ENSINO SUPERIOR DE PROPAGANDA E MARKETING

BEATRIZ LEOPARDI, MARCELA MENDONÇA, SOFIA BUSCH AZEVEDO

RWANDA GENOCIDE 1994 AND THE ROLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS

ASSISTANCE MISSION FOR RWANDA (UNAMIR)

SÃO PAULO
2024
 Summary:

1. SHORT INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………3
2. CONTEXTUALIZE THE CASE……………………………………………………...3
3. ACTORS INVOLVED IN THE CASE……………………………………………….4
4. THE PERFORMANCE OF THE I.O AND OUTCOMES ……………………..…….4
5. ANALYSES OF THE I.R THEORIES………………………………………………..5
5.1 CONSTRUTIVISM………………………………………………………………..5
5.1 LIBERALISM……………………………………………………………………..6
6. DECISION…………………………………………………………………………….7
7. BIBLIOGRAPHIC REFERENCES…………………………………………………...8
1.0 SHORT INTRODUCTION

In 1960, tutsis were forced to flee the country once the hutus gained control of the government,
endangering tutsis and moderated hutus lives. After that, the fight between the Armed Forces
of the mainly hutu government of Rwanda and the tutsi who led the Rwandese Patriotic Front
(RPF) first broke out in October 1990, across the border between Rwanda and Uganda. In 1961
Rwanda became independent, but the unrest continued. Triggering a lot of hate spread all over
Rwandan territory, UN's attention was caught.

In this paper, we will approach the International Relations theories, as well as combining them
with the actions and measures taken by the international organizations involved in this very sad
event. Also bringing out some major actors who had important roles in this war, relating
interests and motives for their appearances.

2.0 CONTEXTUALIZE THE CASE

The genocide in Rwanda in 1994 was one of the darkest and most shocking events in
contemporary African history. This bloody episode, which occurred over approximately 100
days from April to July 1994, resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people, mainly
from the Tutsi ethnic group, at the hands of Hutu extremists. This terrible chapter in Rwanda's
history was deeply rooted in ethnic tensions, political divisions, and a series of complex
historical events that shaped Rwandan society over the years.

The roots of the genocide date back to the colonial period, when Belgian colonizers exacerbated
ethnic divisions between the Hutus and Tutsis, favoring the latter and instituting policies that
marginalized the former. After independence, the Hutus took political control of Rwanda and
reversed the ethnic privilege system, leading to increasing tensions between the two groups.
Events like the Rwandan Civil War, which began in 1990 with the invasion of the Rwandan
Patriotic Army (RPA), mainly composed of exiled Tutsis, also contributed to the atmosphere
of instability and violence.

The assassination of Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana, a Hutu, on April 6, 1994, when
his plane was shot down while approaching Kigali, served as the trigger for the genocide. Hutu
extremists launched a planned campaign of extermination against the Tutsis and moderate
Hutus who opposed the genocide. For months, thousands of Tutsis were massacred in brutal
attacks, often using machetes, firearms, and other forms of violence. Tutsi women were raped,
and Tutsi children were brutally murdered.

The international community was criticized for its slow and inadequate response to the
genocide. The UN peacekeeping mission in Rwanda was ill-equipped and underfunded to deal
with the magnitude of the crisis, and the international community hesitated to intervene
effectively to stop the mass killing. It is estimated that between 500,000 and 1,000,000 people
were killed during the genocide, while millions were internally displaced or fled to neighboring
countries in search of safety.

After the genocide, Rwanda faced enormous challenges in rebuilding its society and economy.
The Rwandan government, under the leadership of President Paul Kagame, implemented
reconciliation and development policies, including promoting national unity, seeking justice
for the victims of the genocide, and measures to ensure the country's political and economic
stability.

The genocide in Rwanda left deep scars on Rwandan society and had a lasting impact on
international politics and diplomacy. It serves as a grim reminder of the devastating
consequences of ethnic hatred and sectarian violence, as well as the ongoing need for effective
prevention and response to such atrocities. By confronting its traumatic past and seeking
reconciliation, Rwanda continues to strive to build a more peaceful and inclusive future for its
future generations.

3.O ACTORS INVOLVED IN THE CASE

Several international actors were involved in the Rwandan genocide, which had varying
capacities during it. Some of them can be: the United Nations, which had a peacekeeping
mission, but criticized for its failure to effectively respond to the violence; hutus and tutsis are
also important actors, since everything happened between them; the Government of Rwanda;
also the International Tribunal for Rwanda, which was established only to prosecute the
people responsible for crimes in this genocide; there is a presence of NGOs (such as Human
Rights Watch, the ICRC and OXFAM), which worked providing aid, shelter and support for
survivors; the Organization of African Unity (OAU), involved in diplomatic efforts to
address the crisis, and played a role in peace negotiations; France had its participation
providing arms and military training to Habyarimana's militias, the Interahamwe and
Impuzamugambi; Belgium also can be considered an actor, since they were the first ones to
send troop contributions as requested by the UN, and also Bangladesh for the same reason;
and also the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), whom was led to manifest itself,
declaring a threat to international peace and security, approving an arms embargo; the
Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) members had a role trying to restore order, delivering needed
humanitarian aid and other help, such as evacuating foreigners trapped in Rwanda (Operation
SCOTCH).

4.0 THE PERFORMANCE OF THE I.O AND OUTCOMES

The United Nations deployed the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR)
in October 1993 to monitor a peace agreement between the Hutu government and the Rwandan
Patriotic Front (RPF). However, UNAMIR faced challenges as it was underfunded, ill-
equipped, and lacked a clear mandate to intervene in cases of ethnic violence. Consequently,
when the genocide began in April 1994, UNAMIR found itself unprepared to handle the crisis.
The international community hesitated to classify the events in Rwanda as genocide, despite
clear evidence of mass extermination targeting Tutsis and moderate Hutus. This lack of an
official declaration of genocide hindered the mobilization of a more robust response.

The international community also failed to provide adequate military support or intervention
to contain the genocide. Requests for reinforcements for UNAMIR went unanswered, and
peacekeeping forces were even reduced instead of increased when violence erupted.

Furthermore, following the onset of the genocide, several nations withdrew their humanitarian
and diplomatic personnel from Rwanda, instead of reinforcing their presence to assist in
containing the violence and protecting civilians.

As a consequence of the insufficient response from the international community, the genocide
in Rwanda continued virtually unopposed for months. Estimates suggest that between 500,000
and 1,000,000 people were killed. Additionally, the lack of effective intervention resulted in
long-term ramifications, including regional instability and a loss of trust in the international
community's ability to prevent mass atrocities.

5.0 ANALYSES OF THE I.R THEORIES

5.1 Constructivism

The constructivist theory in international relations emphasizes the importance of ideas, norms,
and identities in the formation and evolution of conflicts. In the context of the conflict between
Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda, this approach highlights how ethnic identities were socially
constructed over time, influencing the perceptions, behaviors, and interactions of the groups
involved.

Relevant authors and thinkers of the constructivist theory, such as Alexander Wendt, argue that
international reality is shaped not only by material interests but also by shared ideas, social
norms, and symbolic meanings.

In the case of Rwanda, the construction of Hutu and Tutsi ethnic identities dates back to the
colonial period when Belgian colonizers introduced ethnic categories and favored Tutsis over
Hutus. This established a dynamic of inequality and ethnic tension that persisted after Rwanda's
independence.

Besides impacting the development of the conflict itself, we can use constructivist theory to
analyze the response of NGOs like Human Rights Watch, ICRC, and OXFAM to the genocide
in Rwanda. These non-governmental organizations base their interventions on universal
humanitarian norms, such as the right to life and dignity, which are shared social constructions
within the international community. Their actions aim to provide humanitarian aid, protection,
and defense of human rights, reflecting the importance of norms and values in international
politics.

Additionally, the role of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in diplomatic and mediation
efforts also illustrates how shared norms and expectations can influence conflict resolution
approaches. The OAU sought to promote peace and reconciliation in Rwanda, demonstrating
how African community norms and values were mobilized to address the crisis and seek
peaceful solutions.

5.2 Liberalism

Liberal thinkers and authors, such as Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane, argue that cooperation
among states through international institutions is essential to resolve conflicts and promote
peace. However, the genocide in Rwanda revealed the limitations and challenges faced by these
institutions in practice, often failing to fulfill their role successfully.

Nye emphasizes the importance of soft power and diplomacy in building peaceful relations
among states. However, in the case of Rwanda, the lack of political will and dedicated resources
to UNAMIR reflected the fragility of international cooperation in times of acute crisis.

Analyzing the role of international organizations from the perspective of liberal theory, we can
observe how these institutions play a crucial role in promoting global peace and security.
However, they often fail to fulfill their role successfully, as seen in the international scenario
during the genocide in Rwanda.

The UN's role through UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda) was
criticized for its inability to effectively respond to the crisis and prevent atrocities. In April
1994, UNAMIR troops were withdrawn from Rwanda after the assassination of the country's
prime minister and the president of Burundi. This withdrawal contributed to the escalation of
the genocide, as the limited presence of international forces was insufficient to contain the
violence and protect the civilian population.

In conclusion, liberal theory in International Relations provides valuable insights into the
importance of international institutions and cooperation among states. However, it also
highlights the difficulties and limitations faced by these institutions during events like the
genocide in Rwanda.
6.0 DECISION

A Commission of Experts appointed by the Security Council conveyed in September that

"substancial evidence" confirmed that Hutu factions had carried out acts of genocide against
the Tutsi community in a "concerted, planned, systematic and methodical way." In December
1994, a conclusive report of the Commission was presented to the Council.

During a meeting arranged by Rwanda and the United Nations Development Programme in
1996, global donors donated more than $617 million towards the rebuilding of the nation. UN
organizations have persisted in delivering humanitarian assistance and aiding in the repatriation
of the refugees.

On 8 November 1994, the Security Council inaugurated the International Tribunal for Rwanda
", exclusively to prosecute individuals held accountable for genocide and other grave violations
of international humanitarian law perpetrated within Rwand's border and Rwandan citizens,
responsible for genocide and other similar violations committed in the territory of neighbouring
States, between 1 January 1994 and 31 December 1994. Situated in Arusha, Tanzania, the
Tribunal released its first indictments in 1995 and commended the first trials in 1997.

The Tribunal indicted 93 individuals whom it considered responsible for serious violations of
international humanitarian law committed in Rwanda in 1994. Those indicted included high-
ranking military and government officials, politicians, businessmen, as well as religious,
militia, and media leaders. The court convicted the Prime Minister during the genocide Jean
Kambanda, to life in prison. The ICTR ended its term on 31 December 2015.

Half a decade following the events, the UN and the entire international community still faced
allegations of failing to avert the genocide. Considering the magnitude of the catastrophe and
the outgoing uncertainties regarding the actions of the United Nations and its Member State
leading up to and during the crisis, the Secretary-General, with the Security Council's sanction,
initiated an autonomous investigation into those actions in march 1999.

The findings of the investigation were disclosed on 15 December 1999. The investigation
concluded that the primary failure in the international community’s response was because of
the insufficiency of resources and political determination, alongside misjudgments regarding
the nature of the events in Rwanda. Expressing profound regret for failing to prevent the
genocide in Rwanda, the Secretary-General, in a statement on December 16th, acknowledged
full acceptance of the report's conclusion. He commended the inquiry for its focus on the
lessons to be gleaned and its recommendations aimed at ensuring that the United Nations and
the international community could and would take action to prevent or halt any similar
catastrophes in the future.
7.0 BIBLIOGRAPHIC REFERENCES

GRÜNFELD, F.; VERMEULEN, W. Failures to Prevent Genocide in Rwanda (1994),

Srebrenica (1995), and Darfur (since 2003). Genocide Studies and Prevention, v.
4, n. 2, p. 221–237, ago. 2009.

BUCKLEY-ZISTEL, S. Remembering to Forget: Chosen Amnesia as a Strategy for

Local Coexistence in Post-Genocide Rwanda. Africa, v. 76, n. 2, p. 131–150, 1 jan.
2006.

JOURNAL SYSTEM. Africa Review of Books, Volume 2, n° 1, 2006. Africa Review of

Books, v. 2, n. 1, 5 abr. 2006.

DALLAIRE, Roméo. Shake Hands with the Devil: the Failure of Humanity in
[Link] :Random House Canada, 2003.

MANDANI, Mahmood. When victims become killers: colonialism, nativism, and the
genocide in Rwanda. Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 2001.

PRUNIER, Gérard. The Rwanda Crisis, History of a Genocide. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1995.

Outreach Programme on the Rwanda Genocide and the United Nations.

Disponível em: <[Link]
[Link]#:~:text=In%20November%201994%2C%20the%20UN>. Acesso
em 26 de Março de 2024

UNITED NATIONS. UNAMIR. Disponível em:

<[Link] Acesso em 28 de
Março de 2024

CANADA, V. A. Rwanda - Veterans Affairs Canada. Disponível em:

<[Link]
operations/rwanda>. Acesso em 29 de Março de 2024