INTRODUCTION

The Punjab was annexed to the British Indian Empire in 1849 and became

one of its provinces. The major communities in Punjab were Muslims,

Hindus and Sikhs. The western ideas, education and institutions came late

to this province.

The consolidation of British rule in India ushered in the need for

uniform legislation for both men and women. Inspired by the efforts of

several Indian social reformers, the British introduced series of laws which

directly affected many aspects of their lives. During the second half of the

nineteenth century, a number of socio-religious reform organizations and

movements were initiated to raise the socio- religious status of women in

the society as well as to make them politically conscious of their rights. The

spread of education among the members of both the sexes belonging to

different segments of the society had also exercised a fruitful influence in

stimulating the process of renovation.

The anti-imperialist struggles however encouraged many middle

class women to challenge and break out of all controls during the four

decades before independence. Women, young and old from all the

communities were involved in this great struggle. They went to jail,

sometimes with their babies and contributed to the programmes of

constructive work. While women from elite families got more visibility in the

freedom struggle and there is some record of their participation. It has to be

noted that there were thousands of women unacknowledged and virtually

unknown who sacrificed everything they had for the nation. To understand

1
varied methodological and theoretical prospective, approaches on the

question of women in Modern India may be categorized in three parts:

The Nationalist School (1940-1960) traces the history of the freedom

movement from the development of nationalism in 1885 to the partition of

India in 1947. They focused on the development of nationalism as a unified

and collective opposition of the Indian nation (especially English educated

middle class) against a common enemy represented by British Colonial

rule.1 But they resolved the ‘women question’ by the end of the 19th

Century.2 Elite leaders through the means of socio-religious movements

and education brought transformation not only in the position of women but

pave the way to form their own organizations and associations. By the time,

they became active participants in the ongoing freedom struggle of the

country.

The second approach is of the historians of the Cambridge School

(1960-1980). They viewed nationalist politics primarily in terms of the

British and Colonial elites.3 Colonial historians have narrated the civilizing

mission of the British as rescuing Indian women from their culture and
society.4 The Cambridge School reduced the overemphasis on and

glorification of the elite leaders and projected them as ‘middle man’.5 They

1 Suruchi Thapar - Bjorkert, Women in the National Movement: Unseen Faces and
Unheard Voices, 1930-42, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 2006, pp. 40-41.
2 Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid (eds.), Recasting Women: Essays in Colonial
History, Kali, Delhi, 1989, pp. 238-39.
3 Suruchi Thapar - Bjdrkert, op. cit., p. 41.
4 Geraldine Forbes, Women in Modern India, Cambridge University Press, New Delhi,
1996, p.2.
5 Suruchi Thapar - Bjorkert, op. cit., p. 41.
focused on social division, economic changes and their effects on society.

They ignored gender for a long time.

The third historical knowledge is which refers to itself has Subaltern

School (1970-80’s). The Subalterns focused on all non-elite colonial

subjects and articulated the stories of suppressed peoples. They have paid
some attention to women question too.6

The main aims of the present study are to explore various factors

due to which the women joined the ongoing freedom struggle in India and

took interest in various happenings related to war of liberation, and to

understand the role of Punjabi women in freedom struggle during various

phases of the national movement, their achievements and success in

obtaining their ultimate goal.

It is important to study and highlight the role of Punjabi women so as

to keep them alive in Indians’ mind and memory. Impressed and influenced

by the role of Punjabi women, society can be highly motivated, inspired and

charged to take up good cause of their nation; they can learn the lesson of

patriotism and unity; they can imbibe many high spirited moral values and

virtues including high sense of national pride; sacrificing personal interest

for the cause of national interest.

The present research work attempts to study the role of Punjabi

women in Indian struggle for independence. Their role may be well

recognized and due credit may be given to them which calls for

appreciation and applause from all corners including historical scholars.

6 Geraldine Forbes, op. cit., p.3.

3
The study of such women is a constant source of inspiration to our youth at

all times.

The literature reflecting various aspects of role, personality, status,

position and story of women can be divided broadly in two categories. The

first category, are those works which give detailed and biographical

references of prominent women of India and national moment. In the

second category, fall the biographical accounts of Punjabi women but with

specific time during the Gandhian period.

Among studies in first category a large number of books are

available which throw ample light on the position, place and status of the

women in the society and particularly deals with their literacy, violence

against them, dowry as a curse, tribal women, discrimination against

women and development schemes for their welfare but nothing has been

said about their role in the freedom movement of the country, what to say

about Punjab? Similarly, the works of Eleanor Morton (1954), R.C.

Majumdar (1963), Tara Chand (1965), Pattabhi Sitaramayya (1969), Bipan

Chandra (1970), Padmini Sengupta (1974), R.K. Sharma (1981), Asha

Rani Vohra (1984) and many more (titles of their works are given in the

bibliography) throw light on various phases of the freedom struggle at

length, but women’s role has not been highlighted even briefly in these

works.

Manmohan Kaur (1985) worked on role of women in the freedom

struggle from 1857-1947, but in this study too the role of women of Punjab

has not been comprehensively evaluated. Neither critical analysis is made

of the situation that led to the participation of women of the Punjab in the

4
freedom movement of India and nor the difficulties that they faced. Several

other aspects of the movement deserve much to the explained. In fact, her

work is based on the biographical details of prominent women of India.

Geraldine Forbes (1996) discussed women issues in details - efforts

to modernize, education for women, the emergence of women

organizations, the movement for women rights and women work in colonial

India. The author also discussed the role of women in the national

movement with a few references of Punjabi women. But it’s not a complete

study.

Here it is worth mentioning that these works mainly dealt with the

social reform movements and the national struggle for Independence.

Women of different regions of India have been mentioned but their

participation in details was not discussed.

In the second category of books which deals with Punjab, the review

of following important works has been made:

Manju Verma (1990) dealt in detail with the participation of women in

all the mass movements launched by Gandhi from 1919 to 1947. She

focused that the freedom struggle got a new direction and impetus under

the leadership of Gandhi. She highlighted the women of all the major

communities only. Her work is based primarily on primary sources.

However this work does not cover women from peasantry, working class

and lower class in details. The book adequately deals with women’s

participation in Gandhian mass movement from 1919-1947 only. The

author ignored the role of women in the Gurdwara Reform movement and

Babbar Akali movement. She talked about the selected revolutionary

5
activities of Punjab and gave biographical details of prominent women only.
She ignored the popular regional literature. The work ignored the history of

women before Gandhi came on the scene. The present study will prove

that both national and social reform movements marched side by side. It

may be said that the impact of the national movement on social reforms

and their relationship with the status of women along with the British effects

were the elements that brought transformation not only in the position of

women, but made them take active part in the ongoing freedom struggle of

the country, without which the history of the freedom struggle would not

have been completed.

Kamlesh Mohan (2007) focused on the image of women in religious

scriptures, folk literature and writings of Gandhi and Nehru, processes of

recasting of gender identities and their role in the colonial times. She

mentioned the role of Punjabi women in Rowlatt agitation to Martial Law in

a single chapter only. But this study seems not to be complete review about

the role of Punjabi women in the freedom struggle of India.

So, it is intended to explore study and examine the subject in

question. There is scope to re-examine the works, already done on the

freedom struggle, to enable the readers to take note of their role and

contribution in the freedom struggle of the country.

The study has been carried out on the basis of primary source

material mainly such as contemporary writings, newspapers, journals,

proceedings of the various meetings of the All India Congress Committee

(AICC) and various political organizations, socio-religious organizations

and women bodies, the District Gazetteers and Administrative Reports,

6
Home Political Records, reports on the native Newspapers available in

various archives and libraries. All the concerned sources were studied and

examined analytically keeping in mind strictly the research methodology of

our discipline. An attempt has been made to establish objective, meaningful

and causal relationship among the various facts relating to the position,
place, role of women as well as their activities and participation in the

freedom struggle of the country.

The secondary sources especially regional literature have been

used in order to construct the role of Punjabi women in Indian struggle for

independence and to make a fair estimation of their activities in a historical

perspective. Regional literature on partition has been a far richer source

both because it provides popular and astringent commentary on the politics

of partition and also because we find women’s voices speaking for

themselves. Besides, the oral interviews of some contemporary

knowledgeable persons and relatives have been conducted to get deep

insight of Punjabi women’s participation. A questionnaire was prepared for

critical examination of their remarks and observations subject to a historical

analysis. Historical facts being grouped and their genesis have been

ascertained. Special care has been taken to check omissions, distortions

and fallacies for better comprehensive study.

This study has been divided in to nine chapters. The first chapter

gives historical background alongwith socio-religious reform movements

and a ferment of changes in the social setup brought about by reforms. The

second chapter on Education and Political Consciousness deals with the

state of affairs of education of women in brief and political consciousness

brought about. The third chapter deals with the reaction and response of

7
women in the first two decades of 20th Century - the formation of the Indian

National Congress, Agrarian Unrest in 1907, Ghadar Movement (1914),

Home Rule Movement, Lucknow Pact, the Rowlatt Act of 1918 and the

Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy of 1919. Role of women in Gurdwara Reform

Movement has been described in chapter four. The women participation in

Revolutionary Movements has been discussed in chapter five. The sixth

chapter describes the contributions made by women in the Gandhi’s

nonviolent movements against the British Rule. The seventh chapter on

Women as Political Prisoners deals with women imprisonment in various

jails. The adverse effect of partition on women and their role in

rehabilitation works has been reviewed in chapter eight. The conclusion of

the study has been brought out in the last chapter.

Efforts are made to highlight the role, contribution and achievements

of women in the struggle for independence of the country and also in all

walks of life related to the freedom movement and war of liberation directly

or indirectly. In brief, only the women of Punjab have been brought to light

in order to give them their due for their contribution in the Indian Struggle

for Independence.

8
CHAPTER -1

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The Punjab, ’land of the five rivers'1 - Panj (five) and Ab (water), was one of

the largest provinces of India in 1885's. It consisted of Punjab presently in

India as well as in Pakistan, north - western frontier province of Pakistan and
the two present states of India - Himachal Pradesh and Haryana. This large

province was divided into two parts (a) the British Territory and (b) the

Punjab States. The former had an area of 257096.35 sq. kms which formed

72.5% of the total area of the province. Its population was 23,580,852 which

made 82.5% of the total provincial population. The Punjab states had an
area of 97640 sq. kms and a population of 4,910,005 which formed 27.5% of
the total provincial area and 17.2% of the total population2. The present

study deals with so-called the British Territory only. In eco-physical terms,

the province was divided into four main divisions - (1) the Himalayan Region

(2) the Sub-Himalayan Region (3) the Indo-Gangetic Plains (4) the North-

West Dry Area. Administratively, the province was divided into thirty

districts, each administered by a deputy commissioner and these were

grouped in five divisions - (1) Ambala (2) Jullundur (3) Lahore (4) Rawalpindi

(5) Multan, each under the charge of a commissioner.

The majority of the population lived in the rural areas and a very small
proportion, about 13% constituted urban populate.3 The rural women folk

contributed significantly in their agricultural or other trades, however the

women of urban sector hardly play any role in these activities.

1 The five rivers were - Sutlej, Chenab, Ravi, Beas and Jhelum. These rivers traversed from
north-east to south-east and united to pour their waters into Indus towards the extreme
south-west corner of the province.
2 The Census of India, Punjab, 1881, Vol. XVII, Part-I, pp. 1-11.
3 The Census of India, Punjab, 1931, Vol. XVII, Part-I, Lahore, p. 89.

9
 The Muslims, with around 55% of the total population, were the
majority community in the Punjab. The Hindus were the second largest

community with around 27%, and the Sikhs were the third prominent
community with 13% of the total population.4 The other smaller communities

like Christians, Jains, Buddhist, etc. were in pretty smaller numbers. In this
study, attempt has been made to discuss women’s position in these
communities and overall role of socio-religious movements for uplifting the

position of women.

Position of Women in Colonial Punjab

In the male dominated rather over-dominated Punjabi society the

gender bias was its worst even till the other day. The women were looked
down upon as ‘Per-di-Juti’ (the footwear). The birth of a girl child was

considered as misfortune or a calamity. In many communities like Kshatris,

Bedis, Sodhis, Jats and Muslim Sayids, the girl child was done to death
(infanticide) by variety of ways5 no sooner than she entered the world,

despite the Act VIII of 1870 for preventing infanticide. Where it was not done,

the parents were biased against bringing up her, almost at every step, in

food, clothes, schooling, health matters and so forth. According to Census

report of 1911, “the girls were usually insufficiently clad and less trouble was

taken to protect them from heat and cold as compared to boys. During the

illness of female children, no notice was taken unless the ailment became

4 Punjab Census ReportL1931, Vol. II, Part. II, pp. 278-79.

5 The infant was put into Ghara or earthen water pot and buried alive in the ground.
Sometimes the mother starved the child to put an end to the innocent life. Sometimes the
baby was buried with a little gur (brown sugar) in her mouth and batti (corded roll of
cotton) placed in her hand. The following couplet was recited as she was laid down:
"Gur khayeen, puni katteen,
Ap na aayeen, bira nu ghateen"

10
serious, while the slightest indisposition in case of a boy upset the whole
family and the best available medical assistance was summoned.”6 M.B.

Fuller observed, “The girl child from the moment of her birth to her death

undergoes a continuous life long suffering as a child wife, as a child mother

and very often as a child widow.”7

Another evil practice that made the life of girls miserable was child

marriage. They were married at a very early age between eight to ten years.

If not married by this age, the prestige and honour of family was lowered in

the eyes of others who thought it derogatory to keep daughters un-married

beyond this age.8 Infact child marriage was more prevalent in the hill regions

than in the plains, no matter whether the comparison was made with the
East Punjab or the West Punjab.9 In many parts of Punjab, child marriage

was confined only to those who had pretensions to social superiority.10

Among the ordinary men, the general social practice was betrothal during
infancy and marriage at puberty.*11 If parents delayed marriage of their

daughters on any score, it became difficult to find a suitable match for her

afterwards. By the age of fourteen or fifteen, the girls were becoming

mothers.12 By the age of twenty five there was hardly any woman in Punjab

who was either not married or widowed.13 In brief, it may be said that child

6 The Census of India, 1911, Vol. I, Part-I, p. 218. See also. The Census of India, Punjab,
1921, Parti, p. 227.
7 M.B. Fuller, The Wrongs of Indian Womanhood, Oliphan Anderson and Fermer,
Edinburgh, 1900, p. 33.
8 Denzil Ibbetson, Punjab Castes, Low Price Publications, Delhi, 1993, p. 359.
9 Ibid.
10 Shahpur District Gazetteer, 1883-84, pp. 37-38.
11 Ibid.
12 Lahore District Gazetteer, 1883-84, p. 45.
13 Hoshiarpur District Gazetteer, 1883-84, p. 29.

11
marriage was prevalent among Sikhs and Muslims but not to such an extent
as among the Hindus.

The child marriage brought another serious problem for the

unfortunate girls and many became widows at a very young age. As per the
Census of 1921, there were about 2,835 widows under 10 years of age and
8,963 under 15 and 26,400 under 20. In all, there were about 3.0 per cent
Hindu widows, 2.9 per cent Muslim widows, 1.7 per cent Sikh widows and
0.3 per cent Christian widows.14 As per reports, some of the cases were

really so sad that one cannot help shedding tears when confronted with a

lovely, innocent child widowed when she was just one year old and no
second marriage.15

The society was very cruel towards these unfortunate souls. It was

usually thought that these women had eaten their husbands i.e. they were

devoid of luck which worked for the death of their husbands. For this myth

they were maltreated. They were not allowed to wear good clothes and

ornaments. They remained half-belly doing the drudge of the household like

a labourer of the feudal world. They were not permitted to go to marriages of

other auspicious occasions as they were ‘inauspicious’.16

The custom of compulsory widowhood was peculiar to many Hindu

and Sikh women. As the relation between the husband and the wife was

considered sacred and indissoluble, even after death of the husband, the

Census of India, 1921 Vol. XV, Punjab and Delhi, Part I, p. 246.
15 Census of India, 1931, Vol. XVII, Punjab, Part II, pp. 70-78.
16
Ibid.

12
wife was supposed to live a life of asceticism, self-denial, and unflinching
devotion to her husband's memory, self-sacrifice and self effacement.17

Besides enforced widowhood, the custom of widow remarriage was

prevalent in some classes of the society. It was common among Jats and

other classes, artisans and the menial classes. Generally, a widow got

remarried to the husband’s elder brother, or a near relation, so that she

could claim the right to her husband’s property. She could marry even

outside the family, but in that case she had to forego the rights to husband’s

property. There were no religious tenets prohibiting widow remarriage

among the Muslims and the Christians. It was known as Nikah Sani among

the Muslims. The Hindus and the Sikhs performed a simple ceremony called
Kareva or Chadar Andaz without any merry making or rejoicing.18

Polygamy was yet another evil which visited the women folk in those

days. The girls were married at a very early age and naturally the child-wife

was under the domination of the husband and mother-in-law. But in case the

wife showed independence of spirit, the threat of second marriage was used
to cow her down.19 The custom was permissible in certain cases like when

the wife failed to bear an issue or a boy, the husband was forced for second

marriage. The Hindus and the Sikhs were as a rule monogamous and

practiced this custom to a much less extent or except in the case of widow

remarriages. Polygamy was more practiced among the Muslims of Punjab.

17 Manju Verma, The Role of Women in the Freedom Movement in Punjab (1919-1947),
Abhijeet Publications, Delhi, 2003, p. 8.
18 Amritsar District Gazetteers, 1914, Vol. XX-A, p. 31. See also, Census of Punjab, 1911,
Parti, p. 289.
19 J.N. Farquahar, The Crown of Hinduism, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1915, p.
108.

13
The Muslims were allowed by their religions to have four wives. The Census
report of Punjab 1911 revealed that:

“The first thing a Mohammedan will do, when he can afford a luxury is
to marry a second wife and if means permit, he will very soon go to
the full limit of four.”20

In West Punjab polygamy was the rule rather than an exception

amongst the rich Muslims. The second marriage was the outcome of a love
affair, as soon as the man was able to gain independence. Then came third

marriage of his own choice in mature years and the fourth wife, in most
cases was taken when the first and second grew old.21

However, polygamy existed among the lower agricultural classes,

menials and the artisans especially, in the hills, where a woman was

considered as an economic asset. In Simla district, a man could marry as

many wives as he liked.22

The Polyandry was also prevalent at this time, but only in the regions

around the upper Himalayas. There were several tribes who practiced

polyandry mostly in Lahaut, Spiti, Saraj, Rampur, Chini (including Kanwar)

and the upper minor states in Bushahar and in the Giri parts of Nahan
State.23 Generally speaking it was practiced “more or less openly by the

20 Punjab Census Report, 1911, Part-I, p. 290.

21 Ibid.
22 District Gazetteer Simla, 1904, p. 27.
23 Census of India, 1911, Vol. XIV, p. 287-89. See also, B.S. Saini, The Social and
Economic History of the Punjab: 1901-1939, Ess Ess Publications, Delhi, 1995, p. 71.

14
lower castes throughout the Himalayan area, and as a matter of fact (though
the custom is not admitted) by the Jats of the eastern plains.24

There were two forms of polyandry, (1) the lower the ‘Nair’ form, and
the (2) higher or the Tibetan form. Polyandry as practiced in the Punjab was
mainly of the later type in which all the brothers in a family usually had one
joint wife, though sometimes step brothers and cousins were allowed to
share the common wife.25 In some hilly tracts, polyandry of the ‘Nair’ form

also existed in which unrelated persons merged their separate properties

into a joint holding and maintained a joint wife.26

In the sub-mountain segment of Ambala, people also followed this

custom. Amongst all classes of Hindus, a sister-in-law was looked upon as

the common property, not only of uterine brothers, but also of all bhais,
including first cousins.27

During the review period, Sati Pratha became common in Punjab.

Though this evil custom of Sati was abolished long ago (1829), yet some

women did go for burning with their dead husbands. These burnings were

mostly forced ones, by the selfish, mean relatives of the helpless women.

But their number was very small. The Sikh Gurus had forbidden this evil. The
custom was not prevalent among Muslims, however.28

Census of India, 1901, Vol. XVIII, p. 221

25 Census of India, 1911, Vol. XIV, p. 287.
26 Gazetteer of Simla, Hill States, 1910, p. 15.
27 Census of India, 1911, Vol. I, Part I, pp. 239-40.
28 The Shariat - Muslim law does not permit it.

15
 The Pardah was yet another bad custom which made the life of one

woman very miserable. The Gazetteer of Multan catches the spirit behind

the custom as:

Ander Baithi Lakh Di,

Bahar Gayi Kakh Di29

That is who stays indoor is worth lakhs of rupees but one who roams

about is worth a straw.

This evil was more prevalent among the Muslims. But the middle and
lower castes both among the Hindus and Sikhs did not go for it. They simply

covered their heads and face - ghunghat karna- with their head wrap-
odhani.30

To make the matters worse for the 'lesser gender’, they were denied

the benefit of education. Barring some high castes/classes in the cities, the
girls were not sent to schools even when these were opened exclusively for

them, for the simple reason that a wrong notion persisted among their

parents that ‘Kurhi parrhi, te bigadi’ - the moment girl started getting
education there was every likelihood of her going astray.31 The custom of

child marriage and pardah system curtailed the school life of the girls. They

were not expected to earn their livelihood after being educated and so their

education was considered useless.

29 District Gazetteer, Multan, 1901-02, p. 96.

30 Ibid.
31 Ibid, p. 98.

16
 The Dowry system prevailed among all sections of the society in

western Punjab during the period under review. It had become a great

hardship to the poor section in the society. Sometimes even the suitability
was disregarded by the parents at the cost of a rich dowry. However the
nature of dowry varied. This variation was due to the economic standard and
the social status of the parties concerned.

In 1930, the newspaper Daaj published a story related to dowry

system:

“The parents of Dharam Das, a Khatri from an old and highly

respectable family of Gujranwala were determined to marry him into a
family where the girl could get a huge dowry.32 The pamphlet next

wrote that the family managed to do so. However, the girl’s brother

committed suicide because he had incurred massive debts for the

marriage. He did so because he was unable to repay”.33

A marriage with dowry, which had all the religious connotations of

being meritorious, could also spell a rising insecurity for women, for it came

to be increasingly premised upon a social ethos that degraded woman, and

measured their marriage ability to the amount of material goods they could
bring with them.34 An early twentieth century folk song, still popular today,

echoes this sense of lack of security, despite bringing a large dowry.35

32 Daaj, Amritsar, 1930.

33 Anshu Malhotra, Gender, Caste and Religious Identities: Restructuring Class in Colonial
Punjab, Oxford, University Press, New Delhi, p. 70.
34 Ibid, p. 80.

17
 Daaj te davan babal bot ditta.
Ditte ne hast ladau ve,

Ik na Ditti babal kangri,

Meri sas bole sau bol ve,
Dharmi main beti parnau ve.

Women were not having freedom in any walk of life. As a daughter

she lived under the strict supervision of her parents, after marriage under

that of her husband and in-laws, if she lost her life partner, then under the

supervision of her eldest son as well as the society. Thus, a woman never
found herself independent. She was mainly confined to home. She was
happy with her domestic career. She was first required to serve the meals to
her husband and other elderly members of the family and then ate herself.

While walking she had to follow her husband at a respectable distance. A

good wife was expected to dedicate herself spiritually and physically to her

better half. His gratification was her ultimate goal. The husband was sacred

for his wife. No knowledge, no pilgrimage, no yajnas or havens, no

happiness, no devotion to Gods could equal the Pativrata or the sanctity of

wedlock.36 If at all she some time violated her duty towards her husband, a

wife was disgraced and after death she entered the womb of a jackal. Thus

ideologically a woman was regarded to be inferior to the male. Socially she

was kept in a state of subjection. She was denied her rights as well as
suppressed and oppressed.37

36 District Gazetteer, Gujrat, 1893-94, p. 60.

37 J.A. Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, Oxford University Press, Oxford,
1906, p. 231.

18
 Divorce was not a common feature, as the marriage was considered
in dissolvable and sacred trust among the high caste Hindus and the Sikhs.

A person could, however severe all connections with his wife if she did not

give birth to a male child or was suffering from some dangerous disease or
was unchaste. This was tantamount to divorce and it was practiced in the
plains. In the hills, however, the marriage ties were loose and the right to
divorce both the husband and wife was recognized by custom.38 Thus in

Simla and Kangra districts, the divorce could be obtained at any time. The

essential part of the divorce in the hills was payment of cost of marriage to

the husband if wife sought the divorce. The divorced hill woman could easily

get new suitors as she was an economic asset and toiled in the fields like
39
man.

In Islam, marriage was nothing more than a civil contract, made by

mutual consent between both man and woman and hence it allowed divorce

to both the parties, by repeating thrice in the presence of two witnesses "I

divorce thee". The wife could dissolve her marriage by obtaining a judicial

decree or with the consent of her husband.

The status of women in society would be incomplete without some

references to the problem of prostitution. The number of prostitutes and

dancing girls increased in Punjab under the British rule and they generally

belonged to Mohammadan religion. The government did nothing to stop this

practice. Infact the government issued licenses to prostitutes living within

cantonment limits of Lahore, Amritsar and Ambala for the sake of European

soldiers. According to the Census report of 1911, there were 5,557

33 B.S. Saini, op. cit., p. 73.

39 District Gazetteer, Simla, 1904, p. 28.

19
prostitutes in whole of Punjab 40 Lahore was flourishing with beautiful and

professional dancing girls who got training in songs and dance. Only the
lower classes and those forced to adopt this profession as a last recourse
were to be found among these unfortunates.41

Social Reform Movements

The social reform movements made a very powerful attack on all

these social evils and bad customs which had made the life of the women

folks pretty miserable. The reformers in the Punjab, during the second half

of the nineteenth century, initiated a process of regeneration and

revitalization of the cultural norms and social practices. Leaders of each

religious denomination, Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims, sought to project their

ideologies and concepts based on their respective scriptures. All the reform

movements incorporated 'upliftment of women' or 'women emancipation' as

an integral part of their programmes and addressed a number of issues

related to widow remarriage, infanticide, sati, pardah and the importance of

female education.

An early articulation of the need of cultural regeneration among the

Hindus in the Punjab is reflected in the work done by the Brahmo Samaj42

founded by a group of Bengalis with a few Punjabi enthusiasts in Lahore in

1863. Brahmo Samaj appreciated western science and stood for the

freedom of press and English education. In 1876, Brahmo Samaj founded a

society to translate its literature into Punjabi, Hindi and Urdu. In 1877, they
40 Census of Indiax 1911, Vol. XIV, p. 520.
41 B.S. Saini, [Link], p. 127.
42 Brahmo Samaj or Society of God was founded in 1828 by Raja Rama Mohan Roy in
Bengal.

20
established their press in the Punjab and brought out tracts and a monthly
journal Hari Hakikat in two editions, one in Hindi and other in Urdu 43 They

espoused the women question by advocating against the customs of Sati,

polygamy, pardah and female infanticide. They advocated for the

remarriage of widows, inter-caste marriage and propagated against child-

marriage too. It was through their efforts that the Sati was abolished in

1829, the Widow Re-marriage Act was passed in 1856, the Indian Divorce
Act came into force in 1869, the Civil Marriage Act was enacted in 1872, the

Married Women's Property Act was adopted in 1874 and the age of Consent

Act was taken in 1881. All these pieces of legislation brought a new change

of the life of women. The movement was mainly confined to the educated

classes of the headquarter towns of some districts - Lahore, Rawalpindi,

Sialkot, Mianwali, Bhera, Amritsar etc.44

Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1774-1833), Keshav Chandra Sen (1838-84)

and Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar (1820-91) fought for the upliftment of

women. This was the first organization which treated women as individuals
and too paved the way for their outdoor life.45

Dev Samaj, founded by Dev Atma in 1887, was an off-shoot of

Brahmo Samaj. Dev Atma, whose earlier name was Shiv Narayan Agnihotri
was a Brahmo but had fallen part from the Samaj in 1878 46 Dev Atma took

A^
J.S. Grewal, The New Cambridge History of India: The Sikhs of the Punjab, Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge, 1980, p. 132.
44 Census of India, 1911, Vol. XIV, p. 138.
45
Manmohan Kaur, The Women in India’s Freedom Struggle, Sterling Publisher, New Delhi,
1985, p.75.
46 S.P. Kanal, The Dev Samaj’, Punjab Past and Present, Vol. Vll-I, Punjab Historical
Studies Department, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1973, p. 236.

21
concern about the women question. He believed that child marriage,

enforced widowhood and denial of opportunities of education to women were

the major causes of their low status in comparison to men. He underlined

the necessity for the spread of education among the women and which
alone could open upon opportunities for their ‘enlightenment and

emancipation’. Dev Atma, therefore, made women’s education as the chief

plank of his society's contribution to social reform and development.47

Improvement in the social position of women and redefinition of their

role found place in the scheme of Arya Samaj's programme of socio­

religious reform as well. Arya Samaj, founded at Bombay by Swami

Dayanand in 1875, is believed to be amongst the most articulate movements

to address themselves to the condition of women question. Later in 1877,

headquarter of Arya Samaj was shifted to Lahore. There were also branches

of Arya Samaj at different districts of the Punjab - Sialkot, Multan,

Gurdaspur, Gujranwala, Hissar, Karnal and Amritsar.48 Swami Dayanand's

philosphy of social reconstruction had a well defined place for women, with
emphasis on their right to education in it.49 Swami Dayanand's ideology as

documented in Satyarth Prakash emphasized upon girls' right to education

as did the male children had.50

Kenneth W. Jones, Socio-Religious Movements in British India, Cambridge University

Press, Cambridge, 1994, pp. 118-19.
48 Census of India, 1911, Vol. XIV, p. 134.
49 Radha Sharma, The Women Question and the Socio Religious Reform in the Punjab
(Late 19th and Early 20th Century)', Punjab History Conference Proceedings, 31st Session,
Punjabi University, Patiala, 1999, p. 151.
50 Satyarth Prakash (7th Edition), Arsh Sahitya Parchar Trust, Delhi, 1972, p. 98.

22
 The ultimate objective of Arya Samaj was to equip women to be ideal

wives and mothers. Their role was not perceived of outside the four walls of
the household,51 except under exceptional circumstances like teaching girl

children in girl schools. Arya Samajists spoke and worked against pardah

system and even of ghunghat. Its constitution made provision that the

women could be on any administrative or general body of this organization.

This was a great step towards the emancipation of women. By condemning

these customs the Arya Samaj paved the way for women's participation in
the social and political life of the country.52

They stood for the abolition of child marriage. Marriage for Swami

Dayanand was a union of man and women for two purposes: procreation

and companionship or mutual assistance in life. The minimum age for a girl

should be sixteen years, and too with her consent with the person whose
appearance and occupation was made known to her.53 The Samaj also

insisted that marriage ceremonies should be simple as well as less

expensive. It objected to the play of fireworks and the presence of dancing

girls on the occasions.54

Rehabilitation of widows and widow remarriage was taken up

vigorously by Arya Samaj. Even they publicized the same through the press

and papers. It is reported that one of the earliest widow remarriages

sponsored by the Samaj was in 1894 at Lahore.55 Societies were set up all

51 Kenneth W. Jones, op. cit., p. 105.

52 Manmohan Kaur, op. cit., p. 74.
53 Satyarth Prakash, pp. 106-09.
54 Ibid.
55 Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya, Indian Women Battle for Freedom, Abhinav Publishers,
New Delhi, 1983, p. 46.

23
over the Punjab to promote widow remarriage. To bring about the reforms in
this field 'Sir Ganga Ram Trust' was established at Lahore in 191456. This

trust did a commendable work in arranging both, means and men to collect

information about the widows and subsequently arranging remarriage of

widows despite all the odds from the tradition bound Hindus. The Amritsar

branch led in this drive for the acceptance of widow remarriages. They
performed widow remarriages on grand public scale giving maximum

publicity to each event. It encouraged the widow remarriage even amongst

high classes like Arora, Brahmins and others as well.57 Under the auspices

of the Arya Samaj many sister organization were founded at different district

headquarter. The most prominent organization which made arrangements

for the remarriage of widows was Vidhava Vivah Sahaik Sabha of Lahore 58

Orphanage and widow homes were also founded by this organization.

Outside Christian circles it was the first purely Indian Association to organize
orphanages and widow homes."59

The women question attracted the attention of reformers among the

Sikhs also. The Nirankaris, Namdharis and the Singh Sabha leadership

underlined the importance of women participation in any programme of

social religious reforms. Baba Dyal Dass (1783-1855) founded the

Nirankaris, a movement of purification and return at Rawalpindi in 1840.60

The Nirankaris did not believe that women should be treated as unclean at

56 Census of India, 1921, Vol. XV, p. 246.

57 Kenneth W. Jones, op cit., p. 101.
58 Foreign Department (Political-A), Government of India, Proceedings, Nos. 111/112,
March 1867. See also B.S. Saini, op. cit., p. 69.
59 B.S. Saini, op. cit., p. 92.
60 Kenneth W. Jones, op. cit., p. 87.

24
the time of child-birth and issued Hukamnamas to abandon this practice.

They opposed to the exhibition of dowry. They not only allowed the widow
remarriage, but it often took place among them.61 It worked for the

improvement of status of women by not only eradicating the socio-religious

vice and false customs but also encouraged Punjabis to allow women to

participate in socio-religious-cultural activities and also acquired education.

They attempted to give women a respectable position and status in

society.62

Namdhari movement also known as Kuka movement was prominent

among Sikhs. It was found by Baba Balak Singh an Udasi Arora in the year
1847 in the district of Rawalpindi.63 Ram Singh64 was one of the prominent

leaders who assumed the title of 'Bhai' or head of the brotherhood in 1863.65

In his opinion the society was composed of individuals. If the individual

improve, the society would automatically improve. He was, of course aware

that there were certain social vices which needed to be attacked and

uprooted to make society healthy and wholesome. Problems relating to the

marriage system, the status of women and the caste system, which were
dehumanizing and devitalizing the society and cried for an urgent solution66

G.S. Chhabra, Social and Economic History of the Punjab (1849-1901), S. Nagin & Co.,
Jullunder, 1962, p. 129.
62 Kenneth W. Jones, op. cit, p. 88.
63 Manmohan Kaur, op. cit., p. 76.
64 b. in 1815 at Bhaini Village in Ludhiana district; joined the Sikh army in 1844; fought
against the British at Mudki in 1845; left the army after the British occupied Lahore; d. in
1885.
65 Foreign Department (Political-A), Government of India, Proceeding, No. 111/112, March,
1867.
66 Fauja Singh Bajwa, Kooka Movement, Moti Lai Banarsi Dass, Delhi, 1965, p. 28.

25
were taken by the Kukas. Baba Ram Singh made frontal assaults on them

so that the stream of social life might flow clear and resplendent.

To do away with the grievous disabilities from which the female

society suffered, Ram Singh offered the women who cared to enter the fold

of his organization, equal rights with the men. They were baptized in the

same way in which the men were. They were allowed to participate in all the
functions of the community on a footing of equality.67

The official account published in 1863 describing the leading features

of Baba Ram Singh's doctrine's stated distinctly, "he enjoins the marriage of

widows.... men and women rave together at his meetings, and thousands of

women and young girls have joined the sect, he exhorts his disciples to be
clean and truth telling.”68 He also condemned the evils of female infanticide

and child marriage. A Rahitnama issued in 1863 A.D. pronounced strict

injunctions rejecting these practices. Meaning thereby nobody should

commit female infanticide, no one should make money by marriage of his

daughter and whosoever indulges in this should be excommunicated by

force.69 It was intercepted by the government in 1863. Simple and

inexpensive form of marriage was substituted for the old one which was

notorious for complexity and extravagance. The new system had no place

for dowry, ornaments, costly robes, and sumptuous feasts etc. This reform

was not merely a social necessity to save the parents of girl from a

tantalizing lifelong mental agony, but rather to stamp out the root cause of all

67 Annual Report of the Ludhiana Mission, Ludhiana, 1862, p. 51

68 Khalsa Samachar, May 6, 1901. See also, Foreign Department (Political-A), Government
of India Proceedings, Nos. 202/208, February 1868.
69 Radha Sharma, op. cit., p. 153.

26
female degradations, and also an economic urgency to prevent the

unfortunate among the individuals from falling precipitately into the iron

clutches of the money lenders. The new system known as Anand marriage

was performed at the nominal cost of a few rupees. This new practice was
first introduced at village Khote 1863.70 Thus, this movement did a lot for the

emancipation of the women so that there could be a healthy society with

better values.

In 1838, an American Presbyterian Mission was established at

Ludhiana. Immediately after the annexation of Punjab, it had spread its

activities from Malwa to Majha area of Punjab.71 The Church Missionary

Society opened centres around Amritsar, Lahore and in hill districts. Four

Sikh students of Amritsar Mission School offered themselves for conversion

into Christianity in 1873.72 This stirred a small group of Sikhs to form the

Singh Sabha of Amritsar, which held its first meeting in October [Link]

Singh Sabha also set in motion a vigorous campaign for women

emancipation. Female infanticide, child marriage, pardah system, polygamy

and widowhood were some of the practices which stood in the way of

emancipation and progress of women. The Singh Sabha did commendable

work in saving women from the shackles of subservience.

Different periodicals like the Khalsa Samachar, Istri Satsang, Istri

Samachar and Istri Sudhar took up the question of reform among the Sikh

70 Fauja Singh Bajwa, op. cit., p. 30.

71 Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs 1839-1974, Vol. II, Oxford University Press, New
Delhi, 1977, p. 137.
72 G.S. Chhabra, Advanced History of the Punjab, Vol. II, Parkash Brothers, Ludhiana, 1972,
p. 456.

27
women in terms of the removal of ignorance, superstition and educating

them about their social and moral obligations towards husband, family and

the community. They did believe that the women could be instrumental in

the process of social and economic change.73

The Singh Sabha too launched a campaign against the Pardah

system which deprived women of their right to participate in the socio­

cultural life of the community. The Singh Sabha leaders, in the beginning

had to face a lot of opposition from the orthodox section of the Sikh society.

Giani Dit Singh74 started vigorous propaganda against the pardah. He

brought light to Sikhs that women had a vital role to play in making their

social life healthy and wholesome. He declared that all talks about the

emancipation of women would be meaningless without the removal of the

pardah,75 The Singh Sabha reformers emphasized complete equality of

sexes and advocated the same type of baptism for men and women, as

enjoined by the Sikh religion.76

Through their speeches and writings, the Singh Sabha leaders urged

upon the Sikh women to come forward and take an active part in the socio­

cultural life of the society. Inspite of the strong sentiments prevailing in

favour of pardah, many Sikh women played a significant role in the social

activities of the Singh Sabha. Bibi Harman Kaur, wife of Bhai Takht Singh of

Ferozepur, Bibi Ripudman Kaur, wife of Prof. Puran Singh and Bibi Nand

73 Radha Sharma, op. cit., p. 154.

74 b. in 1850 at Kalaur, district Fatehgarh Sahib; Singh Sabha Activist; d. in 1901 at Lahore,
Pakistan.
75 Khalsa Akhbar, Lahore, January 3, 1896.

28
Kaur wife of Teja Singh were active social workers who were closely
associated with this organization.77

The Singh Sabha Reformers had to face the mighty task of molding

Sikh public against polygamy and child marriage, at a time when no

legislation existed against these practices. The Khalsa Tract Society,

Amritsar issued a tract, Bal Vivah de Dukhre (woes of child marriage)

condemning child marriage.78 The Singh Sabha leaders also espoused the

cause of widow in right earnest manner. They pleaded that the widows

should be allowed to remarry, if they desired to do so. The Singh Sabha

again revived the practice of Anand marriage.79

The position of Muslim women was worse. The Muslim males

gravitated to English education and western liberal culture very late in the
19th Century. So the problem of woman’s education and her emancipation

commended attention very late. A few enlightened Muslims, however tried to

elevate the position of woman. Similarly, the Muslim reformers like Sir Syed
Ahmed Khan80 also went for improving the lot of their women. They also

advocated education for them. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan emphasized the

necessity of girl’s education. He however believed that women should be

educated in homes and not in public schools. More advanced views on

Khalsa Parliament Gazette, August 31, 1927.

78
G.S. Dhillon, Character and Impact of the Singh Sabha Movement on the History of
Punjab, Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1973, p. 178.
79 Khalsa Akhbar, Lahore, September, 1898.
80 b. in 1817 at Delhi; an Indian educator and politician, and an Islamic reformer and
modernist; pioneered modern education for the Muslim community in India by founding
the Muhammedan Anglo-Oriental College, which later developed into the Aligarh Muslim
University; d. in 1898 at Aligarh.

29
woman’s problems were held by Badruddin Tyabji,81 who strove hard to

remove the pardha. He financed the Zenana schools.82 Another enlightened

Muslim was Hydari who propagated enthusiastically the value of women

education. He once remarked that “It has been well said that while the

educations of boy helps him only, the education of girl lifts whole family to a
higher stage of mental and moral life.83

So, socio-religious movements among the Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims

worked a lot for the improvement of women. They totally changed the
outlook and attitude of Punjabi women. It encouraged the Punjabi women to

participate in socio-religious activities and acquired education. They started

participating in the political fight of the country against the Colonial Raj with

their counterparts during the four decades of the twentieth Century and even

went to jails for the Indian struggle for independence. This gave Punjabi

women a respectable position and status in the society.

b. in 1844; establishing the Anjuman-l-lslam in Bombay (1876) "for the betterment and
uplift of Mussalmans in every direction; campaigned against "Purdah" all his life, holding
that it went far beyond the Quranic injunctions. His was the first Muslim family to discard it;
his daughters were the first to be sent abroad for education. He supported the Age of
Consent Bill (1891), despite Hindu and Muslim opposition; acted as Chief Justice in 1902,
the first Indian to hold this post in Bombay; d. in 1906.
82 Neera Desai, Women in Modern India, Vora and Co., Bombay, 1957, p. 112.
83 Ibid.

30