Gee 2014 Ch2
Gee 2014 Ch2
Discourse Analysis
Theory and method
Fourth Edition
and by Routledge
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The right of James Paul Gee to be identified as author of this work has
been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
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Typeset in Berkeley
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CHAPTER TWO
What is Discourse Analysis?
! Introduction 17
! What Does the Word “Discourse” Mean? 17
! Another Meaning for the Word “Discourse” 19
! What Speakers/Writers and Listeners/Readers Do 20
! Identities 22
! Webs of Association 26
! The Approach in this Book 29
! Readings 29
What is Discourse Analysis? 17
Introduction
This chapter is an overview of what the word “discourse” means – or, at least,
what it will mean in this book – and an introduction to the perspective on
discourse analysis this book will develop. Some readers will be helped by an
initial “big picture” view from the top. Others may prefer to enter the water
more slowly. If readers find this chapter too arid, they should start the book
with the next chapter and return to this one when then feel ready for a “big
picture” view.
In the last chapter, we said that when we use language we are saying, doing,
and being. When I am a professor in a meeting with a student, I say and do
professor things as I enact my identity as a professor. When I game (play video
games), I say and do gamer things as I enact my identity as a gamer. When I
“bird” (go bird watching), I say and so birder things as I enact my identity as
a birder. To say, do, and be something I need other people and things in the
world in order say, do, and be. I need other professors (and students and
colleges), other gamers (and games), and other birders (and birds).
Much the same information is expressed in (1) and (2). However, that
information is all combined into one sentence in (1) and is expressed in two
separate sentences in (2). The information that my house was destroyed
relates to the information that it took only an hour syntactically in (1). The
same two pieces of information are related by discourse (or “at the level of
discourse”) in (2).
Why say it one way or the other, why use (2) rather than (1)? This decision
depends not just on what the speaker or writer wants to say, but on who the
speaker or writer takes the listener or reader to be (e.g., friend, reporter, first
responder, neighbor, stranger, etc.), and what he or she wants the listener or
reader to feel, think, and possibly do (about the situation and about the
speaker/writer).
Some people think that the notion of a “sentence” is relevant only to writing.
This is not, in my view, true. Sentences work differently in speech and in
writing, as we will see in this book, but syntactic relations and intonation do
demarcate sentences in speech, albeit more flexibly and loosely than they do
in writing.
What is Discourse Analysis? 19
In (3), the speaker or writer is assuming that money often determines the
outcome of elections in the U.S.; this is information that is background and
that the speaker or writer asks the listener or reader to assume or take for
granted. The speaker or writer is claiming (asserting) that nonetheless we still
call the U.S. a democracy. This is information that is in the foreground and
that the speaker or writer asks the listener to treat as the main claim to be
discussed or disputed.
The situation is just the reverse in (4). Here the information that we still
call the U.S. a democracy is assumed and backgrounded and the information
that money often determines the outcome of elections is asserted and
foregrounded.
It is the little word “though” that helps determine which piece of information
in (3) and (4) is background and to be assumed and taken-for-granted, and
what information is foregrounded and asserted as the main claim. Linguists
call structures like “Though money often determines the outcome of elections,”
or “Though we still call the U.S. a democracy,” “subordinate clauses”.
Why do we combine sentences one after another? Why do we combine
frames in a movie one after the other? Filmmakers combine frames to create
bigger things than a single frame, to create things like scenes and episodes and
stories. We combine sentences to create bigger things than a single sentence,
to create things like conversations, reports, stories, jokes, arguments, or
meaningful parts of them (e.g., the set-up of a joke, the premises of an
argument, the finale of a story, the first stanza of a poem, and so forth).
This book will argue that we interpret saying and doing in terms of identities
in this sense – as different kinds of people or roles in society. I cannot really
tell what you are trying to do or what you are really intending to say or imply
unless I know who you are and who you think I am or want me to be. It is
consequential whether one Native-American, for example, is talking to
another as a fellow Native-American, or as fellow military veterans, or as a
Native-American talking to someone he refuses to acknowledge as also a
Native-American.
When we speak or write we actively design our language to say and do what
we want to or hope to. We are like artists or musicians, composing with words
rather than paint or musical notes, trying to communicate and achieve effects.
There are two key jobs – two key types of work – we carry out as speakers or
writers:
There are also two jobs – two core types of work – for listeners and readers:
coffee on the floor, that context makes us take “Clean it up” to mean “Get
a mop”. If it is coffee grains or beans that are on the floor, that context
makes us take “Clean it up” to mean “Get a broom”. “Clean up” means
different things if we take the context to be about our own hygiene or
about a mess in our bedroom. Later in this book, we will see that language-
in-use has the interesting property of both reflecting the situations in
which we use language and helping to create these same situations or
what they mean or portend.
4. “Response Design”: As listeners and readers we need to prepare a response
to what we are listening to or reading. This means crafting a response
based on how speakers have done their jobs and how we as listeners or
readers have carried out our task of situation meaning (what we have
made of the context). This response may be held in mind, shown partially
on the body without language, or delivered in action or language. In
speech, listeners are always reacting and responding (e.g., by nods, eye
gaze, body posture, and vocalizations) while the speaker is speaking and,
thus, both speaking and listening are active design roles. A listener or
reader has to, in the end, take his or her “turn” and respond. This response
is based on how the utterance or text was designed by the speaker or
writer. The response might be to walk away, to get really engaged in the
conversation, or to argue with the speaker. The response might be to
throw the book away, blog about it, or admire the writer and even change
one’s views. The response might be to help or hinder the speaker or writer
in some way. If the response is language, it has to use Recipient Design
and perhaps Position Design, considering how the original speaker or
writer carried out these two types of designs. We can reject or accept the
original speaker’s or writer’s view of who we are (Recipient Design) and
the ways in which he or she seeks to position us (Position Design).
The main point here is that I want you to see speaking and writing and
listening and reading as active designing, as work we can also engage with
playfully and even artistically. These are all things we do like artists designing
art works to elicit a certain response and interpretation.
Identities
Identity is a complex concept (and complex set of practices in the world). We
can talk about identity at two levels, one quite broad and one much more
narrow and nuanced:
Each human language has a grammar. This grammar is the set of all linguistic
resources available to that language’s speakers and writers. These resources
include the language’s lexicon (words), phonology, morphology, syntax, and
semantics.
The grammar of any language is used, recruited, adapted, and transformed
differently by different social groups in order to carry out specific tasks,
practices, work, and to enact or recognize specific socially significant and
meaningful identities. These adaptations of grammar give rise to different
styles, varieties, or registers of language, to what I will call different “social
languages”. We can distinguish between two big classes of social languages.
to its own goals, values, needs, and work. For example, all speakers know
how to make and use relative clauses or nominalizations in English, but
these grammatical types are recruited differently and pattern with other
grammatical resources differently in different social languages.
8. “Vernacular social languages”: One type of social language – one variety or
style of language – is special. This is a person’s “vernacular social
language”. This is the variety of language a person uses when he or she
wants to enact being an “everyday person” speaking or writing not as a
specialist of any sort, but as an everyday person with “common sense”.
Different social groups have different vernacular social languages (often
different dialects). They have different ways of using language to enact
“everyday person”. And, of course, what constitutes “common sense” can
vary across social groups (and need not be consistent within them).
9. “Big ‘D’ Discourse”: When two people are engaged in discourse (language in
interaction in context) they are communicating with each other via enacting
and recognizing socially significant identities. The identities are socially
significant because various and different social groups construct, construe,
use, negotiate, contest, and transform them in the world and in history. So
when two people interact, so too do two (or more) Discourses. It is as if
socially significant forms of life (identities), formed in history via social
work, talk to each other – continue a long-running conversation they have
been having, by using different human bodies and minds at different times.
When John and Jane talk, men and women (of certain types) and other
socially significant identities (e.g., doctor/nurse, gay/straight, white/black,
football fan/baseball fan, etc.) talk to each other as well, using John and
Jane. But John and Jane are not dupes of Discourses. The conversation
among Discourses is in their hands for the time and place and as they act it
out, they can change it, as can any good actor in any good play.
Webs of Association
When we interpret oral or written language in specific contexts of use, based
on how language is designed and on context, we build webs of associations in
our minds. We build (and change) these webs as speech or writing unfolds
across time in context. We associate ideas or themes with both the words we
hear and the elements of the contexts we are in. These associations are often
based in our past experiences. Some people have called these webs of
associations “discourse records” or “mental models of discourse”. In this book
we will see that such webs are made by the work we do to situate meaning
(determine what things mean based on and in specific contexts of use) and by
what we will later call “social models”.
I will give a simple example to exemplify how the web of associations we
build as discourse unfolds helps us interpret language and situations and to
enact and recognize Discourses.
I, a 65 year-old college professor, enter a Mexican restaurant for a late lunch
in the college town attached to my university. As I enter the restaurant, I store
– in my discourse record – interpretations/construals of the context:
• Mexican
• Restaurant
• Lunch
• College town
• Slightly upscale
• Slanted towards young college-aged people and drinking
Etc.
These elements and their associations – and a great many other elements – are
placed in my discourse record. I sit at an empty bar, and a college-aged white
male comes to me and says “What can I get you, boss?” I now add, among
others, the following to the discourse record:
• Service encounter
• Young college-aged white male
What is Discourse Analysis? 27
All the associations so far would be typical for a person like me in a college
town like mine. All would be easy to discover via interviews or ethnographic
work. But I have other associations that are more closely aligned to other
Discourses in which I participate:
I am aware that these latter associations stem from my affiliations with other
Discourses and experiences that the bartender/waiter, much younger than me,
may or may not be aware of or care about, or may care about in a quite different
way than I do.
I order a beer and ask for a menu. The bartender/waiter and I have enacted
identities in a Discourse. It is a service encounter where hierarchy and
deference is used, but masked by a jocular and informal tone. I am aware that
this restaurant Discourse can be contrasted with others I am capable of
participating in or recognizing. For example, there is the “pretend friend”
service encounter where a young waiter gives me her or his first name and
asks mine and thereafter treats me as if we are on friendly terms. There is the
more traditional service encounter where the waiter is distantly courteous and
efficient, and there is the older-fashioned one where the waitress (always a
waitress) says something like, “What can I do for you, Hon”. There are more,
such as the sort where the waiter would say, “What can I get you, brother?” I
know what the current Discourse I am enacting means partly by placing it in
relation to these others.
28 What is Discourse Analysis?
These Discourses have and need have no formal name or label. They need
not be clearly discrete or unambiguous. We just have to get through the
encounter without anyone crying “foul” and “breaking” the Discourse
encounter (which can, of course, happen). For example, I am well aware that
the Discourse encounter I am participating in in the Mexican restaurant can
be “broken” if I take the bartender/waiter’s informal jocular deference too
seriously and seek to actually be a “boss” and order him around.
For me, the encounter is slightly uncomfortable because of the more
political associations I make, but uncomfortable in a way I am used to in
Arizona and the United States, since we are all used to having to leave unsaid
all sorts of aspects of our everyday lives that might, under more inspection,
“bother” us. For example, many Americans have had the experience of being
in a restaurant or hotel in Washington D.C., our nation’s capital, where every
service employee is African-American and every manager and “higher up” and
all the customers are white. We “take it for granted” because to mention it
would “break” the service encounter Discourses we are participating in.
Discourses involve people communicating via language and other stuff
(e.g., my clothes and the bartender/waiter’s clothes, my sitting at the bar and
ordering a drink in the middle of the day, my age, the pop culture decorations,
and so forth). Discourses also involve communication – using our minds,
bodies, and environments – among themselves across history. The service
encounter I had is part of a larger trend in U.S. and Western history to “mask”
(hide) power, hierarchy, and status without removing them. It is part of a
variety of youth-oriented collegiate Discourses that involve drinking and
sexual ambience. It is also part of how we deal with age in a youth-oriented
culture. Discourses are “talking” all the time, though if they cannot inhabit
minds and bodies, they die in history.
The example is meant to show how much has to go on to “pull off” a
Discourse even for the smallest encounter. Furthermore, what I have
delineated here is only a very small part of what is going on. However, we
should keep in mind that for D/discourse analysis we need not uncover
everything, only enough to make the point or argument we are trying to make
in some convincing way. D/discourse data is grist for arguments and
hypotheses about social life, not important just in and of itself.
D/discourse analysis is one tool for studying social life. It is best put together
with other tools (e.g., ethnography, history, sociology, psychology, etc.). It
uncovers the order in social life, an order that is changing and always prone to
being broken. It shows us producing and reproducing identities in history.
D/discourse analysis has a special feature. As analysts we are doing more
overtly and formally what all of us are doing (less overtly and formally) in our
lives in order to mean things to each other. D/discourses are about how we
know what we are to each other and what we are doing with each other in
encounters (in speech or writing). All of us, just as humans, are D/discourse
analysts.
What is Discourse Analysis? 29
Readings
Bourdieu, P. (1990). In other words: Essays towards a reflexive sociology. Stanford:
Stanford University Press. [The most accessible text by Bourdieu]
Fairclough, N. (1992). Discourse and social change. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Gee, J. P. (2004). Situated language and learning: A critique of traditional schooling.
London: Routledge.
Gee, J. P. (2012). Social linguistics and literacies: Ideology in Discourses. Fourth Edition.
New York: Routledge.
Hacking, I. (1986). Making up people, in T. C. Heller, M. Sosna, & D. E. Wellbery,
with A. I. Davidson, A. Swidler, & I. Watt Eds. Reconstructing individualism:
Autonomy, individuality, and the self in Western thought. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
University Press, pp. 222–236. [Hacking’s work on identity as a whole – he has
several fascinating books – is worth reading, but start here]
Jones, R. (2012). Discourse analysis: A resource book for students. London: Routledge.
Rogers, R. (2011). An introduction to critical discourse analysis in education. Second
Edition. Mahwah, NJ. Lawrence Erlbaum.
Wodak, R. & Meyer, M. (2009). Methods of critical discourse analysis. Third Edition.
London: Sage.