Proxemics
Proxemics
Author(s): Edward T. Hall, Ray L. Birdwhistell, Bernhard Bock, Paul Bohannan, A. Richard
Diebold, Jr., Marshall Durbin, Munro S. Edmonson, J. L. Fischer, Dell Hymes, Solon T.
Kimball, Weston La Barre, Frank Lynch, S. J., J. E. McClellan, Donald S. Marshall, G. B.
Milner, Harvey B. Sarles, George L Trager, Andrew P. Vayda
Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 9, No. 2/3 (Apr. - Jun., 1968), pp. 83-108
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological
Research
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Proxemics1
byEdwardT. Hall
84 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY
e-.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-
Christian's
studyin onlyone of a numberof similar
stratedthat critical distance is so precise that it can studiesof populationcollapse21 due to stressfrom
be measuredin centimeters.15 sensory overload(crowding).22
Schaifer(1956) has written about both "critical
space." and "critical situations."'While he has stressed is not accessible to direct observation.This world is made up of
the danger of drawing analogies from non-human iformation communicatedto the creaturefromthe outside in the
forms,his descriptionsof social and group responses formof messagespicked up by its sense organs."
to crowdingand his formulationof the conceptsof the 18
Social scientiststrained in the North European traditionare
Ccritical-densities"and "crises" are not only highly familiar with the trap laid by a dichotomizingof language and
suggestivefor man but appear to involve processes culture.Some of the time we make our observationsin context,but
that embrace an extraordinarilybroad -spectrumof oftenwe do not. Most, if not all, of Berelson and Steiner's(1964)
"findings"separate the organism,including man, from the matrix
living substance. of life both conceptuallyand operationally.Their interpretation
of
Recent studiesof spacingamong animals reveal that Lewin's (1935) adopted versionof Zeigarnik's (1927) studyis seen
one of the primaryfunctionsof proper spacing is to in termsof drive ratherthan of social acts. It remainedfor Spitz
permitthe completionof what Tinbergen(1952, 1958) (1964) to place Zeigarnik's work in contextagain. Berelson and
terms "laction chains." Tinbergen has demonstrated Steiner's chapter on culture is particularlyfragmented.The work
of the transactionalpsychologistsis most conspicuous for its ab-
that the life of the sticklebackand other species is sence from their work. One is left with the impressionthat for
made up of predictablebehavioralsequencesaccord'ing many Americans one does not really "know" something except
to set paradigms.If a sequence is brokenor interrupt- when it is out of context.At the risk of stating the obvious, I
to underscorewhat appears to be a growingconsensusamong
ed, it is necessaryto startover again fromthe begin- wishethologistsand ecologists that the organism and its environment
ning.16Both animals and man, according to Spitz are so inextricablyintertwinedthat to consider either as separate
(1964), require, at critical stages *in life, specific is an artifactof our own particularway of looking at things.
amountsof space in order to act out the dialoguesthat 19 See "The Biochemistryof Crowding and Exocrinology",in
Hall (1966).
lead to the consummationof most of the important 20 Other studies that have contributedto the formationof my
acts in life. thinkingare: Allee (1958); Bonner (1963); Calhoun (1962a; b);
The findingsof ethologistsand animal psychologists Christian (1963); Christian and Davis (1964); Christian,Flyger,
suggestthat: (a) each organisminhabitsits own subjec- and Davis (1961); Deevey (1960); Eibl-Eibesfeldt(1961); Erring-
tive world,17 which is a functionof its perceptual ton (1956, 1957, 1961); Frake (1960); Gilliard (1960, 1963);
Goffman (1959); Hediger (1950, 1955); Hinde and Tinbergen
(1958); Howard (1920); Levi-Strauss (1966a); Lissman (1963);
15 For a description of these distances, see Hall (1966). Lorenz (1964); McBride (1964); McCulloch (1948); McCulloch
16 The territorialconcept is complex, representinga wide variety and Pitts (1947); Parks and Bruce (1961); Portmann (1959);
of behavior patterns. Carpenter (1958), for example, lists 32 Rosenblith (1961); Schafer (1956); Selye (1956); Snyder (1961);
In the context in which I
functionsassociatedwith territoriality. Sullivan (1947); Tinbergen (1952, 1958); and Wynne-Edwards
am using the termat present,what is importantis that thesensory (1962).
with.
are notbrokenor interfered
paradigms 21 Notable among these is the work of Paul Errington(1956,
17 Lissman (1963) has the following to say on this subject: 1957, 1961). His studiesof muskratsand theirbehavioralresponses
"Study of the ingenious adaptations displayed in the anatomy, to the stress from crowding are most revealing. He states that
physiology,and behaviorof animals leads to the familiarconclusion muskratsshare with men the propensityforgrowingsavage under
that each has evolved to suit life in its particularcorner of the stressfromcrowding (italics mine).
world. Each animal also inhabits a private subjective world that 22 See my 1966 summaryof Christian'swork.
ANTHROPOLOGY
86 CURRENT
was takenin earlymorningon
the Rome Airport.Photograph
FIG. 5 IndividualdistancesbetweenItalianson a walkwayoverlooking
a warmsummerday. [Photoby EdwardT. Hall.]
88 CURRENT AN rHROPOLOGY
other"and thento tell me whethertwo objectswere H1all: PROXEMICS
"together"or not. Arab subjectswereunableor un-
willingto makea judgments as to whethertwoobjects One sectionof ourquestionnaire dealtwithlistening
wereclosetogether or notif thesurroundtngarea was behavior28 and was designedto elicitinformation on
In otherwords,Arabssaw theobjectsin
notspecified. wheresubjectslookedat the personbeingaddressed
Americans
a context; saw theobjectsonlyin relationto forfeedback. Thisprovedtobe oneofthemostproduc-
eachother. tivesectionsof ourquestionnaire.Whatemerged from
interviewswithforeign was nota directanswer
subjects
tothequestionsbuta seriesofcomplaintsthatAmericans
neverlistenor complaints aboutwhatAmericans com-
STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS municatebythewayinwhichtheylisten.Arabssaidwe
areashamedall thetime.Whatmadethemthinkso?The
My wifeand I interviewed bothAmerican and foreign factthatwe withholdour breathand directit away
subjectsin depth,following a detailedinterview sche- fromtheotherperson.Latin Americansubjectscom-
dule.Theshortest interviews tooksixhours;thelongest plainedthatAmericans neverlistenedor werealways
lastedsixmonths andwasstillproducing datawhenthat breakingoff,a conclusiontheydrew fromthe fact
phaseoftheworkwasterminated. In thecourseofthese thatoureyeswander.The information thatwe sought
studies,itbecameapparentthatalthough theanswers of by thisline of inquiryconcernedthe type of per-
different subjectstoanyparticular question might vary, ceptualinvolvement of the two subjects.
theinterview scheduleas a wholecouldteachus much
abouthowthesubjects structured andexperienced space.
Conclusions couldbe drawnfromthewayin whichthe
ANALYSIS OF THE LEXICON
questionswereansweredand fromthedifficulties en-
countered inunderstanding particular questions.
The protocolfortheinterviews beganwitha general I have longmaintained (Hall and Trager1953,Hall
questionconcerning thehomeand household, and the 1959) thatculture is basicallya communicative process.
activitiesand namedareascontainedin thehouse.The This process occurs-simultaneously on many levels, some
homewas chosenas a starting pointnotonlybecause ofthemmoreexplicitthanothers. Languageisoneofthe
everyonehas one, but also becauseit had been our explicitlevels.Boas (1911) was thefirstanthropologist
cxperience thatsubjectscan usuallytalkaboutthecon- to emphasizethe relationship betweenlanguageand
cretefeatures of thehomeevenwhentheyfindit dif- culture.He made his pointin the simplest, mostobvious
ficultor inappropriate to talkaboutothertopics.Once way by analyzing lexicons of languages. Whorf (1956)
thehomepicture hadbeenrecorded alongwithdrawings wentbeyondBoas and suggested thatlanguage lays
and diagrams, thesamematerialwas coveredin a dif- a prominent rolein moldingtheperceptual worldof a
suchtopicsas privacy,bound- culture.He states,
ferent waybyexploring
aries,the rightsof propinquity, and theplace of the
particular homeinitssocialandgeographic Fur- We dissectnaturealonglineslaid downby our natural
setting.
niturearrangements inhomeandofficeprovidedadded languages. The categories and typesthatwe isolatefrom
dataonsocialrelationships, andso didlinguistic features theworldofphenomena we do notfindthere....
suchas wordsorconcepts thatweredifficult totranslate.
Altogether, some90 topicswerecovered.
One ofthemostvaluablefeatures ofourprotocol was *Whorfobservedthatin Hopi, timeand space are
thatit was sufficiently culture-bound to causeforeign inextricably boundup in eachother;to alterone is to
subjectsto raisequestionsthatrevealednot only the change theother. He says,
structures oftheirownproxemic systems butthetaken-
for-granted aspectsof our systemas well. ""Where do TheHopi thought worldhasno imaginary space.... In
yougo tobe alone?"-a normalquestionforAmericans other words, theHopicannot as speakers ofIndo-European
-puzzled andsometimes angered Arabs.Somerepresen- languages do, 'imagine" sucha placeas Heavenor Hell.
tativeArab repliesare, "Who wantsto be alone?" Furthermore "hollow"spaceslikeroom,chamber, hallare
"Wheredo you go to be crazy?""Paradisewithout notreallynamedobjects butarerather located....
peopleis Hell." Trespassing is thought of in theUnited
Statesas a universally recognizable violationof the
mores,yetour interviews failedto turnup anything Sapir'sand Whorf'sinfluence, extendedfarbeyond
evenapproaching thisconceptamongurbanArabs.The the confinesof descriptive linguistics, caused me to
actual structureof the interviewproved to be a reviewthelexiconofthepocketOxfordDictionary and
valuableresearchinstrument. The pointis bothsubtle to extractfrom it all theterms having spatial connota-
and important. By following a standardprotocol, then, tions such as: "over,""under,""away from,""to-
we wereconducting researchsimultaneously on two gether,""nextto," "beside,""adjacent,""congruent,"
different levels: level A was the manifestcontent, "level,""upright."Altogether, some20% of thisdic-
Answersto Questions;and level B (the more im-
portantand basic)was thecontrast in structureof two 28 It long has been taken for granted that the signal, sign, or
culturalsystems, one beingusedin contextto elicitthe message is what the social scientistconcentrateson when doing
other. The most valuable sessions turned out to be communicationsresearch. I observed some years ago that much
of the slippage in interculturalcommunicationoccurs because the
those in which foreignsubjects took issue with our speakercannot tell whetherthe person he is addressingis listening
spatial catagories. or not (Hall 1964b).
1968
Vol. 9. No. 2-3. April-June 91
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96 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY
ger and distress;salutinghabitsfrom Hall: PROXEMICS
closeup and fromafar.
7) thecontrastbetweenformalpat- ilardistinctions are made,forexample, the analystmustdiscoverthe way in
ternsof attitudeand the real feelings in the series"Mr. Brown,""Brown," which the ethnographer distortsthe
and possiblydeviantbehaviourof in- "Thomas,""Tom,""Tommy."Modern culturebecauseof his own personal
dividualsand groups. youngpeople in WesternEurope are systemof perceptions,includinghis
8) the"I-You" relationat various morereadyto call each otherby their own experiences and theneurosesand/
stages(acquaintance,friendship, love, Christian names than were their or defensesthat he has created in
kinship). parents.Nicknamesand argotsserve adapting to his experience.Such a
9) the quick and easy spread of as symbolsof solidarityand exclude schemewould be anotherstep in the
culture,news,and propagandain den- strangersfrom the intimacyof the directionof understanding theprocess
selypopulatedareas and, on theother group. ofcross-culturallearning and commun-
hand, the far-reaching influenceof Hall is rightin pointingout that ication.
radio and television,even in thinly voice loudnessis proxematically rele-
populatedareas. vant. His conceptof the "situational
10) proxematicdifferencesamong dialect" is also very useful.In this by A. RICHARD DIEBOLD, JR.*
the senses: connection it is again essentialto con-
(a) near distance:touchand taste; siderlistening behaviour, as everytalk Stanford,Calif.,U.S.A. 19 vii67
(b) near or middledistances:smell; may be conceivedas a kindof cyber- For thosewho have an interest in (es-
(cf. the Germansaying: "I can't netic mechanismwith feedback.The pecially non-verbal) communicative
smell[ = stafid]him."); style varietiesof the language-e.g., behavior,one of themorestriking ob-
(c) far distances:hearingand sight. public, official, private, intimate- staclesto researchin this area is it-
Mostlywe shall finda combination revealproxematic differences. selfone of communication, in thiscase
and cross-checking of the senses,pos- An abundantsourceof proxematic with otherspecialists.Hopefullythis
sibilydirectedby reason,will,or cul- data will be the educationaland di- paper by Hall will reachsomeof the
tura pattern. dactic literatureof mankind,works scatteredaudiencethat is so engaged
11) proxematicaspects of games, and passagesin poetryand prose,pro- and helpestablishtheinterdisciplinary
dancing,parties,youthclubs,schools, verbsand parables,rulesof conduct, contactswhichare vitallyneeded.For
sports. and textbookson interpersonal rela- the benefitof thisaudience,I would
12) proxematicproblems of the tions. like to registera few generalremarks
group:thenetworkof communications with the experiencejust gained of
betweenmembers of a group,varying having completeda lengthyreview-
withdegreeof intimacy, and thepos- by PAUL BOHANNAN* articleof "anthropology and thecom-
sible solidarityof the group against parativepsychology of communicative
strangers. Evanston,III., U.S.A. 28 VI 67 behavior"(Diebold 1967).
13) proxematicproblemsof accul- Hall's observations are vital for an- "Proxemicbehavior,"as definedby
turation. thropologistsengagedin research.His Hall in thisand hisotherpublications,
14) symbolisms of contactand fel- use of "native" photographers to re- is butone perhapssomewhatarbitrar-
lowship:gestures, miming, pre-linguis- cord and then to interpretfor him ily definedcategoryof thetotalrange
tic sounds,handshakes, kisses,embra- whatwas goingon shouldbe parallel- of communicative behaviorwhichhu-
ces,partlycombinedwithutterances. ed in all branchesof ethnography. mans use in social interaction. Some
15) deviationsfromtheusualprox- Many of us have used informants as significantcaveats follow from this
ematic patternsof a group due to extensi6ns of our own sensesin exam- reminder.
adaptationto an alteredenvironment. ningtheculturewe are studying. We The firstis thatwe knowrelatively
On thispoint,theHuman Adaptabil- would do well to examinethis tech- littleas yetaboutwhatHall calls the
itySectionof theInternational Biolo- nique for the ways in whichit can "infra-cultural bases" of the human
gical Programmightfurnishessential help us to get at the crucialpointsin communicative ethogram.Indeed, we
details. the culture. should begin by askingjust what is
Keiter(1966)hintsat thewiderange Thisprocedure allowsus to examine this ethogramand whetherthe term
of humaninteraction fromthe hermit in detail the transactionsbetween "ethogram"itselfis appropriate.This
to the city-dweller and pointsto the anthropologist and informant. At the is to invokethe familiar"nature-nur-
customof thehandshakeas a "fiction" risk of ruiningthe ethnography (ex- ture"issuewhichbesetsany interpre-
of humanfellowshipevenin themass cept wherethe anthropologist is ex- tive cross-culturalor trans-specific
society.The authoralso discussesthe periencedin the culturehe is study- analysisof humanbehavior.It is to
problemof boredomreactionsin en- ing), why not study anthropologistsask questionswhich,despitetherecent
forcedcommunities suchas submarine anthropologizing? How do theymake impactof ethologyand comparative
crewsor polar expeditions. spatialadjustments? How do theyfind psychology on anthropological theory,
As to proxematic aspectsof linguis- theirown feelingsand ideas affected producesqualls in the stillpredomin-
tics, I want to commentas follows: by thoseof theirinformants? For a ately empiricist (or "culture-relativis-
From the point of lexicography, spe- longtime,I have wantedto do a field tic") climate of anthropologicalin-
cial attention shouldprobablybe paid job in association with a psycho- quiry.How muchof humancommuni-
to thelexicaldomain("Wortfeld")of analyst.Give the ethnographer suffi- cativebehavioris culturally universal?
social life; but since the relationbe- cient trainingin psychiatryto be Of those componentswhich are, to
tweenproxemicsand languageis not un-self-conscious and awareof someof what extentcan theirappearancein
onlya questionof lexicology,butalso his own defenses.Give the psycho- organicallyand functionallynormal
a matterof grammarand style,one analystsufficient anthropological train- humansbe said to be constitutionally
shouldanalyzetribal,local,and "fam- ing to understand the role of culture. determined? (For instance,can it be
ily" vocabulariesas well as normal Then let the ethnogra pher and the demonstrated that any of thesecom-
dictionaries.Moreover,the formsof analystinformone anotherverycare- ponentsare geneticallyencoded and
personaladdress,may vary according fully:the ethnographer mustdiscover endogenously released?)Is theresome
to the degreeof intimacy(cf. the use the degreeand kind of "skew" which "infra-cultural" species-specific com-
of the personalpronoun,French:tu- comesfromthepsychoanalyst's focus- municativeethogramfor Homo sapi-
vous, Germandu-Sie);in English,sim- ing on psychicviews of the culture; ens? Anthropologists would tradition-
Vol. 9 . No. 2-3 . April-June1968 97
ally hold thatit is impossibleto fac- "across-a-crowded-room" phenomenon. them.The young man's looking be-
tor out such species-specificcom- Each has independently taken notice havior?It could well dependon how
ponentsfrom the complexof over- of the other and occasionallygazes the girl is dressed;conceivablyeyes
lyingbehavioracquiredduringencul- across the room. What happens if are mutuallyaverted if the girl is
turationand subsequentparticipation theireyes meet?Let us say that this wearing a miniskirtwhich climbs
of theindividualin a particularsocio- eye-engagement is maintained,per- gravity-defiant duringthedancemove-
culturalgroup. And it is generally hapsbriefly, and now notetwoaspects ments.If gaze he does, do the young
concededby ethologists, evenby those of thisconfrontation: (1) its context, man'ssimultaneous facialdisplayscon-
who have been cited as extreme"in- a veryparticularsortof social-physi- veybemusedcamaraderie or lascivious
stincttheorists," that endogenousbe- cal space, i.e., a party; and (2) the scrutiny? Supposenow thatthe music
havioral responsesare increasingly communicativechannels which are permitsslow movementand bodily
moremodifiableby experientialfac- active-at thispointalmostexclusiv- contact.Use of the audio-vocalchan-
tors in the highervertebrateorders, ely the visual-gestural channel,and nel (i.e., conversation) will of course
especiallyso withtheplasticity typical with only minimalutilizationof the be facilitated;the tactilechannelwill
of human behavior.These questions total potentialrangeof signalswhich be activatedthroughvarioussortsof
beg,not becauseHall has posed them mightbe producedin that channel, body contact; each partnerwill be
directly, but becauseof theheavyun- i.e., withonlyeye-engagement and no broughtinto what Hall delightfully
derpinning of his researchin theetho- or only subliminalfacial or postural calls "the olfactorybubbleof [one's]
logical literature.Nor do I feel that displays.In short,no otherchaa?nels interlocuter;"and, contingentupon
he has obviatedthisissueby injecting are open,and interaction itselfis ten- how "closely" the two dance (and
a gratuitousexperientialrelativism uous,butcommunication did transpire. upon discrepancies in height,etc.),the
through payinghomageto Whorf. (Withincertaindistancesand barring visual-gestural channelis now attenu-
The secondcaveat is a problemof certaindefectsin thevisualapparatus, ated, at least as far as mutualeye-
ascribingto variables dependentor all save themostfunctionally disturb- engagementis concerned.And if it
independent status.If it is true that ed individuals in all sociotultural pleasesboth to do so and theydance
proxemicbehavior(or kinesic,or par- groupsare able to perceivewhether with maximalbody contact,why is
alinguistic,or however you divide they are "being looked at" [direct it (let us concentrateon chest to
up the pie) is just one of manycate- eye-engagement] as opposedto "past," breast)thatthiserogenousinvasionis
goriesof interactional behavior,what "beyond,"or "through";see, e.g. Ar- permittedor encouragedby the girl
do we knowof its functional iEldepen- gyle and Oean [1965.]; Diebold on the dance-floor and laterrebuffed
dence of other communicative sub- [1967]; Gibsonand Pick [1963]; Rie- by her on the back-porchwhen re-
systems? I take it as foregoneconclu- mer[1955]. Beinglookedat doeshave established by theyoungmanmanual-
sionthatthephysicaldistancebetween interactionalsemanticity, which pre- ly-when, we note,althoughthegirl's
an interacting dyad can "mean" quite dictablycan mean different thingsin attractionto the youngman has not
differentthings depending,among different and different
societies, things diminished, thereis a changeof con-
other variables,upon (1) the wider in different contextswithinone socie- text for theirphysicaldistance,and
temporaland spatialcontextin which ty. More intriguingis the finding eye-engagement has beenrestored? The
the confrontation takesplace and (2) thatmutualeye-engagement and sud- questionsare not so rhetorical as they
theco-occurrence or non-occurrence of den apperceptionof being looked at mightseem.
signaltransmission in one or severalof producemeasurablechangesin auto- Is all proxemicbehaviorso context-
thechannelswhichlinkthedyad (e.g., nomicactivity,thussuggesting a still specificand sensitiveto regulationby
visual-gestural, audio-visual).Regret- undetermined constitutionalcomponent manifold-channel signalling?I believe
tably we know only too littleabout for the informationprocessingin- it is. And I do not believethatmany
how these various signals mightbe volved in thistypeof visual interac- of theseeverydayinteractional situa-
mutuallycorroborative or summating tion.)We mightask whetherthegirl's tionslendthemselves readilyto experi-
in theinformation theytransmit; when unaverted gaze was somehowlinkedto mentalmanipulation in thelaboratory,
theyconflictin theinformation which this sociallyparticularproxemicset- nor to certain heuristicmeasuring
theyconvey; and how context-sensi-ting.Whatif thepair had firstnotic- techniques in naturalisticsettings.
tive theyare to theproxemicsettings ed each otherat an airport?Granted Imaginethe difficulties, for instance,
which most interestHall. And here certainsharedcomponents of psycho- of pluggingour couple above into a
forme is a crucialdilemma;forwhile social background, if the youngman polygraphin orderto tap changesin
manyof Hall's observations stemfrom "stared,"thegirlmightwell averther psychodynamic state and autonomic
contrastiveanalysesof cross-cultural gaze and striveto avoid eye-engage- activation,or attempting to filmthe
communicationand the difficulties ment altogether,supplementing this thwartedindiscretionon the back-
theseconfrontations oftenentail,we signalof non-receptivity by precons- porch.The outlook,however,is notas
do notreallyknowwhichdiscrepancy, ciousor motivatedpostural(e.g.,stan- bleak as thissuggests.What seemsto
whichchannel,emitsthe criticalsta- ding sidewaystoward the man) or be in orderis extensiveand intensive
tic. It seemsto me that we do not facial (e.g., unsmiling)cues, her pos- "field observations."Hall indicates
have as yetenoughinsightintocontext sible interestnotwithstanding. The how thismightbe fruitfully pursued
specificity and inter-channel linkages physicaldistanceseparatingthem is and how anthropologists can be and
even withinour own society,or any thesameas thatat theparty,but the have been enlistedto make a signifi-
subgroupof it, to permitunequivocal affective-social distanceis quite dif- cant contribution. I hope he will be
conclusions on thesematters. ferent. encouragedto continueprovidingus
The followingtrivialexamplegives Let us supposenow thattheprinci- with the benefitsof his advice and
some indicationof what I mean by pals have introducedthemselves and experience.
contextspecificity and channelselec- are happily dancing. But dancing
tion:The settingis an informal party, what?If the frug,the tactilechannel
well-attended, withdrinking and dan- is inoperativeand the audio-vocal, by MARSHALL DURBIN*
cing. Th.e two principalsare a young although now potentiallyopen, is
New Orleans,La., U.S.A. 19 VII 67
man and a girl, unattachedand as attenuated becauseof thephysicaldis-
yetunacquainted, who findthemselves tancerequiredby thisdancestyleand Hall's work on proxemicsand kine-
attractedto one another.How? The theextreme channelnoisewhichintru- sics has been of greatserviceto the
first "encounter" is the familiar des in the resultingspace between behavioralsciencesin generalas well
98 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY
as to anthropologyin particular.I Hall: PROXEMICS
take it for grantedthathis contribu-
tionsare widelyrecognized;the com- Hockett'sconceptof designfeaturesre- tactics.I sensea certainvaguenessof
mentswhichfollowwill therefore be presentsa breakthrough in our understan- graspthroughout, whichI believefol-
criticalones, dealing especiallywith ding of communication. lows fromfailureto differentiate ap-
Hall's discussion (in otherpublications In my opinion, the concept of design propriately betweenthefactorsin hu-
as well as thisarticle)of proxemicbe- features represents a breakthrough man similarity and the factorsin cul-
havioras a communication system. only if we ask, "what type of analysis tural difference:betweenethologyand
Hall does not clearly outline the for a communicationsystem can we ethnology.This is relatedto the tac-
differences between(a) proxemicbe- provide which will account for each tical eclecticismwhichhas assembled
haviorand otherhumancommunica- of these features?" Productivity was forus a greatdeal of information on
tionsystems and(b) proxemicbehavior long recognized as a salient featureof biosocialspacingbutseemsto me defi-
and otheranimalcommunication sys- language, but not until the introduc- cientin incisiveconclusions-even pre-
tems.Pervasivethroughout hisworkis tion of a linguisticanalysis (transfor- liminary or descriptive ones.
the idea thata relationship existsbe- mational grammar) which accounted I questionwhetherethologicalprin-
tweenterritoriality in non-humans and for it did it become a significantfact ciplescan usefullrbe applied to cul-
proxemicbehaviorin humans.One is of language. In other words, and con- tural variation.Human ethologyis
led to believe,althoughhe does not trary to what Hall says (p. 95), the fundamentally unitary.If proxemics
explicitysay so, thatthelatterdevel- whys are more important than the is subjectto variationwithinthe spe-
oped fromtheformer. Fromthisview hows; content takes precedence over cies,we maytherefore regardethology
it would followthat proxemicsdeals structureif we assume that the struc- as an importantpart of the back-
with structure ratherthan with con- ture has already been mapped out to groundto studying it,buttheexplana-
tent,and indeedHall makesthisclear: a reasonable degree. Unless produc- tion of the variationmust lie else-
". . .proxemics,as I thinkof it, is tivityin proxemicbehavior is account- where.I believe it does, and I find
more.., concerned withstructurethan ed forin termsof a contentanalysis,it particularlyintriguingHall's com-
with content... (p. 95). While Hall is no more interestingthan the fact municativephrasingof the matter.I
has set about thetaskof mappingthe that a dog can be taughtto respond to would, however,preferto focus the
structure mostably, I findthiswork an infinityof stimuli. Only by ex- problemyet moresharplyby concen-
muchlessinteresting thanthestudyof amining the content side of proxemic tratingspecificallyon spatial meta-
thecontent(significance, meaning, etc.) behavior will we understandwhy the phor. I would include,as Hall does,
which the structure carries;for it is architector designercreatesnew forms verbally,graphically, plastically,and
at the point wherethe structure be- and predict how he is able to do so. architecturallyexpressed metaphor,
gins to take on myriadsignificances but I would also includebehavioral
or meaningsthat it can be identified I find it curious that Hall is so and gesturalmetaphoras well. I see
as a humanstructure ready to rely upon linquistics as a
and of interest for his proxemicsand yet deny no difficultyin so interpreting his
to anthropologists. In spiteof Hall's model
content its rightful role, since the lin- data even when the metaphorex-
emphasison structure, I am quitesure pressedis tacit,covert,or unconscious,
that in his analysishe has inevitably guist mustemploy contentor meaning and I see somepotentialgains.
had recourse to content in his analyses. It may be relevant that
(as thelinguists When Hall reportsthat no general
of the50's did-cf. Harris1951-who linguistshave only recentlybegun to descriptiveframeworkfor proxemics
maintainedthattheycould carryout recognize the pressure which content
upon structureand to account will work in all cultures,I believe
a structural analysisofa languagewith- exertsfor it in their analyses. Chomsky thisis one way of statingthatthecul-
out recourseto meaning).To the ex- ofspaceis metaphoric
tentthatanalysisin proxemics (1965) gives the following example of turalstructuring
is pure- -for metaphor has no universallimit-
ly structural, the pressure of content upon structure:
proxemicscan be com- ations. But metaphoris culturally
pared to animal territoriality only in John is easy to please. structured and can be ethnologically
a verytrivialway and cannotbe com- John is eager to please. studiedand explained.Hall seemsto
pared to otherhumancommunication me to writeoff somewhattoo easily
systems at all. Indeed,it is doubtfulif and the relevanceof awarenessand of
it can be comparedeven with non- To please John is easy.
consciousculturalpatternsto thepro-
humancommunication systemsif we blem. Surely if I avert my eyes to
acceptSebeok's(1963 : 465) definition but not:
* To please John is eager. avoid beingchargedwithwitchcraft,
of zoosemioticsas involving keepmyhandsto myselfto avoid be-
... the codingof information in cyber- A perhaps less obvious but more in- ingthought sexuallyaggressive, crouch
neticcontrolprocessesand the consequen- terestingexample is the following: to keep my head "low," or stand to
ces thatare imposedby thiscategorization keepmybodyfromreposein thepre-
where living animals functionas input/ I see the house which is big and senceof thechief,theconsciousmean-
outputlinkingdevices.... white. ings of theseusagescan be obtained
Coding processes may perhaps be I see the house which is white and frominformants and are relevantto
understoodwithoutreference to con- big. explaning them.
tent,but a categorization or subcate- and Let me nonetheless agreewithHall
gorizationprocesscan neverbe under- I see the big white house. that the moreproblematic and hence
stood unlessthe analystrefersto its moreinteresting patternsof spacingin
contentaspects;and it is preciselya but not: man are covert.Construedas meta-
special,but not yet well understood, * I see the white big house. phors,theyare the spatialprojections
type of categorizationprocesswhich of culturalvalues. I am not entirely
distinguisheshuman communication persuadedthatspace mustnecessarily
systemsfromthe communication sys- by MUNRO S. EDMONSON* be approachedas a separablesystem
temsof otheranimals. of metaphor.I considerit morelikely
Hall fails,again, tO distinguish be- New Orleans,La., U.S.A. 19.vi 67 thatvariousculturalideas can be ex-
tweenhumancommunication systems Two kinds of confusion seem to me pressedspatiallyas an alternativeor
and those of other animals when he to flaw this stimulatingarticle: one is supplement to expressingthemin other
states (p. 91): a matter of theory and the other of ways, and I would anticipatethat
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