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The Cambridge Handbook of
Anxiety and Related Disorders
Edited by
Bunmi O. Olatunji
Vanderbilt University
[Link]
Information on this title: [Link]/9781107193062
DOI: 10.1017/9781108140416
© Cambridge University Press 2019
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2019
Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ International Ltd. Padstow Cornwall
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Olatunji, Bunmi O., editor.
Title: The Cambridge handbook of anxiety and related disorders / edited by Bunmi
Olatunji, Vanderbilt University, Tennessee.
Description: Cambridge, United Kingdom ; New York, NY, USA : University Printing
House, 2019. | Includes bibliographical references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018024059 | ISBN 9781107193062
Subjects: LCSH: Anxiety – Handbooks, manuals, etc. | Anxiety disorders – Handbooks,
manuals, etc.
Classification: LCC RC531 .C355 2019 | DDC 616.85/22–dc23
LC record available at [Link]
ISBN 978-1-107-19306-2 Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of
URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
vii
9 Experiential Avoidance
fallon r. goodman, maria a. larrazabal, john t. west,
and todd b. kashdan 255
10 Emotion Regulation
katya c. fernandez, amanda s. morrison,
and james j. gross 282
Anxiety disorders are characterized by fear and distress in the absence of objective
threat and are accompanied by physiological, cognitive, and affective symptoms.
Such fear and distress can occur in both anticipatory forms, as generalized anxiety
disorder (GAD), and in acute forms, as in panic disorder. With one-year and
lifetime prevalence rates of 18.1% and 28.8%, respectively (Kessler, Chiu,
Demler, & Walters, 2005a; Kessler et al., 2005b), anxiety disorders are one of the
most common psychiatric conditions.
Given the high prevalence of anxiety disorders, it is important to consider
their associated disability. Indeed, anxiety disorders are ranked as the sixth
leading cause of disability in both high- and low-income countries (Baxter,
Vos, Scott, Ferrari, & Whiteford, 2010) and are experienced as equally dis-
abling as many chronic physical conditions (Stein et al., 2005). Such deficits
can include problems with social relationships, responsibilities, and self-care
among adults (Hendriks et al., 2014) and diminished academic performance in
children and adolescents (Nail et al., 2015). Likewise, anxiety disorders are
associated with decreased quality of life (Mendlowicz & Stein, 2000). Notably,
quality of life is also impaired in subthreshold samples (Mendlowicz & Stein,
2000), suggesting that anxiety-related dysfunction is not limited to those with
the most severe disorders. Given such high levels of impairment, it is perhaps
unsurprising that anxiety disorders are costly. Anxiety disorders-related dis-
ability is associated with an economic burden ranging from $42.3 billion to
$46.6 billion annually (Greenberg et al., 1999; Rice & Miller 1998), making
anxiety disorders some of the costliest psychiatric conditions (Rice & Miller,
1998).
Despite the high prevalence and associated disability, much remains unknown
about the etiology and maintenance of anxiety and related disorders. What is
known is that anxiety disorders may be distinguished in part from other forms of
psychopathology by the typical age of onset. Indeed, anxiety disorders onset
relatively early (median age of onset = 11 years; Kessler et al., 2005b) and are
highly prevalent among children (Costello, Mustillo, Erkanli, Keeler, & Angold,
2003). Although childhood and adolescence appear to represent an important risk
window for the development of anxiety symptoms and disorders, researchers
continue to struggle to operationalize a comprehensive model that can fully account
for this sensitive period.
Research does suggest that treatment for anxiety disorders is often not sought
until adulthood (Christiana et al., 2000), indicating several years of untreated
symptoms in many individuals with these disorders. This delay between typical
age of onset and treatment may contribute to findings that suggest anxiety disorders
are generally chronic (Bruce et al., 2005). Prospective research indicates that the
majority of anxiety disorders persist over 12 years, with a lower probability of
recovery compared to major depressive disorder (Bruce et al., 2005). Recurrence is
also highly likely (Scholten et al., 2013), particularly among those with comorbid
conditions (Bruce et al., 2005). Further, daily functioning remains diminished in
those who remit from an anxiety disorder compared to controls (Iancu et al., 2014).
This is notable, given that functional impairment, along with anxiety sensitivity,
predicts anxiety disorder recurrence (Scholten et al., 2013).
Anxiety disorders are further complicated by high rates of comorbidity, as
approximately 90% of those with an anxiety disorder have a history of additional
psychopathology (Kaufman & Charney, 2000. Indeed, half of those with one
anxiety disorder meet criteria for another (Kaufman & Charney, 2000). Further,
anxiety disorders commonly co-occur with other psychological conditions, includ-
ing mood disorders, substance use disorders (Kessler et al., 2005a), and eating
disorders (Kaye, Bulik, Thornton, Barbarich, & Masters, 2004). Notably, anxiety
disorders often precede the development of these disorders (Goodwin & Stein,
2013; Rojo-Moreno et al., 2015; Wittchen, Kessler, Pfister, & Lieb, 2000), suggest-
ing that treating the anxiety disorder may result in improvement in the comorbid
condition.
Anxiety disorders also often co-occur with medical conditions. Indeed, anxiety
disorders are uniquely associated with medical disorders over and above the effects
of mood and substance use disorders (Sareen, Cox, Clara, & Asmundson, 2005a),
and this pattern of comorbidity is associated with increased illness severity (Katon,
Lin, & Kroenke, 2007). Though anxiety disorders co-occur with a wide range of
medical conditions, illnesses characterized by pain are particularly common in
those with an anxiety disorder (Harter, Conway, & Merikangas, 2003; Sareen et al.,
2005a). Further, reductions in health-related anxiety are associated with improve-
ments in pain conditions (McCracken, Gross, & Eccleston, 2002; Spinhoven, Van
der Does, Van Dijk, & Van Rood, 2010), suggesting the utility of targeting anxiety
comorbid with medical conditions.
Furthering our understanding of anxiety and related disorders can also save lives,
as anxiety disorders are linked to suicidal ideation and attempts, even after adjust-
ing for psychiatric comorbidity, in both cross-sectional (Cougle, Keough, Riccardi,
& Sachs-Ericsson, 2008; Nepon, Belik, Bolton, & Sareen, 2010; Sareen et al.,
2005b) and longitudinal samples (Sareen et al., 2005b). Further, one study found
that among individuals with a history of suicidality, 70% met criteria for an anxiety
disorder (Nepon et al., 2010). A similar relationship is also evident among adoles-
cents with anxiety disorders, with increased rates of suicide associated with
increased number of anxiety disorders (Boden, Fergusson, & Horwood, 2007).
Although the available literature clearly shows that a preexisting anxiety disorder is
an independent risk factor for suicidality and that comorbid anxiety amplifies the
risk of suicide attempts among those with mood disorders, the psychobiological
processes that may explain this effect remain unclear.
Current understanding of the psychobiological processes associated with anxiety
has resulted in significant changes in the diagnostic classification of anxiety dis-
orders in recent years. In the modern classification system, the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), classes of disorders are clustered
around shared phenomenological features, with the defining features of anxiety
disorders being symptoms of anxiety and avoidance behavior (APA, 1987). Since
the introduction of diagnostic classes in DSM-III (APA, 1980), the anxiety dis-
orders class has consistently included panic disorder with/without agoraphobia,
specific phobias, social phobia, GAD, obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), and
posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). However, DSM-5 has represented a notable
departure from this standard, such that OCD and PTSD have been removed from
the anxiety disorders and placed within two newly created classes, obsessive-
compulsive and related disorders and trauma- and stressor-related disorders,
respectively (APA, 2013).
These changes have proved controversial. The obsessive-compulsive and
related disorders class was introduced on the assertion that OCD is phenom-
enologically and biologically distinct from anxiety disorders (Stein et al.,
2010). For example, proponents of the obsessive-compulsive and related dis-
orders class suggest that the distinguishing phenomenon of OCD is not anxiety,
but repetitive behaviors and emphasize the unique neural profile of hyperactiv-
ity in the fronto-striatal loop in OCD (Stein et al., 2010). In contrast, critics of
this approach argue that the one of the primary features of OCD is anxiety in
response to obsessions and that efforts to adapt classification systems based on
findings from neuroimaging research are premature (Abramowitz & Jacoby,
2014). Likewise, while proponents of the changes to PTSD in DSM-5 have
praised the addition of symptoms to the diagnostic criteria (Kilpatrick, 2013),
others have argued that the new criteria result in excessive heterogeneity
(Galatzer-Levy & Bryant, 2013).
Such controversies highlight the limitations inherent to categorical diagnostic
approaches. The utility of the diagnostic criteria defined by the DSM is to guide
differential diagnosis and selection of treatment and provide a common language
for practitioners (APA, 2013). Though the categorical diagnoses contained in the
DSM framework arguably imply true distinctions between disorders that represent
unique etiologies, DSM-5 notes that such a classification system may not fully
account for the various complexities of mental illness (APA, 2013). Indeed, critics
of the categorical approach have argued that the excessive rates of comorbidity
suggest shared etiology among multiple disorders that the categorical approach
would classify as distinct (Widiger & Samuel, 2005). For example, high comor-
bidity between GAD and depression may reflect shared genetic diatheses and
overlap of core phenotypic processes, such as negative affect (Mineka, Watson,
& Clark, 1998).
diagnoses likely reflects different patterns of symptoms that result from shared risk
factors and the same underlying processes.
Section 3 of this volume covers assessment, diagnosis, and cultural manifesta-
tions of anxiety and related disorders. DSM-5 represents a significant departure in
traditional conceptualizations of disorders that fall in the anxiety disorder category.
Section 3 highlights these changes as well as their implications for research and
practice. Sections 4–6 discuss the etiology and phenomenology of specific anxiety
disorders, OCD spectrum disorders, and trauma- and stressor-related disorders.
A common theme for Sections 4–6 is a critical analysis of contemporary models of
the development of the various disorders that is informed by basic science.
Furthermore, this part of the volume examines the potential implications for the
RDoC research framework in advancing current knowledge regarding the etiology
of anxiety and related disorders. Last, Section 7 examines the treatment and
prevention of anxiety and related disorders. This portion of the volume identifies
which treatments are most effective for anxiety and related disorders and why.
In addition to a survey of existing descriptive and experimental approaches to the
study of anxiety and related disorders, an important goal of this book is empirically
guided suggestions for the treatment of anxiety and related disorders.
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Alex is a 24-year-old male who recently dropped out of work because it became
difficult to function well in his job as a communication assistant. For example,
he avoids making telephone calls in the presence of others and dodges having
lunch with his colleagues. When talking to a superior in particular, Alex is
extremely self-conscious and aware of certain physical symptoms such as blush-
ing, sweating, and trembling. He is afraid that others will notice these symptoms
and would evaluate him as incompetent, stupid, or weird. Alex grew up in
a family of lawyers in which the importance of a professional career was
stressed. Alex mentions that he has always been timid, but his social anxiety
became worse at university, especially after he gave a wrong answer on
a question during class. The professor reacted by saying that Alex did not
belong at university if he could not answer so obvious a question. Alex
responded to this by running out of the classroom. He remembers that his
classmates were laughing when he left, but he is not sure whether this memory
is accurate or he imagined it. After this incident, Alex started to skip classes and
avoided contact with his classmates.
13
Construct validity. The evaluation of the construct validity revolves around the
question whether the same (etiological) processes are at play in the model and the
clinical disorder. Different from face validity, construct validity is not about a first
impression, but about underlying mechanisms.
A first indication for similar (neurobiological) processes underlying the fear
conditioning model and clinical anxiety can be found in neuroimaging studies that
reveal a similar neurocircuitry involved in anxiety patients and in fear conditioning
in animals and healthy humans (e.g., Sehlmeyer et al., 2009). In particular, a central
role of amygdaloid nuclei has consistently been demonstrated in the acquisition and
expression of fear responses and across different anxiety disorders (e.g., Kent &
Rauch, 2003; Sehlmeyer et al., 2009; Shin & Liberzon, 2010). In addition, other
brain areas such as the hippocampus, insula, anterior cingulate cortex, and ven-
tromedial prefrontal cortex have been identified as regions of interest across
anxiety disorders and in fear conditioning research (e.g., Damsa, Kosel, &
Moussally, 2009; Etkin & Wager, 2007; Ipser, Singh, & Stein, 2013).3
An assumption of the conditioning approach is that learning processes underlie
the etiology and treatment of clinical anxiety. Early learning theorists such as
Watson used simple acquisition procedures to model the etiology of anxiety
disorders. In these procedures, one neutral stimulus (e.g., a white rat) was paired
with one aversive outcome (e.g., a loud noise). This simple acquisition procedure
has been subject to some important critiques. We discuss some of these earlier
shortcomings as well as how they are addressed by more recent developments in
learning theory.
A contemporary learning theory approach on the etiology of anxiety disorders.
One criticism that has been formulated on the conditioning perspective is that many
anxiety patients are not able to report a CS-US event that can account for the
current anxiety symptoms. A first possibility to nonetheless explain this from
a learning account is to simply assume that a CS-US event has occurred, but that
people are not accurate in remembering and retrospectively reporting this condi-
tioning experience (Merckelbach, Van den Hout, Hoekstra, & de Ruiter, 1989; Öst
& Hugdahl, 1981).
Alternatively and maybe more likely, generalization and higher-order condition-
ing might obscure learning as the actual cause of the anxiety symptoms.
Generalization is discussed in more detail later, but can already be illustrated by
an anecdote about Albert from the study by Watson and Rayner (1920). It was said
that Albert did not fear only white rats after the conditioning experience but also
women wearing fur coats. If Albert would have entered treatment with this
complaint, one might have speculated about the sensational (Freudian) origins of
this fear. Nonetheless, it can easily be explained by a learning account if one
assumes that the fear generalized from the rat to fur coats based on their looking
alike. With respect to higher-order conditioning, emetophobia (i.e., fear of vomit-
ing) may serve as an example. Although some dry foods (e.g., cereal without milk)
might never have been directly involved in an aversive learning experience, the
patient might relate these foods to difficulties to swallow, which in turn is related to
vomiting (Bouman & Van Hout, 2006). This allows for an explanation of fear and
avoidance of these foods from a learning perspective.
As discussed earlier, conditioning can be defined as a change in responding due
to a relation in the presence of stimuli (De Houwer et al., 2013). Importantly, this
definition also covers observational learning (e.g., Cameron, Roche, Schlund, &
Dymond, 2016). Take the example of a patient who developed dog phobia after
observing somebody else get bitten by a dog. Crucially, in such cases, the fear can
still be explained by (an observed) relation between the presence of stimuli; more
precisely, by a relation between the presence of a dog and a dog bite. In addition,
one might develop dog phobia if one is told that dogs cause bite wounds. In such
fear learning via instruction, the fear is caused by a verbal description of the
relation between the presence of stimuli. Accounting for learning via observation
and instruction of course significantly increases the explanatory territory of the
learning framework. Olsson and Phelps (2004) compared fear acquisition through
direct pairings, instructions, and observational learning in an experimental study
with human participants. In the Pavlovian (direct) learning group, a CS was paired
with an electric shock. The observational-learning group observed a confederate
that was presented with the CS paired with shock. Participants in the instructed-
learning group were given verbal instructions about the CS being followed by
shock. Interestingly, similar levels of conditional fear responding, as measured by
the skin-conductance response, were found for all three pathways. Moreover, in
follow-up studies, it has been demonstrated that the neural correlates of direct and
indirect pathways to fear acquisition are largely overlapping, with amygdala
activation observed in both pathways (Olsson, Nearing, & Phelps, 2007; Phelps,
Connor, Gatenby, Gore, & Davis, 2001). These results provide experimental
evidence that learning processes can be involved even when no direct conditioning
experience is reported by the patient (also see Rachman, 1977).
Another reason why patients may not be able to report a CS-US event that can
account for their anxiety symptoms is that USs may be more subtle than the bite of
an animal. For example, in patients suffering from chronic fatigue syndrome,
something as subtle as experiencing fatigue may function as a US. If such patients
learn a relation between stair climbing and fatigue, stair climbing may come to
elicit fear (Lenaert, Boddez, Vlaeyen, & Van Heugten, 2018). In the case of such
subtle USs, it is easy to overlook that learning is involved. A similar argument
holds for other interoceptive USs like panic (Bouton, Mineka, & Barlow, 2001).
Until now, we have discussed how learning theory can handle the observation
that many anxiety patients are not able to report a CS-US event that can account for
their anxiety symptoms. Another intriguing observation that learning theory has to
account for is that not everyone undergoing a traumatic event will eventually
develop an anxiety disorder (Poulton & Menzies, 2002). Although about 95% of
people experience one or more traumatic events during their lifetime, only 10–30%
develop an anxiety disorder (Engelhard, Van den Hout, & McNally, 2008). One can
make this insightful by assuming that additional variables also moderate the
it seems important to take into account the entire learning history when trying to
explain why some individuals do and some do not develop an anxiety disorder even
though experiencing the same trauma. We now demonstrate that these contextual
factors fall within the scope of learning theory as well.
If an individual has safe experiences with the CS prior to conditioning, this can
attenuate the development of a CR. For example, if a tone is first repeatedly
presented by itself and in a second phase presented together with electric shock,
then fear will develop slower as compared to when pre-exposure to the tone did
not happen. In learning theory, this phenomenon is referred to as latent inhibition
(Lubow & Moore, 1959). Similarly, it has been shown that nontraumatic experi-
ences with the event or stimulus prior to trauma (e.g., visiting the dentist) are
protective against the development of psychopathology (e.g., dental phobia)
(Kent, 1997). On the other hand, preexisting stress or trauma can make an
individual more vulnerable to developing an anxiety disorder following
a conditioning event. In a study by Rau, Decola, and Fanselow (2005), rats
were exposed to a very mild electric shock in a specific cage (say, cage B).
Importantly, the experimental group received 15 heavy shocks in a very different
cage in advance (say, cage A), whereas the control group did not undergo this
additional treatment. At test, rats in the experimental group behaved very fearful
in cage B (more so than rats in the control group), even though they had only
received a mild shock in this cage. This might serve to explain why post-
traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) patients or individuals with already increased
stress levels are more sensitive to develop new anxieties after a mild aversive
event. In the example of Alex, having bad experiences in social situations in the
past (e.g., being bullied as a child) could have made him more vulnerable to
develop social anxiety after the incident with the professor.
During conditioning or the traumatic event, having a sense of control or mastery
might be a protective factor. Mineka, Cook, and Miller (1984) presented one group
of rats with unsignaled escapable shocks and another group of yoked subjects with
the same amount of unsignaled but – crucially – inescapable shocks. The group that
could not escape the shocks showed more freezing to both the conditioning context
and cue than the group that could escape the shock. Similar results have been found
in humans by Meulders et al. (2013). Participants that had control over the offset of
the US showed less conditional responding than a group of participants that had no
such control. Almost immediately after Alex gave the wrong answer, he realized
that he had misunderstood the professor’s question. Alex could have felt more
control or mastery if he had replied to the professor’s nasty remark with a joke or
even with a simple statement that he had misunderstood the question. Instead, he
panicked and ran out of the room.
Finally, contextual variables after conditioning can moderate whether a
learning experience results in clinical anxiety. In learning theory, a phenom-
enon referred to as US inflation has been described: the isolated presentation of
a strong US after a conditioning experience with a mild US can result in an
increase in conditional fear responding (Rescorla, 1974). For example, having
theoretical account can overcome this criticism and expand its explanatory territory
by including phenomena that moderate the learning process. In this section, we
introduce a set of complex learning procedures that further add to the construct
validity of the fear conditioning approach. More precisely, we discuss three
procedures that mimic important but underappreciated processes underlying anxi-
ety disorders: (1) context conditioning, (2) inhibitory conditioning, and (3)
generalization.5
In a typical context conditioning procedure, a CS is paired with a US (i.e., simple
acquisition procedure) in a control group, whereas the experimental group receives
USs that are presented explicitly unpaired with the CS (e.g., Grillon & Davis,
1997). As a result of these unpaired CS-US presentations, the context (rather than
a discrete CS) indicates that the US might occur somewhere in the not too distant
future. Note that context in these experiments is typically operationalized as
a background picture or color on the computer screen that stretches out in time
before and after CS and US presentation (although other operationalizations have
been used as well; Boddez et al., 2014). Context conditioning typically results in
a sense of unpredictability and in a generalized and sustained state of arousal,
because participants cannot precisely predict when the US will occur (e.g., Grillon,
2002; Grillon, Baas, Lissek, Smith, & Milstein, 2004).
Context conditioning has been proposed as a model for pathological conditions
that are characterized by chronic, future-oriented (anticipation) anxiety, such as
generalized anxiety disorder (e.g., Luyten, Vansteenwegen, Van Kuyck, & Nuttin,
2011). In addition, context conditioning might also explain agoraphobic avoidance
often observed in individuals with panic disorder (e.g., Craske, Glover, & DeCola,
1995; Gorman, Kent, Sullivan, & Coplan, 2000). In particular, un-cued panic
attacks might serve as USs that are not predicted by discrete cues but merely
occur in a particular context (e.g., a supermarket). As a consequence, people
might come to avoid the entire context and related contexts (e.g., crowded places),
engaging in generalized avoidance. Therefore, one component in the treatment of
panic disorder is to identify discrete exteroceptive and interoceptive cues that are
predictive for panic attacks (Craske & Barlow, 2008). Fonteyne, Vervliet, Baeyens,
and Vansteenwegen (2009) provided experimental evidence for the importance of
this treatment component. They used a context conditioning procedure in which
both groups received predictable shocks (i.e., paired with a discrete CS) in context
A and shocks that were presented unpaired with a discrete CS in context
B. As predicted, higher contextual fear was observed in context B as compared
to context A. To investigate whether increasing the predictability of the US would
reduce contextual fear, in a subsequent phase the shocks were signaled by a novel
discrete CS in context B. Results showed that this intervention led to a reduction of
contextual fear and therefore confirmed that increasing predictability can decrease
contextual fear.
A second set of complex conditioning procedures relates to discriminating
between danger and safety. In real life, the ability to discriminate between stimuli
that signal danger and stimuli that indicate the absence of danger can be considered
highly adaptive. For instance, the symptoms of a panic attack might resemble a life-
threatening heart attack or a stroke, but are in fact innocuous (Haddad, Pritchett,
Lissek, & Lau, 2012). Responding to a panic attack as if it is a heart attack or
a stroke leads to unnecessary escape and avoidance and an inefficient use of
resources. The ability to discriminate between danger and safety cues can be
modeled in a differential inhibition procedure, in which one stimulus (CS+) is
paired with an aversive outcome, whereas another stimulus (CS−) predicts the
absence of an aversive outcome. Using this procedure, elevated fear responding to
safe stimuli (CS−) and impaired discrimination between danger and safety cues
have been found in individuals with subclinical levels of anxiety (e.g., Ganzendam,
Kamphuis, & Kindt, 2013; Haddad et al., 2012) and in patients with clinical anxiety
(Duits et al., 2015; Lenaert, Boddez, Vervliet, Schruers, & Hermans, 2015; Lissek
et al., 2005; Lissek et al., 2009). This suggests that the differential inhibition
procedure taps into a process that is relevant to anxiety disorders and therefore
has construct validity. Nonetheless, it should also be mentioned that some fear
conditioning studies failed to find an effect of trait anxiety or observed an effect in
only one of the outcome measures but not in the other(s) (e.g., Kindt & Soeter,
2014; Torrents-Rodas et al., 2013).
Other procedures have been used to examine impairments in safety learning.
One of them is the conditioned inhibition procedure, a procedure known from the
animal literature. In intermixed trials, one stimulus A is paired with the US, but
when this stimulus is presented together with another stimulus B, the US is omitted.
This procedure corresponds to the use of safety signals in clinical practice. For
example, an individual with driving phobia might be fearful of driving on
a highway (A), but feel safe when accompanied by a passenger (AB). Here as
well, it has been found that high-anxious individuals show higher fear responding
to the safe AB stimulus compound than low-anxious individuals (Chan &
Lovibond, 1996; Grillon & Ameli, 2001).
A third defining feature of anxiety disorders is stimulus generalization. Boddez,
Bennett, Van Esch, and Beckers (2017) proposed to speak of generalization when
a stimulus elicits a response due to a learning experience in which that stimulus as
such was not featured. As an example, consider a child experiencing painful skin
burns upon touching the stove in his grandparents’ place. Behaving cautious
around not just this but any stove will prevent the child from acquiring additional
skin burns. In anxiety disorders, however, fear responding typically spreads to
a range of stimuli and situations that are not dangerous (Dymond, Dunsmoor,
Vervliet, Roche, & Hermans, 2015; Hermans, Baeyens, & Vervliet, 2013).
An individual suffering from dog phobia, for instance, will typically not only
react with intense fear to the specific dog involved in the biting incident (who
has proven dangerous), but to each and every dog.
In perceptual stimulus generalization, the fear responding is elicited by stimuli
that share perceptual similarity with the original CS+ (Kalish, 1969; Lissek et al.,
2010). The person suffering from dog phobia can be considered an example of
perceptual generalization. In a fear conditioning paradigm, Lissek et al. (2008)
a similar influence as well. Both aspects are about the question of whether
a factor, be it an environmental intervention or at the level of the individual,
moderates the relation between learning experiences and fear in the lab in the
same way as the relation between aversive experiences and anxiety symptoms
in real life.
Do interventions have a similar effect in the fear conditioning model and in
real life? With regard to the first aspect of predictive validity, presenting the
CS without US following fear conditioning is known to result in a decrease in
fear responding (e.g., Hermans, Craske, Mineka, & Lovibond, 2006). This
procedure is termed fear extinction. Interestingly, in real life, a similar inter-
vention also results in a decrease in fear responding, thus adding to the
predictive validity of the fear conditioning account. Indeed, exposure therapy
or repeated and systematic confrontation with the feared stimulus or situation
without occurrence of the expected aversive outcome is the (psychological)
treatment of choice in anxiety (e.g., Cusack et al., 2016; Öst, Havnen, Hansen,
& Kvale, 2015, Wolitzky-Taylor, Horowitz, Powers, & Telch, 2008). During
treatment, Alex was exposed to those social situations in which he expected to
be rejected by others, such as making telephone calls when his colleagues are
in the same room, meeting new people at parties, and returning things to
shops After repeated confrontation with these situations, Alex reported experi-
encing less anxiety.
In addition, experimental research has demonstrated that fear responding can
return after (partial or complete) fear extinction (Rachman, 1989; Vervliet,
Craske, & Hermans, 2013). In clinical practice, a return in fear responding is
unfortunately not uncommon either. It is estimated that 19–62% of clients
experience at least some return of fear after exposure-based treatment (Craske
& Mystkowski, 2006). Interesting for our present purposes, the interventions that
cause a return of fear after extinction in experimental conditioning studies
correspond to pathways to return of fear in real life. This again confirms the
predictive validity of the model (Vervliet et al., 2013). We now discuss the most
well-studied pathways to return of fear: spontaneous recovery, (context) renewal,
and reinstatement.
In the laboratory, return of fear can occur when a time interval is intro-
duced after extinction. Pavlov (1927) described this phenomenon as sponta-
neous recovery, and it has been established in multiple laboratory studies
(e.g., Huff, Hernandez, Blanding, & LaBar, 2009; Norrholm et al., 2008).
Spontaneous recovery in the lab corresponds to the clinical observation that
due to the mere passage of time after exposure treatment, a client can show
a reappearance of fearful responding (e.g., Mystkowski, Craske, Echiverri, &
Labus, 2006; Vasey, Harbaugh, Buffington, Jones, & Fazio, 2012).
A second manipulation that causes return of fear and that has been investi-
gated in fear conditioning research is a change in (background) context between
extinction and a subsequent test phase. This is referred to as (contextual)
renewal (e.g., Bouton, 2002; Effting & Kindt, 2007; Vervliet, Baeyens, Van den
Bergh, & Hermans, 2013). Typically, if CS-US pairings during acquisition take place in
context A and fear is extinguished in context B, return of fear responding is
observed if the CS is presented in the acquisition context A (ABA renewal) or
in a novel context C (ABC renewal) (Bouton & Bolles, 1979). In clinical practice,
this corresponds to a relapse after successful treatment when the feared object or
situation is encountered outside the treatment context. Mystkowski, Craske, and
Echiverri (2002) investigated return of fear after a context change in a sample of
spider-anxious individuals. All participants received a one-session exposure-
based therapy in which they were exposed to a spider in one particular context.
Fear responding to the spider was tested one week later in the treatment context as
well as in a novel context. Significantly higher fear responding was observed in
the novel context as compared to the treatment context. Importantly, also the
therapist can be considered as a contextual factor: being confronted with the
feared stimulus or situation in the absence of the therapist after (successful)
treatment can result in a return of fear responding (Rodriguez, Craske, Mineka,
& Hladek, 1999). Based on these findings, extinction in multiple contexts has been
shown to reduce renewal in the laboratory (e.g., Bandarian-Balooch, Neumann, &
Boschen, 2012). Similarly, exposing a patient to the feared stimulus in multiple
contexts during clinical treatment (e.g., in the treatment context, at home etc.) can
attenuate return of fear responding (e.g., Olatunji, Tomarken, Wentworth, &
Fritsche, 2017; Vansteenwegen, Vervliet, Hermans, Thewissen, & Eelen, 2007).
A third intervention to induce return of fear is reinstatement. This refers to a return
in fear responding due to unsignaled US presentations after extinction (Haaker,
Golkar, Hermans, & Lonsdorf, 2014; Hermans et al., 2005). Reinstatement can be
seen as the equivalent of a return of fear after unsignaled panic attacks or if the
previously feared stimulus is encountered after a stressful event or in a distressing
situation. After successful treatment, Alex experienced a short-term recurrence of
social anxiety after someone commented to him about his blushing face.
A similar argument can be made with regard to pharmacological interventions for
anxiety. If the fear conditioning model has predictive validity, a pharmacological
intervention that has been shown to effectively reduce clinical anxiety should exert
a similar effect in the fear conditioning model. Among the leading pharmacological
interventions for anxiety are benzodiazepines (e.g., Offidani, Guidi, Tomba, & Fava,
2013). In the fear conditioning model, there is evidence that contextual fear (but not
CS-specific fear) can be reduced by benzodiazepines such as alprazolam (Baas et al.,
2002; Grillon et al., 2006). These results suggest that more complex learning
procedures such as context conditioning are more useful to test the clinical utility
of anxiolytic interventions compared to the simple acquisition procedure.
Do factors at the level of the individual have a similar effect in the fear
conditioning model and in real life? This aspect of predictive validity concerns
testing whether a factor at the level of the individual moderates the relation between
learning experiences and fear in the lab in the same way as the relation between
learning experiences and anxiety in real life.
Conclusion
Fear conditioning procedures have been applied extensively as a model for
the acquisition of (clinical) fears and anxiety. In this chapter, we described the fear
conditioning model and evaluated its external validity based on three validity
criteria: face validity, construct validity, and predictive validity. The fear condition-
ing model shows sufficient face validity and allows for further increasing of the
similarities between the fear conditioning model and clinical anxiety by including
technologies such as virtual reality. Some critiques have been formulated with
regard to whether the (etiological) processes that underlie the fear conditioning
model are the same as those at work in clinical anxiety (i.e., construct validity).
Notes
1. Changes in responding to the US, as caused by its relation with the CS, are possible but are typically left
uninvestigated in conditioning research.
2. The reader may note that the subtitle of our chapter (“It is still not what you thought it was”) is similar to
the subtitle used in Mineka and Zinbarg’s (2006) article.
3. Results regarding these areas are less univocal and their role remains a subject of discussion (e.g.,
Maren, 2008; Sehlmeyer et al., 2009).
4. Importantly, the field of genetics in psychopathology is characterized by several pitfalls and limitations
such as small effects, post hoc testing, underpowered studies, and failed replications. We refer the
interested reader to Dick et al. (2015), Duncan and Keller (2011), and Tabor, Risch, and Myers (2002)
for a more elaborate discussion of this topic.
5. For a more elaborate review of complex conditioning procedures, we refer the interested reader to
Boddez, Baeyens, Hermans, and Beckers (2014).
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