An Overview of Igala

Christopher Rodriguez
University of Missouri

16 May 2014

1. Introduction

In this paper1 , I will provide an overview of the structure of the Igala language. Igala is a language
spoken in Nigeria by the Igala ethnic group. Igala is classified as a Yoruboid language within
the Benue-Congo branch of Niger-Congo. It is spoken by about 800,000 people and has seven
dialects.Lewis et al. (2013) Our informant, Mr. Christopher Adejo [ádéd͡ʒɔ́], has provided us
with many samples of words and phrases in the Igala language, and the tools necessary to build this
overview of the structure of the language, which covers the phonology, morphology, and syntax of
the Igala language. Adejo is a graduate student in the Harry S. Truman School for Public Affairs
at the University of Missouri.

2. Overview of the Segments of Igala

The vowel inventory of Igala is shown in (1) below.

(1) Igala Vowels

front unrounded central unrounded back rounded
high i u
mid [+ATR] e o
mid [-ATR] ɛ ɔ
low a

The Igala consonant inventory is shown in (2).

(2) Igala Consonants

stop fricative nasal approximant
labial p b f v* m
alveolar t d s* n l, ɹ
(alveo)palatal t͡ʃ d͡ʒ ʃ ɲ j
velar k ɡ ŋ
labial-velar k͡p ɡ͡b ŋ͡m w
glottal h
1
I would like to thank Mr. Christopher Adejo, our informant, for supplying us with all of the data presented in this
overview of Igala. I also thank Mr. Christopher Bechtel, Ms. Helen Anderson, and Dr. Michael Marlo for all the help
they have given me in producing this paper.

1
2 An Overview of Igala

[s] and [v] are marked with asterisks due to the fact that they are uncommon in the Igala
language. These two phonemes have only been observed in borrowed words.
In the next subsection, I provide examples of each of the segments we have encountered in
Igala and discuss their distribution.

2.1 Vowels

Examples of high vowels of Igala are shown in (3). High vowels can occur in any position in the
word, as long as they precede a consonant. All vowels bear tones. There are three primary tone
levels: H, M, and L, plus a few contour tones which combine two or three tone levels. Tones
are very important in this language as they distinguish words from one another, as in Mandarin
Chinese.

(3) High Vowels

[i] [u]
i ́gálà 'Igala language' ódú 'name'
i ̀g͡bi ́li ̀ 'forest' ónōbùlɛ́ 'female'
i ́jē 'mother' éd͡ʒú 'eye'
ód͡ʒi ́ 'head' ūk͡pálū 'tongue'
éɲàɲi ̄ 'to laugh' éd͡ʒùd͡ʒà 'to fight'

[+ATR] mid vowels are listed below.

(4) Mid Vowels [+ATR]

[e] [o]
éɲi ́ 'tooth' òwútʷūtʷū 'cotton'
ɔ́mi ̀kélékʷù 'mouse' ùbāɪ ̄lò 'danger'
àkèlé 'frog' ód͡ʒjo᷆kʷūkʷù 'knee cap'
ékɛ̄t͡ʃɛ̀ 'to push' éfɔ̀mōlà 'to pull'
ùd͡ʒéŋʷwánɛ́ 'dinner' ágōgō 'glass'

[-ATR] vowels are listed below.

(5) Mid Vowels [-ATR]

[ɛ] [ɔ]
ɛ̀ɹōli ́ 'fruit' ɔ́nʷùkʷū 'friend'
òbɛ̄ 'knife' ɔ̌kʷwɔ́ 'grandfather'
òmɔ́nɛ̄kɛ̀lē 'boy' élɔ̀ 'dig to loosen dirt'
ɔ́nɛ̄kɛ̀lē 'male' ɔ́nɔ̀bùlɛ̄ 'female'
édɛ́ 'to fry' ɔ́mi ̄ɗù 'lion cub'

Low vowels are exemplified below.

Vowels 3

(6) Low Vowels

[a]
àtá 'father'
ūk͡ṕaĺ ū 'tongue'
ábi ́já 'dog'
āɲɛ́lá 'horse'
àgárà 'spider'

For some vowels, we have found minimal pairs:

(7) Minimal Pairs

ókō 'farm' ɔ́kɔ̄ 'husband'
òkò 'parrot' ɔ̀kɔ̀ 'millipede'
éɹɛ̀ 'to vomit' ɛ́ɹɛ̀ 'leg'
i ̀k͡pā 'foot path' i ̀k͡pà 'bag'
ág͡bà 'basket' àg͡bá 'handcuffs'
àg͡bà 'chin' ág͡bá 'a greeting'

This table gives us a lot of information. First off, it shows us that the tones that the vowel
bears appear to be separate entities entirely. In the cases of ‘farm’ and ‘parrot’, ‘basket’ and ‘hand-
cuffs’, and ‘foot path’ and ‘bag’ we can see that even though the vowels and the consonants are
the same, the tones make the difference in the meaning. This is a phenomenon commonly seen in
tonal languages. Next, this table shows us that vowels are different phonemes as well. From the
pairs ‘farm’ and ‘husband’, ‘parrot’ and ‘millipede’, and ‘to vomit’ and ‘leg’, we can determine
that vowels are different phonemes because even though the tones and the consonants are the same,
the meaning is changed in each case.
For two syllable words, all combinations of vowels that have been found have been listed
below from (8) through (10).

(8) [i] [u] [e]

[i] i ̀fi ̄ 'intestine' i ́kʷù 'rope' i ́jē 'mother'
[u] ùbi ̀ 'back' út͡ʃú 'yam' út͡ʃé 'farm'
[e] épi ̀ 'to press' ékʷú 'to die' éɹé 'to pick'
[o] óli ́ 'wood' ódú 'name' ónè 'someone'
[ɛ] nɛ́tˢi ́ 'listen' ɛ̀lu᷄ 'five' ɛ̀ɹé 'picky'
[ɔ] ɔ̀di ́ 'dwarf' ɔ́lù 'sun' ɔ̄gēlè 'narrow'
[a] ád͡ʒi ̄ 'lake/river' álū 'mouth' ātē 'bed'
4 An Overview of Igala

(9) [o] [ɛ] [ɔ]

[i] i ́dó 'dance' i ̀wɛ́ 'feather' i ̀dɔ́ 'bat'
[u] úg͡bó 'where' ùwɛ̄ 'you' ùtʃɔ̀ 'bad omens'
[e] éwó 'goat' éfɛ́ 'to blow air' élɔ̀ 'to dig to loosen dirt'
[o] òkôː 'pig'
[ɛ] ɛ̀ɹō 'fruit' ɛ́wɛ̀ 'bird' ɛ̀ɹɔ́ 'roasted'
[ɔ] fɔ̀mōlà 'pull' ɔ̀bɛ̄ 'knife' ɔ́wɔ́ 'hand/arm'
[a] àwó 'comb' àfɛ̀ 'dress/shirt' áɲɔ́ 'shy'

(10) [a]
[i] i ́ká 'wing'
[u] úná 'fire'
[e] éfā 'to sharpen (to a point)'
[o] ōlà 'case/trouble'
[ɛ] éfā 'six'
[ɔ] ɔ́dà 'law'
[a] ág͡bà 'basket'

2.2 Consonants

The tables below show the usage of all the consonants found in the Igala inventory.

(11) Stops
Voiceless Voiced
Labial [p] [b]
ɔ̀pá 'ground nut' bi ̄bi ̄ 'evil'
òʃi ̀kāpā 'rice' ùbài ̀lò 'danger'
òpàtàli ̄ 'skirt' ōt͡ʃi ́bú 'plate'
épi ́ 'to press' óbɛ̄ 'knife'

Alveolar [t] [d]

tɔ̄kɔ᷆ː 'tender' ɔ̀dɔ̀ 'wall'
i ́mʷɔ̄tɔ̄ 'child' ōdʷōdʷó 'flower'
òpàtàli ̄ 'skirt' édʷū 'to give'

Velar [k] [g]

ùkɔ̄dɛ̄ 'spoon' égʷūɹà 'to dig a hole'
i ́kʷù 'rope' ɛ́gɛ̄ 'egg'
ékɔ̀ 'to bark' égʷūlē 'to sharpen'
ɔ́kɔ̀ 'vehicle' ɔ̀gɛ̀dɛ̀ 'banana'

Labial-Velar [k͡p] [g͡b]

ɔ́mák͡pi ̀k͡pá 'baby' i ̀g͡bɛ̀lé 'girl'
òk͡pùlùká 'crab' úg͡bá 'bowl'
ōd͡ʒūk͡pàlè 'city' àdāg͡bá 'elephant'
Consonants 5

i ̀k͡pà 'bag' ég͡bè 'gun'

(Alveo) Palatal [t͡ʃ] [d͡ʒ]

ékɛ᷆t͡ʃɛ̀ 'to push' i ́d͡ʒi ̄ 'dead/dry tree'
ēt͡ʃúbi ̄ 'dark' ùd͡ʒéŋʷú 'food/meal'
ōt͡ʃi ́gēnē 'pinnacle' ód͡ʒâlè 'heaven'

(12) Fricatives
Voiceless
Alveolar [s]
i ̀si ́li ̀ni ̀ 'ceiling'

(Alveo) Palatal [ʃ]

ɑ́lùbɑ́ʃɑ́ 'onion'
òʃi ̀kāpā 'rice'
i ̀pɛ́nʃùlù 'pencil'
i ̀ʃóvɛ̀lù 'shovel'

Labial [f] [v]

àfù 'wind' i ̀ʃóvɛ̀lù 'shovel'
àfɛ̀ 'shirt'
éfà 'to draw'

Glottal [h]
àhi ́má 'louse'
éhi ̀ 'to cook'
6 An Overview of Igala

(13) Nasals
Labial [m]
àlèmū 'orange'
ɔ̀dúmù 'potato'
ómi ̄ 'water'

Alveolar [n]
énɔ̀nā 'to dream'
òkʷùnū 'roof'
úná 'fire'

(Alveo) Palatal [ɲ]

ɛ́ɲà 'breast'
éɲā 'to tear'
éɲâɲi ́ 'to laugh'
ɛ̀ɲɔ̀ 'good'

Velar ŋ
i ́ŋɔ́ 'honey'
áŋɛ̀d͡ʒɛ̄ 'tortoise'
òŋʷū 'he/she/it'
éŋʷá 'to peel'

Labial-Velar [ŋ͡m]
i ́kʷùd͡ʒi ̌ŋ͡mi ̄ 'belt'
éŋ͡mɔ̄ 'to drink'
éŋ͡mè 'leaf'

(14) Approximates
Alveolar [l] [ɹ]
ɔ́lā 'body' éɹākʷú 'to cry'
éfɔ̀mɔ́lā 'to pull' ɔ̄ɹɔ́kā 'afternoon'
ɛ̀lɛ̀ 'four' éɹúlɛ́ 'to run'

(Alveo) Palatal [j]

ójó 'fat'
ùjò 'joy'
i ́jē 'mother'

Labial-Velar [w]
éwò 'village, town'
àwò 'star'
wéwē 'many'
òwú 'thread'
Tone 7

Nothing about the distribution of consonants listed leads one to believe that they are in
any certain complementary distribution, although there is evidence of allophonic distribution of
rounded velar consonants (i.e. [ŋʷ], [kʷ], and [gʷ]) before [u]. This can be seen in (11) and
(13). This phonological rule is listed below.

(15) Labialization
[k, g, ŋ] → [ __ʷ] / __[u]

As shown in (2), Igala has voiced and voiceless labial-velar consonants. They appear to be
in complementary distribution as shown in (16):

(16) [k͡p] and [g͡b] distribution

i ̀g͡bà 'horn' i ̀k͡pà 'bag'
ág͡bà 'basket' àg͡bá 'handcuffs'
ùk͡pá 'cup' úg͡bá 'bowl'
àg͡bà 'chin' ág͡bá 'a greeting'
ɔ́mák͡pi ̀k͡pá 'baby' ūk͡pálū 'tongue'
i ̀g͡bɛ̀lɛ́ 'girl' àdāg͡bá 'elephant'
òk͡pùlùká 'crab' ég͡bè 'gun'
àk͡pa᷆là 'gun' ōd͡ʒūk͡pàlè 'city'

The data in (16) show [k͡p] and [g͡b] in a minimal pairs, proving they are separate
phonemes. [i ̀g͡bà] 'horn' and [i ̀k͡pà] 'bag' are minimal pairs, even in tones.

2.3 Tone

There are three tone levels in Igala: low, mid, and high tone. We will refer to these simply as
L, M, and H, respectively. There are also contoured tones in Igala, as we see in (17). The word
[òkôː] ‘pig’ bears a H to L falling contour tones on the final [o], represented by [ô]. In addition
to the H-L falling tone, we also see a L-H rising tone in [ɔ̌ːnà] ‘door’. As we will see, the
combination of tones is regulated by rules, which I will outline in the following sections when
dealing with morphology. We have not discovered any nouns that start with a mid tone, though
verbs and adjectives do.
8 An Overview of Igala

(17) Tone Distribution

ógwú 'twenty' HH
i ́jē 'mother' HM
épi ̀ 'to press' HL
ɹākʷu ́ 'cry'
2
MH
bi ̄bi ̄ 'bad' MM
ēɲɔ̀ 'good' ML
ùwó 'mountain' LH
ɛ̀ɹɔ̄ 'fruit' LM
ùbi ̀ 'back' LL
òkôː 'pig' L H-L
ɔ̌ːnà 'door' L-H L

Based on the table above, we can see that we can find all tone combinations in two syllable
words. Countour tones seem to be their own separate tone levels as well as being formed through
the combination of tones. We can see this above in (17): [òkôː] 'pig' is not a compound noun
suggesting that countour tones are independent tones. There doesn’t seem to be any indication of
vowel harmony in Igala (e.g. a requirement of agreement in ATR, height, or roundness).

3. Morphosyntax

In this section, I describe what is known about Igala morpho-syntax.

3.1 Syllable structure

A typical Igala word will follow a VCV pattern. Nouns always begin with a vowel. Even borrowed
words, like [i ̀si ́li ̀ni ̀] 'ceiling', begin with a vowel. Verbs roots are uniformly C-initial, while all
other verb forms are V-intial, due to subject markers and the infinitive prefix.

3.2 Structure of the noun phrase

This section will explore the morphosyntax of Igala noun phrases.

3.2.1 Plurals and compounds

Compound nouns are very common in Igala. As well will soon discover, there is an interesting
effect on the phonology of tones and vowels when compound nouns are formed. Table (18) shows
a few compound noun formations that will be explored in detail.

(18) Compound Nouns

ólju᷆gʷùgʷú 'chair' ɔ́kēd͡ʒōmi ̄ 'boat'
ód͡ʒjo᷆kʷūkʷù 'kneecap' ɛ̀ɹōli ́ 'fruit'
ɔ́mɔ̄nēkèlē 'boy' ùd͡ʒéŋʷwánɛ́ 'dinner'
ɔ́mjēɲà 'milk' ɛ́no᷆là 'enemy'
ég͡bɛ̄ɹɛ̀ 'to approach'
2
It should be noted that this a compound of a verb and a noun, [éɹākʷú] 'to cry (a cry)'.
Plurals and compounds 9

In the first column, of (18) we see that the final vowel on [óli ́] ‘water’ is preserved by
palatal glide before the vowel in the compound, [óljùgʷùgʷú] ‘chair’ (lit. ‘wooden seat’).
óli ́ + ùgʷùgʷú → ólju᷆gʷùgʷú
'wood' 'seat' 'chair'

This is also the case in [ɔ́mjēɲà].

ɔ́mi ̄ + éɲà → ɔ́mjēɲà
'rain' 'udder/breast' 'milk'

We could draw the conclusion that [i] is being replaced by a palatal glide.

(19) Glide Formation

[i] → [j] / _V

This same rule applies to the vowel [u], as we will see in (26):

(20) Glide Formation

[u] → [w] / _V

In the second column of (18), the final vowels in each component word are deleted: the [ɔ̀]
from [ɔ́kɔ̀] ‘vehicle’ is deleted when combined with the [ē] in [ēd͡ʒù] ‘face’, and the [ù] in
[ēd͡ʒù] is deleted when preceding the [ō] in [ōmi ̀]. These rules fit nicely into a generalization
for vowel deletion:

(21) Vowel Deletion

V → [ø] / _ V

Furthermore, the tone combinations of these words in (18) show us that there is a definite
pattern to tone syntax in Igala. Table (12) illustrates different tonal combinations in the components
of compound words.. When combining a word that ends in a M tone with a word that begins in a
H tone, we see a H tone, as in [ɛ̀ɹōli ́] and [ɔ́mɔ̄nēkèlē], we see the compund surfacing with a
M tone.

(22) ɛ̀ɹɔ̄ + óli ́ → ɛ̀ɹōli ́

'fruits of a tree' 'tree' 'fruit'
M H M

(23) ɔ́mā + ɔ́nēkèlē → ɔ́mɔ̄nēkèlē

'child' 'male' 'boy'
M H M

When combining a word that ends in a H tone with a word that starts with a L tone, however,
we see a M to L falling tone, as in [ód͡ʒjo᷆kʷūkʷù] and [ólju᷆gʷùgʷú].
10 An Overview of Igala

(24) óli ́ + ùgʷùgʷú → ólju᷆gʷùgʷú

'wood' 'seat' 'chair'
H L M-L falling

(25) ód͡ʒi ́ + òkʷūkʷù → ód͡ʒjo᷆kʷūkʷù

'head' 'knee' 'kneecap'
H L M-L falling

H combined with another H yields a H tone, as in [ùd͡ʒéŋʷánɛ́].

(26) ùd͡ʒéŋʷú + ánɛ́ → ùd͡ʒéŋʷwánɛ́

'food/meal' 'evening' 'dinner'
H H H

The three part compound, [ɔ́kēd͡ʒōmi ̄] ‘boat’, illustrates what happens when L combines
with a H, and a M with a H.

(27) ɔ́kɔ̀ + éd͡ʒū + ómi ̄ → ɔ́kēd͡ʒōmi ̄

'vehicle' 'face' 'water' 'boat'
L H...M H M...M

Generalizing upon this data, these tonal combinations are represented in (28) in the form of
a set of rules:

(28) Tone Combinations

First Tone Second Tone Surface Tone
H H H
H L M-L falling
M H M
M L M-L falling
L H M
L M M

The plural formation gives us a very good start to further out understanding of the morphol-
ogy of tones (even complex ones). When the plural of [ɔ̌nà] ‘door’ is formed, the ending tone of
the prefix for plural, [àm ̄ ], is affixed to it, combining a M tone with a rising tone (L to H), creating
a complex tone (from M to L to H). This all seems to be happening on the initial vowel of the stem,
as all the plural words we have seen so far delete the final vowel of the prefix.

(29) Plural forms of nouns

Singular Plural
ɔ́fá 'arrow' àmɔ̄fá 'arrows'
ōdʷōdʷó 'flower' àmo᷇ːdʷōdʷó́ 'flowers'
ɔ̌ndɔ̄ 'bow' àmɔ᷉ndɔ̄ 'bows'
ɔ̌nà 'door' àmɔ᷉nà 'doors'
Adjectives 11

But what about [àmo᷇ːdʷōdʷó] ‘flowers’? This word, if our current theories are correct,
should bear a M tone on the first [o]. It’s possible that the combination of like vowels creates
a lengthening effect on the vowel and distorting or altering the tone. We will revisit this case
after further evidence is gathered. Generalizing upon the plural formation of nouns as we did with
compound nouns, we can see there is a new possibilty for tones, as listed in (30):

(30) Tone Combinations (Revised)

First Tone Second Tone Surface Tone
H H H
H L M-L falling
M H M
M L M-L falling
L M M
M L-H M-L-H

3.2.2 Adjectives

Something noteworthy about adjectives is the presence of long vowels that is seen in some words,
unlike nouns that we have collected data for. In nouns, long vowels occur with countour tones.

(31) Adjectives
tɔ̀kɔ̀ɔ ̀ 'soft' ēɲɔ̀ 'good'
ɔ̀k͡pàal̀ à 'straight' úná 'hot/fire'
èɹi ́ɲɔ̄ 'sweet' li ́lɛ̄ 'old'

When adjectives combine with nouns, the adjective comes after the noun. As shown with
compound nouns and plural formation, the first vowel is deleted:

(32) àt e᷆ɲɔ̀

àtá èɲɔ̀
'father' 'good'
'good father'

As the data in (32) shows, the first vowel of [èɲɔ̀] 'good' is retained. This holds with the
data in 3.2.1, as the first vowel in the sequence of words is deleted and the tone remains. The data
in (32) shows that N+Adj formations follow the rules of tone phonology outlined in (30). Below
are some more examples of N+Adj formations.

(33) ómj ūná

ómi ̄ úná
'water' 'hot/fire'
'hot water'

The data in (33) holds with previous generalizations, regarding the tones. [ómı̄] 'water' ends
in a M tone and it is combining with a H tone, which hold with the rules outlined in (30).
Here is another example of N+Adj constructions:
12 An Overview of Igala

(34) ɔ̄kʷùn ānāg͡bō

ɔ̄kʷùnɔ̀ ānāg͡bō
'cow' 'old'
'old cow'

The vowel deletion that occurs in this combination still holds with (21) and the tone com-
binations hold with the generalizations in (30).

3.2.3 Demonstratives

In this section, the proximal and distal demonstrative are investigated.

(35) N + demonstrative
i ̀ká 'wing' ɔ̀bɛ̄ 'knife'
i ̀ká i ̄ 'this wing' ɔ̀bɛ̄ i ́ 'this knife'
i ̀ká lɛ̄ 'that wing' ɔ̀bɛ̄ lɛ́ 'that knife'

The demonstrative is a separate word added to the end of the noun phrase, but the demon-
strative seems to have an affect on our understanding of tones. The proximal demonstrative is
formed by adding the [ı́] to the noun, but the tone does not remain constant. [ı̀ká] 'wing' ends in a
H tone, and the proximal surfaces as a M tone. But with [ɔ̀bɛ̄] 'knife', the proximal surfaces as a
H tone. The distal demonstrative is formed by adding the suffix [lɛ́] to the noun. The distal also
surfaces with a different tone with respect to the preceding tone. Further data shows that there is a
regularity to this inconsistency:

(36) N + demonstrative
i ́jē 'mother' i ́kʷù 'rope'
i ́jē i ́ 'this mother' i ́kʷù i ̄ 'this rope'
i ́jē lɛ́ 'that mother' i ́kʷù lɛ̄ 'that rope'

This data shows the same results as in (35). When the noun ends with a H tone, the demon-
strative surfaces with a M tone. However, when the noun ends in a M or L tone, the demonstrative
surfaces with a H tone. The following table outlines the generalizations made regarding the proxi-
mal demonstrative formations in the data above:
Pronouns 13

(37) N + Demonstrative
i ̀ká + í → i ̀ká i ̄
'wing' DemProx 'this wing'
H H M

i ́kʷù + í → i ́kʷù i ́
'rope' DemProx 'this rope'
L H H

ɔ̀bɛ̄ + í → ɔ̀bɛ̄ i ́
'knife' DemProx 'this knife'
M H H

The table above provides evidence of the tone of the demonstrative, which is underlyingly
H, but becomes M after a H. To simplify:

(38) If N ends with: The demonstrative will surface as:

H M
M H
L H

3.2.4 Pronouns

In this section, the personal pronouns of Igala are investigated.

(39) Personal Pronouns

òmi ̄ 1 sg àwā 1 pl
ùwɛ̄ 2 sg àmɛ̄ 2 pl
òŋʷū 3 sg àmā 3 pl

There is an interesting syntactic property to the usage of personal pronouns in Igala. When
speaking about another person and (the word for ‘and’ in Igala is [k͡pai ̌]) oneself in English, the
other person is mentioned first. In Igala, however, “me” is always first:

(40) Conjunction of pronouns

òmi ̄ k͡pú wɛ̄ 'me and you'
òmi ̄ k͡p āmá 'me and them'
́
òmi ̄ k͡p Agʷúlà 'me and Agwula (a name)'
òŋʷū k͡pu wɛ̄ 'she and you'

[k͡pai ̌] 'and' is subject to a morphological variation. The vowels are deleted, following the
vowel deletion rule in (21).
(41) shows the possessive affix on the word [àtá] ‘father’. The possessive pronoun does
not alter the tone of the root word and remains constant for any word, unlike the demonstrative, as
shown in 3.2.3. Here’s another example with the word, [ɔ̀bɛ̄] ‘knife', which ends in a M tone:
14 An Overview of Igala

(41) N + Possessive Pronoun

àtá mi ̄ 1 sg àtá wā 1 pl
àtá wɛ̄ 2 sg àtá mɛ̄ 2 pl
àtá ŋʷū 3 sg àtá mā 3 pl

(42) N + Possessive Pronoun

ɔ̀bɛ̄ mi ̄ 1 sg ɔ̀bɛ̄ wā 1 pl
ɔ̀bɛ̄ wɛ̄ 2 sg ɔ̀bɛ̄ mɛ̄ 2 pl
ɔ̀bɛ̄ ŋʷū 3 sg ɔ̀bɛ̄ mā 3 pl

And [ɛ̀dɔ̀] 'heart' with a L tone:

(43) N + Possessive Pronoun

ɛ̀dɔ̀ mi ̄ 1 sg ɛ̀dɔ̀ wā 1 pl
ɛ̀dɔ̀ wɛ̄ 2 sg ɛ̀dɔ̀ mɛ̄ 2 pl
ɛ̀dɔ̀ ŋʷū 3 sg ɛ̀dɔ̀ mā 3 pl

This data shows that the possesive pronouns do not alter the tones of the words they are
modifying. From the data, we can give the forms of the possessive pronoun shown in (44):

(44) N + Possessive Pronoun

-mi ̄ 1 sg -wā 1 pl
-wɛ̄ 2 sg -mɛ̄ 2 pl
-ŋʷū 3 sg -mā 3 pl

For every N+Possessive Pronoun we have collected, the tones on the possessive pronoun
affix are consistenly M tones.

3.2.5 Numerals

Counting numerals are listed below in (45).

(45) 1 ı́ɲɛ́ 11 ɛ̀gw ákà 21 ógʷú ɲó kē kà 100 ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀ me᷆lú
2 èd͜͡ ʒı̀ 12 ɛ̀gw e᷆ d͡ʒı̀ 22 ógʷú ɲó kē me᷆d͡ʒı̀ 120 ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀ me᷆ fà
3 ɛ̀tā 13 ɛ̀gw ɛ᷆tā ... 160 ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀ mɛ᷆d͡ʒɔ̄
4 ɛ̀lɛ̀ 14 ɛ̀gw ɛ᷆lɛ̀ 30 ógʷɛ᷆gwá 180 ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀ mɛ᷆lá
5 ɛ̀lú 15 ɛ̀gw ɛ᷆lú 40 ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀ me᷆d͡ʒı̀ 200 ı̀dèlı́ me᷆ d͡ʒı̀
6 ɛ̀fà 16 ɛ̀gw ɛ᷆fà 50 ówéd͡ʒē ...
7 èbʲɛ̄ 17 ɛ̀gw e᷆ bʲɛ̄ 60 ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀ me᷆tā
8 ɛ̀d͡ʒɔ̄ 18 ɛ̀gw ɛ᷆d͡ʒɔ̄ 70 ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀ me᷆tā ɲó kē me᷆ gwá
9 ɛ̀lá 19 ɛ̀gw ɛ᷆lá 80 ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀ mɛ᷆lɛ̀
10 ɛ̀gwá 20 ógʷú 90 ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀ mɛ᷆lɛ̀ ɲó kē me᷆gwá

The data in (45) shows the counting system in Igala. The numbers 'one' through 'ten' are
individual lexical entries. At 'eleven', the count starts again at 'one' prefixed by 'ten':
Verbs 15

(46) ɛ̀gwá + ókà → ɛ̀gw ákà

'ten' 'one' 'eleven'

After 'eleven' through 'nineteen' the count starts over again. This count is consistent for
each interval of ten. At twenty, there is a specific word for 'twenty', rather than 'two-tens'. At
twenty-one, this word for 'twenty', [ógʷú], is followed by [ɲó kē] 'plus', then [ókà] 'one'. thus
yeilding 'twenty-one'.

(47) ógʷú + ɲó kē + ókà → ógʷú ɲó kē kà

'twenty' 'in addition to/plus' 'one' 'twenty-one'

'Thirty' follows the same process as 'ten' in which 'ten' is just suffixed by the appropriate
number. But for 'thirty' the word for 'twenty' prefixes the word for 'ten':

(48) ógʷú + ɛ̀gwá → ógʷɛ᷆gwá

'twenty' 'ten' 'thirty'

At forty, the score system is introduced. Thirty is not a multiple of twenty and therefore
cannot be in the same system. [ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀] means 'score' in this instance:

(49) ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀ + me᷆d͡ʒi ̀ → ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀ me᷆d͡ʒi ̀

'score' 'two' 'forty'

Interestingly, the word for two, [èd͡ʒi ̀] is used, but prefixed by the plural marker, [àmā],
yeilding [me᷆d͡ʒi ̀]. Either the [a] is not present in this formation or it has been deleted, which
does not follow the rule in (21).
Fifty appears to have its own lexical entry, but 'sixty' is formed the same way as 'forty' and
can be translated literally as 'three score'.
At seventy, the score system is still being used, but it is simply [ɔ̀g͡bɔ̀ me᷆tā] 'sixty', fol-
lowed by [ɲó kē] 'plus', followed by [me᷆gwá] 'ten', which as in forty, is prefixed by the plural
marker. This process continues until two hundred, where another word, [i ̀dèli ́], is combined with
[me᷆d͡ʒi ̀], and can be thought of as 'two one-hundreds'.

3.3 Verbs

Verbs in Igala contain an onset in the bare form of the verb, which can be seen in the imperative
forms of each verb. This is quite different than what has been illustrated in the syllable structure
of nouns, but the conventions of VCV sequencing still apply to verbs (i.e. there are no consonant
clusters). Different verb forms, including conjugations in tense and syntactic features pertaining
to VP will be covered in the following sections. It should be noted that verbs in Igala can be
compounded into a serial verb structure to convey different meanings. A good example of this is
the verb [édʷùgwó] 'to hit':
16 An Overview of Igala

(50) edʷù gwó

édʷù égwó
'to carry' 'to hit'
'to hit (with something)'

The different tenses of verbs in Igala are outlined in the following sections.

3.3.1 Imperatives

Table (51) shows Igala imperatives with varying initial consonants. There don’t seem to be any
restrictions to the tones of verbs, regarding syllable structure.

(51) Imperatives
kālūkà 'count' dɛ̀ 'fry'
tà 'sell' nétˢi ́ 'listen'
lōlū 'sleep' ɹɛ̀ 'vomit'
kʷú 'die' ɹākʷú 'cry'
ŋ͡mōmi ̄ 'drink water' nɛ́tˢi ́ 'listen'
wánɛ̀ 'fall' gʷūɹà 'dig a hole'

Imperatives in Igala always begin with a consonant, but follow the normal (C)VCV syllable
structure. Negation of imperatives will be discussed in 4.1.

3.3.2 Infinitives

The infinitive is simply preceded by [é] to the bare or root form of the verb. This remains constant
for all verbs we encountered. Table (52) shows the same verbs shown in (51) in the infinitive form.

(52) Infinitives
é kālūkà 'to count' é dɛ̀ 'to fry'
é tà 'to sell' é nétˢi ́ 'to listen'
é lōlū 'to sleep' é ɹɛ̀ 'to vomit'
é kʷú 'to die' é ɹākʷú 'to cry'
é ŋ͡mōmi ̄ 'to drink water' é nɛ́tˢi ́ 'to listen'
é wánɛ̀ 'to fall' é gʷūɹà 'to dig a hole'

There is no effect on the tones of the root verb when in the infinitive form, as compared to
the imperative form.

3.3.3 Tense

In this section I will provide examples of the tenses of Igala. There are some interesting things to
note. In Igala, the future tense and the present progressive tense of English translate as the same
tense in Igala. Also, there are some alternations on the tones of the subjects of the verbs in different
tense-aspect-modal-polarity forms.
Perfect 17

3.3.3.1 Past

The past tense in Igala is formed by adding the following subject markers to the root. All subject
markers in the past tense are L tone. Below are the past tense markers:

(53) Past Tense Subject Prefixes

ù- '1 sg' à- '1 pl'
ɛ̀- '2 sg' mɛ̀- '2 pl'
i ̀- '3 sg' mà- '3 pl'

The past tense conjugation of the verb [élɔ́] 'to bite' is listed below:

(54) Past Tense Conjugation of [élɔ́] 'to bite'

ù lɔ́ 'I bit' à lɔ́ 'we bit'
ɛ̀ lɔ́ 'you (sg) bit' mɛ̀ lɔ́ 'you (pl) bit'
i ̀ lɔ́ 'he/she/it bit' mà lɔ́ 'they bit'

As the data shows, the formation of the past tense is fairly regular. There is no effect on the
tone of the verb, and all subject markers for the past tense are always the same. More examples are
listed below with different tone combinations:

(55) Past Tense Conjugation of [élı́] 'to see'

ù li ́ 'I saw' à li ́ 'we saw'
ɛ̀ li ́ 'you (sg) saw' mɛ̀ li ́ 'you (pl) saw'
i ̀ li ́ 'he/she/it saw' mà li ́ 'they saw'

(56) Past Tense Conjugation of [ég͡bɛ̀] 'to plant'

ù g͡bɛ̀ 'I planted' à g͡bɛ̀ 'we planted'
ɛ̀ g͡bɛ̀ 'you (sg) planted' mɛ̀ g͡bɛ̀ 'you (pl) planted'
i ̀ g͡bɛ̀ 'he/she/it planted' mà g͡bɛ̀ 'they planted'

3.3.3.2 Perfect

The perfect tense is marked with a M subject marker, which are listed below.

(57) Perfect Tense Subject Markers

ū '1 sg' ā '1 pl'
ɛ̄ '2 sg' mɛ̄ '2 pl'
i ̄ '3 sg' mā '3 pl'

The perfect tense is also marked with an auxiliary, [fu᷄], which intervenes between the
subject marker and the verb. An example of the perfect tense conjugation with subject markers is
listed below.
 18 An Overview of Igala

(58) Perfect Tense Conjugation of [élɔ́] 'to bite'

ū fu᷄ lɔ́ 'I have bitten' ā fu᷄ lɔ́ 'we have bitten'
ɛ̄ fu᷄ lɔ́ 'you (sg) have bitten' mɛ̄ fu᷄ lɔ́ 'you (pl) have bitten'
i ̄ fu᷄ lɔ́ 'he/she/it has bitten' mā fu᷄ lɔ́ 'they have bitten'

Alternatively, the perfect tense can be marked with the auxiliary [mú], but [fu᷄] has dif-
ferent selectional features. For instance, one could say:

(59) mà m' ónú dū k͡pā .

they have (aux) king grab kill
They have killed the king.

But one could not say:

(60) mà *f'' ónú *dū k͡pā .

they *have (aux) king *grab kill
*They have killed the king.

[mú] seems to have a selectional requirement that requires it to take multiple verbs as it's
complement. In (60), the sentence would be valid if [dū] were deleted, as shown in (61)

(61) mà f'' ónú k͡pā .

they have (aux) king kill
They have killed the king.

3.3.3.3 Future/Present Progressive

The future/present progressive tense is marked with a different set of subject markers than the past
and perfect tenses. All the subject markers in the Future/Present Progressive tense bear a M-H
rising tone. These subject markers are listed below in (62).

(62) Future/Present Progressive Tense Subject Prefixes

na᷄- '1 sg' a᷄- '1 pl'
ɛ᷄- '2 sg' mɛ᷄- '2 pl'
ja᷄- '3 sg' ma᷄- '3 pl'

The conjugation of the verb 'to dance' is exemplified in (63).

(63) Future/Present Progressive Tense Conjugation of [étˢıd ̀ ō] 'to dance'

na᷄ tˢi ̄dó 'I am dancing/will dance' a᷄ tˢi ̄dó 'we are dancing/will dance'
ɛ᷄ tˢi ̄dó 'you(sg) are dancing/will dance' mɛ᷄ tˢi ̄dó 'you (pl) are dancing/will dance'
ja᷄ tˢi ̄dó 'he is dancing/will dance' ma᷄ tˢi ̄dó 'they are dancing/will dance'
 Syntax 19

3.3.3.4 Future Progressive

The future progressive tense can be thought of as a "future" future tense, meaning that the action
is 'going to' take place. There is no ambiguity as to when the action is happening, as with the
Future/Present Progressive tense. There is a clear understanding to the speaker/listener that the
action will be taking place in the future. The Future Progressive tense is formed with the same
subject markers as in (62), but a tense marker, [ɲa᷄], intervenes between the subject marker and
the verb, just as [fu᷄] did in 3.3.3.2. The conjugation of the verb 'to plant' is exemplified below.

(64) Future Progressive Tense Conjugation of [ég͡bɛ̀] 'to plant'

na᷄ ɲa᷄ g͡bɛ̀ 'I am going to plant' a᷄ ɲa᷄ g͡bɛ̀ 'we are going to plant'
ɛ᷄ ɲa᷄ g͡bɛ̀ 'you (sg) are going to plant' mɛ᷄ ɲa᷄ g͡bɛ̀ 'you (pl) are going to plant'
ja᷄ ɲa᷄ g͡bɛ̀ 'he/she/it is going to plant' ma᷄ ɲa᷄ g͡bɛ̀ 'they are going to plant'

4. Syntax

In this section, I will outline the syntactic stucture of the Igala sentence. We have collected samples
of simple sentences, including negation, wh-question structure, as well as simple SVO and SOV
constructions.

4.1 Negation

To negate in Igala, the super high tone [n̋] is added to the end of the sentence. The position of this
word in the heirarchy of the syntax can be debated. Either the negation phrase is adjoined to the vP
and is simply right headed, or the negation phrase is adjoined to the whole TP and is right headed.
Negation, even in instances of multiple negation across clauses, always surfaces at the end of the
sentence. The only indication of which clause is being negated is in the tone of the subject marker
of the clause - when negated, the tone of the subject marker is observed as H.

(65) má ɲa᷄ lò n̋

they will go not
They will not go.

In the affirmative, this sentence surfaces as:

(66) ma᷄ ɲa᷄ lò

they will go
They will go.

An example of negation with an embedded clause is shown below in (67).

(67) ù mà kū má t͡ʃā g͡b út͡ʃù n̋

I (Pst) know that I they NEG do plant yam NEG
I know that they do not usually cultivate yams.

This sentence shows that negation is positioned at the end of the sentence, regardless of
"impeding" constituents. There is a NEG marker on the subject marker of the phrase that is being
 20 An Overview of Igala

negated, however, which surfaces in (67) on [mā]. The final result is that [mā] 'they' becomes
H tone.

4.2 VP structure

In the sentence [ù f ' ámūt͡ʃū g͡bɛ̀] 'I have planted yams', the object is higher than the verb. The
structure of the VP is as such:

(68) ù f' ám út͡ʃù g͡bɛ̀

I have (aux) plural marker yams plant
Subject Tense-Aspect Object Verb
I have planted yams.

This suggests that the VP in Igala is right-headed. But, in the sentence [énɛ̀ énɛ̄ lé d '
út͡ʃù ŋʷu᷆] 'Who did the man give yam to?', the object [út͡ʃù] 'yam' follows the verb [édù] 'to
give', which is [d] in this sentence. This suggests that the VP is left-headed, yeilding a different
VP structure:

(69) énɛ̀ énɛ̄ lé d' út͡ʃù ŋʷu

I man the (dem) give yam to
Subject Tense-Aspect Verb Object
I have planted yams.

The tense-aspect marker [fu᷄] changes the ordering of constituents in the sentence. In (68),
[fu᷄] is selecting the lower object [ámūt͡ʃu] and raising it to a higher position in the tree. This
remains consistent for all sentences with the tense-aspect marker [fu᷄]as well as the tense-aspect
marker [mú]. Examples are shown in 3.3.3.2.

4.3 Yes/No Questions

This section first covers the syntax of simple yes/no questions. To turn a declarative statement into
a question in Igala, the phrase final vowel is lengthened and falls, or remains L if the phrase final
vowel has a L. This is similar to 'uptalk' in English, where the final intonation of the question glides
to a higher tone. This feature in Igala is better described as down talk, as the final vowel and tone
and lowered, not raised. In (70) the declarative sentence "It is raining" is exemplified.

(70) ómi ̄ álɔ̀

water falling
It is raining

The interrogative counterpart to this sentence is below in (71).

(71) ómi ̄ álɔ̀ɔ ̀

water falling-QUESTION
Is it raining?

Another example of a yes/no questions with its declarative counterpart is listed below in
(72).
 Relative Clauses 21

(72) ja᷄ t͡ʃ àtékò wà

he (Fut/Pres) do help us
He (will) help us.

(73) ja᷄ t͡ʃ àtékò wàà

he (Fut/Pres) do help us-QUESTION
Does/Will he help us?

These examples show that the vowel is lengthened, but the final L tone is not observed, as
the final tone of [álɔ̀] is already L. An example of a word ending with a H tone is required.

(74) ɛ᷄ ŋ͡m ɔ́té

you (Fut/Pres) drink beer
You (will) drink beer.

Interrogative:

(75) ɛ᷄ ŋ͡m ɔ́tée ̀

you (Fut/Pres) drink beer-QUESTION
Do/Will you drink beer?

Wh-questions are different from yes/no questions in that they do not lower and lengthen the
final vowel of the sentence. Wh-questions will be explored further in 4.5.

4.4 Relative Clauses

In Igala, the relative clause is formed by using the complimentizer [kú] in the complementizer
position. This underlying form of the complimentizer does not always surface because the general
vowel deletion rule takes effect, deleting the word final u in the complimentizer whenever a vowel
initial subject marker is used in the clause. Therefore [kú] can appear as [kù], [kà], etc. The
tone of the subject marker remains the same. From this point on, I will represent the complementizer
as [k]+ the subject marker for simplicity. Examples of relative clauses are listed below.

(76) ù li ́ ɛ́nɛ̀ [ki ̀ k' ēli ̀]

I (Past) see person that he (Past) sing song
I saw the man [that sang].

(77) mà m' ónōbùlɛ́ [kù d' ɛ́d͡ʒà ŋʷù]

They (Past) know woman that I (Past) give ish to
I saw the man [that sang].

The examples in show that relative clauses are always positioned after the noun which
they are referring to. The CP is positioned as a modifier to the N in the DP. Relative clauses
also provide proof of the position of phrase heads. The relative clause appears after the noun it's
describing, suggesting that NPs are left headed. However the relative clause also appears before
the demonstrative, which suggests that the DP is right headed. This is shown below in (78).
 22 An Overview of Igala

(78) ɛ́dʒà [kù du ŋʷ Ágʷūla]́ lɛ̄ t͡ʃè li ́lɛ̄

ish that I (Past) give to Agwula the was big
The fish [I gave to Agwula] was big.

4.5 Wh-movement

Wh-movement in Igala is similar to that of English. The wh-phrase is moved to the Spec CP
position by the wh-feature on C. This wh-phrase can be a PP, DP, or a CP, as we've discovered
through clefting. As with English, a wh-question with the wh-phrase in the subject position does
not show any movement and suggests that the wh-phrase remains in-situ.

(79) ja᷄ t͡ʃ àtékò wà

he (Fut/Pres) do help us
He will help us.

The declarative sentence "He will help us," is exemplified above. The wh-question form of
this sentence is listed below.

(80) ɛ́nɛ́ á t͡ʃ àtékò wà

who (Fut) do help us
Who will help us?

There does not seem to be any movement of the wh-phrase in the subject position. An
example of a wh-question (and its declarative counterpart) with movement is shown below in (81)
and (82).

(81) ɔ́mà lɛ́ d' út͡ʃù ŋʷù Ógʷú

child the give yam to/for Ogwu
The child gave yams to Ogwu

(82) ɛ́nɛ́ ɔ́mà lɛ́ d' út͡ʃù ŋʷù _____

who child the give yam to/for [tDP]
Who did the child gave yams to?

In (81) there is clear movement of the wh-phrase. [ɛ́nɛ́] 'who' is raised out of the PP to the
Spec CP position. Something notable about this movement is that it is not acceptable for a speaker
to move the whole PP to the Spec CP position as in English.

(83) *ŋʷù ɛ́nɛ́ ɔ́mà lɛ́ d' út͡ʃù _____

*to/for who child the give yam [tPP]
*Who did the child gave yams to?

This restriction also applies to the preposition [tɔ́] 'to'. However, this preposition does not
remain at the end of the sentence. It is most likely deleted.
 References 23

(84) ɛ᷄ lɔ́ t' úɲi ́ mi ̄

you (Fut/Pres) go to house my
You are going/will go to my house.

(85) úg͡b' ɛ̌ lɔ́ ∅ _____

where you (Fut/Pres) go [to] [tDP]
Where are you going/will you go?

It is unacceptable to say *"To where are you going?"as shown below.

(86) *t' úg͡b' ɛ̌ lɔ́ _____

*to where you (Fut/Pres) go [tPP]
*To where are you going/will you go?

After examining the structure of wh-questions in Igala, it is clear that they are quite similar
to the structure of English wh-questions, with one notable restriction: prepositions cannot be moved
to the Spec CP position.

References

Lewis, M. Paul, Gary F. Simons, and Charles D. Fennig (eds.). 2013. “Igala.”
http://www.ethnologue.com/language/igl (16 March 2014)