would do battle in the fore
front of the most valiant warriors" ("perita bellandi femina, quae
virilem in virgine animum gerens, immisso humeris capillitio, prima
inter promptissimos dimicabat"). Smitten with her (not least because
she singlehandedly wins his war), Ragnar makes inquiries and learns
that she is of high birth?indeed, is the daughter and sole survivor of
the dead king. The rest of the story has to do with her resistance to his
wooing (again the maiden-king motif) and their eventual marriage
and divorce. Their son Fridleif becomes Earl of Norway and Orkney.
The Saxonian digression on amazons that heads this essay is
prompted by the figure of Alfhild, who turns to male dress and the
military life to avoid marrying an unwanted suitor. There is no ques
tion of a surrogate son here, for Alfhild's father is alive and she has
two brothers. Her daughter Gyrid, however (for like other women of
the maiden-king type, Alfhild does marry), finds herself at the end of
a family line. "All these wars and critical events had so much
depleted
the Danish royal family," Saxo writes, "that eventually men realised it
had been reduced to one woman, Gyrid, daughter of Alf and grand
child of Sigar" ("Talia rerum bellorumque discrimina adeo regiam
12 are collected
Examples and discussed in Erik Wahlgren, The Maiden King in Iceland
(Diss., Univ. of Chicago, 1938). See also Boberg, Motif-Index, T311.4: "Maiden queen
to fight instead of marrying. She usually scorns or even kills her suitors or sets
prefers
them difficult tasks."
13Saxo, Book 9, pp. 251?54; Fisher, pp. 279-83.
42 Clover
point regents drawn from the populace, but when Gyrid saw that the
stock had dwindled to none but herself and there was no man
"royal
of equal rank for her to marry, she declared a self-imposed oath of
it preferable to forego a husband rather than
chastity, considering
select one from the rabble" ("Interea Alfi filia Guritha, cum regiam
ad se solam redactam animadverteret cui nu
stirpem neminemque,
beret, nobilitate haberet, votis voluntariam sibi cas
parem nuncupatis
timoniam indixit carere ex maritum as
concubituque quam plebe
ciscere satius
duxit").15 Gyrid's military Of
propensities Saxo says
until, years later, she dons male and enters a battle
nothing clothing
next to her son. This after-the-fact behavior might on first
glance
seem to qualify Gyrid as loyal mother rather than surrogate son; but if
we recall that Gyrid's mother too was a formidable warrior and that
the martial nature in general tends to be passed down in the female
line (witness Herv?r's granddaughter Hervor and Brynhildr's daugh
ter Aslaugr, both shield maidens in their own right),16 we can safely
assume that Gyrid was traditionally constituted as a maiden warrior
from the outset, Saxo's order of events
notwithstanding.
Finally is Brynhildr
there herself, whose story is too well known to
require summary here. Her case is, of course, greatly complicated by
her literary popularity, which has left us with differing versions of her
life and adventures. The picture that we get from the sources in gen
eral, and the V?lsunga saga harmonization in particular, is a contradic
tory one. She is on the one hand depicted as an independent woman
who lives in isolation, unencumbered by family of any kind; such a
would indeed seem fundamental to her story. She is on the
conception
other hand depicted as a woman with a number of relatives, including
a brother or brothers. According to Theodore M. Andersson, the for
mer Brynhildr is the original one; her family, he argues, is ersatz, cre
ated in a late "speculative attempt to domesticate her in the style of
other heroic stories" :
14
Saxo, Book 7, p. 200; Fisher, p. 219.
15Saxo, Book 7, p. 202; Fisher, p. 222.
16See Hervarar Ch. 9 of Hei?rekr] var
saga ok Hei?reks, ("H?n [Hervor, daughter
skjaldmaer ok faeddist upp ?Englandi me? Fro?mari jarli") and P?ttr af Ragnars sonum,
Ch. 2.
Maiden Warriors and Other Sons 43
ers. Gudrun must her sons Ham?ir and Sgrli to their deaths.
dispatch
Gunnarr must abandon his family to the bears and the wolves. Every
where the immediate social context of the family focuses the tragedy.
But Brynhild appears originally to have had no family. In Pidreks saga she
resides alone in a castle with her retainers. In the she is an
Nibelungenlied
on a remote island; the only of are
independent princess signs family
vague references to relatives in stanzas and and an adventitious
476 526
uncle to whom she entrusts her realm in stanza 523. In Icelandic litera
ture she does a a father BuSli, a brother Atli, a sister
acquire family:
Bekkhild, and a foster father Heimir. But here too she resides in a
apart,
tower or behind her flame wall, and the family looks like a late
magic
to domesticate her in the of other heroic
speculative attempt style
stories.17
If this is so, then we may posit that Brynhildr too was at some early
layer in her development construed as a warrior maiden like Ska?i or
Hervor or Eornbj?rg or Gyrid: the sole survivor who must function,
in the breach, as a son.
genealogical
20This discussion of sworn virgins is based mainly on Whitaker, "'A Sack for Carry
ing Things'" (see also his bibliography), and Durham, Some Tribal Origins, pp. 194?95
21
Durham, Some Tribal Origins, p. 195.
22 See The Unwritten Law of Albania,
especially Hasluck, pp. 219?55.
23 "'A Sack for Carrying
Whitaker, Things,'" p. 151.
24 "'A Sack for Carrying
Whitaker, Things,'" p. 151.
25 '"A Sack for Carrying
Whitaker, Things,'" p. 150.
Maiden Warriors and Other Sons 45
Let us pass over the first type of sworn virgin, the woman who re
jects marriage (although we cannot help noting her resemblance to
the maiden king), and turn instead to the woman who becomes a sur
rogate man for inheritance or feud purposes. What interests us here
is that the assumption of the male role is prompted, in both cases, by a
breach in the male line. Just how important the rule of father-son
inheritance was in Albania is suggested by the once-widespread prac
tice of levirate marriage there, whereby a man's widow was married by
her late husband's brother and also whereby the resulting children
might be credited to the dead brother, even though they be conceived
after his death.26 Better, to have a son who is not own,
evidently, your
or a son who is your than no son at all.
daughter,
An interesting question for our purposes, but unfortunately one to
which there appears to be no clear answer, is whether in reality these
sworn virgins keep to their vows or whether (like their Icelandic liter
ary sisters) they eventually marry and heirs of their own. In
produce
the case of the first category of male-women, the marriage-rejectors,
the potential of feud would seem to constitute a powerful deterrent to
eventual marriage (though even here at least one case of marriage has
been recorded).27 One might suppose that there would actually be an
incentive for the women to marry in the other two cases, for they
could then produce sons of their own and so restore the interrupted
line of inheritance, but on this the sources are, alas, We
point scanty.28
must content ourselves with the observation that there exists a Euro
in which, certain women under certain con
pean society traditionally,
ditions renounce the female role, and dress, arm, and them
comport
selves as men; and further, that a certain proportion of them do so
because they are brotherless and hence constrained to function as
sons in the central matters of the patrilineage: feud and inheritance.
The earliest
Icelandic legal codex, Gr?g?s, contains two schedules of
compensation for slayings: Baugatal and V?gsl?Oi. Baugatal, probably
the older of the two, divides the kindred into four tiers depending on
their relationship to the slain person. The first tier is of the
composed
near kinsmen of the slain person (father, son, brother, etc.) who are
26Durham, Some Tribal Origins, p. 74; Whitaker, "\A Sack for Carrying Things,'"
p. 151.
27 Some Tribal Origins, p. 195.
Durham,
28Whitaker, ("'A Sack for Carrying Things,'" p. 151?52) argues that the oath of
was understood to be permanently (it was performed in the church),
virginity binding
though he mentions cases in which it was broken.
46 Clover
required to pay (if they are the defendants) or collect (if they are the
plaintiffs) the main "ring" or lion's share of the wergild. Then comes
the next tier made up of less immediately related kinsmen with a
lesser share of the wergild, and so on. The extensive list, which ex
plores all possible permutations of payers and receivers, consists ex
clusively of men, with one exception:
S? er ok kona ein er ba??i skal baugi b ta ok taka efhon er einberni.
baug
En s? kona heitir En hon er d?ttir ins dau?a, enda s?
baugrygr. eigi
skap{)iggjandi til hofu?baugs en bcetendr lift, J)? skal hon taka J)rimerking
sem sonr, ef hon t?k at til pess er hon er
eigi full saetti v?gsb?tum gipt; enda
skulu fraendr taka. N? er hon d?ttir en er
?lengr veganda, engi skapbce
tendi til bcetendi til hofu?baugs, en vi?takendr s? til, \)? skal hon b ta
sem sonr til pess er hon k0mr ? vers hv?lu; en
primerkingi p? kastar hon
gjoldum ?kn? fraendum.29
(There is also one woman who is both to pay and to take a
wergild ring,
that she is an woman
given only child, and that is called
"ring lady." She who
takes is the of the dead man if no proper receiver of the main
daughter
ring otherwise exists but atonement payers are alive, and she takes the
three-mark
ring like a son, that she has not full settlement
given accepted
in for the and this until
she is married, but thereafter
compensation killing,
kinsmen take it. She who is the
pays of the killer if no proper
daughter
of the main
payer ring otherwise exists but receivers do, and then she is
to pay the three-mark like a son, and this until she enters a husband's bed
ring
and tosses the outlay into her kinsmen's
thereby lap.) Translation from
Laws Iceland: tr. Andrew Dennis, Peter Foote, Richard
of Early Gr?g?s,
Perkins Univ. of Manitoba Press, italics.
(Winnipeg: 1980), p. 181; my
29
Gr?g?s: Isl ndernes lovbog i fristatens tid, ed. Vilhj?lmur Finsen (Copenhagen:
Berling, 1852; rpt. Odense: Odense
Universitetsforlag, 1974), Vol. 1, pp. 200?01 (nor
malization and italics mine).
30 Law: "N? ver?r kona baugrygr,
Gulaping ver?r hon bae?i arfa o?als ok aura ok ?
engi ma?r undan henni at leysa . . . (32er eru baugrygjar tvaer d?ttir ok systir, |)aer skulu
baugum bceta ok sv? taka sem karlmenn, ok sv? eigu pxr boo ? jor?um jafnt sem
karlar. . . ." Law "N? er maer ein er baugrygr er kalla?r; hon skal bae?i
Frostaping
baugum bceta ok sv? taka, ef hon er einberni ok til arfs komin, \>3lt til
er hon setzk ?
br?Ost?l, \)? kastar hon gj?ldum aptr ?kn? fraendum, ok skal hon hv?rki s?Oan baugum
bceta n? taka. . . ." Text from Norges garnie love indtil 1387, ed. R. Keyser and P. A.
Munch (Oslo: C. Gr?ndahl, 1846), Vol. 1, pp. 92 and 184 respectively.
Maiden Warriors and Other Sons 47
31 to serve as plain
saga (Ch. 38), women
to Eyrbyggja once had the
According right
tiffs in court cases, but as the result of a botched ca. 992, they (and males
performance
under sixteen) were thenceforth debarred in that capacity.
32 is more male
The idea that the virgin than female?the idea, that is, that inter
course constructs the female?has a certain As Saint Jerome put it,
patristic authority.
mulier servit et liberis, hanc habet ad virum differentiam, quam cor
"Quamdiu partui
Sin autem Christo magis voluerit servir? quam saeculo, mulier esse
pus ad animam.
cessabit, et dicetur vir" ("As long as woman is for birth and children, she is different
from man as body is from soul. But if she wishes to serve Christ more than the world,
then she will cease to be a woman and will be called a man"). As cited in Vern L. Bullough,
"Medieval Medical and Scientific Views of Women," Marriage in theMiddle Ages, ed. John
Leyerle, Viator, 4 (1974), 499; see also pp. 497?501.
48 Clover
CONCLUSION
It is not without reason that the maiden warrior stories have been
classified as fantasy. They are for the most part found in "fictional"
sources; bear, in their of and
they patterned representation persons
events, the stigmata of folklore; and they are exaggerated to a greater
or lesser however, the "son" status of
degree. Baugatal, guarantees
certain women under the law, and
this piece of evidence, taken to
gether with the analogous examples from Albania, leads us to the
conclusion that while the tales may not be true as told, they are not
purely fictional, either. They are best understood as
imaginative
adumbrations of a social reality in which certain women, under cer
tain circumstances, became men for In other words:
legal purposes.
the maiden warrior tales spring from a feud society, like the Albanian
one, in which a brotherless daughter was constrained to function, in
the matters of the as a son.
patrilineage, surrogate
Whether such daughters also became masculine in dress and behav
ior is another question. It seems on the one hand inevitable that the
processes of legend would sooner or later conscript the woman who
was, like Hervor, genealogically sandwiched between heroic forebears
and heroic progeny: a female surrogate in the patrilineage would be
remembered as acting out the role, whether she actually did or not. On
the other hand, the lesson of the Albanian example is that the legal
role can be acted out on the social level?or perhaps that the legal role
implies the social role and is indistinguishable from it. Could this not
also have been the case in Iceland? The woman contemplated in the
woman who transacts and who,
Baugatal passage?the wergild by
Maiden Warriors and Other Sons 49
it. This essay began with a discussion of the fantastic quality of the
maiden warrior tales, so it is fitting to close it by suggesting that the
real fantasy here is the dream of female autonomy. In the end these
tales tell us less about daughters than they do about sons, and less
about female volition than about the power, in Norse society, of the
to bend legend and life to its intention.
patrilineal principle