Geography 5
Geography 5
Editor
Barney Warf
University of Kansas
Associate Editors
Piotr Jankowski
San Diego State University
Barry D. Solomon
Michigan Technological University
Mark Welford
Georgia Southern University
Managing Editor
Jonathan Leib
Old Dominion University
Copyright © 2010 by SAGE Publications, Inc.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical,
including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from
the publisher.
For information:
Printed in Singapore.
G63.E554 2010
910.3—dc22 2010009453
10 11 12 13 14 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Volume 5 cover photo: Drag line and strip pit in the Star Fire and Lost Mountain Site owned by Cyprus Realty in Hazard,
Kentucky. © Karen Kasmauski/Science Faction/Corbis.
CONTENTS List of Entries
vii
Entries
P 2184
5
Q 2323
R 2335
S 2499
LIST OF ENTRIES
Housing and Housing Markets Indigenous and Community Jackson, John Brinckerhoff
Housing Policy Conserved Areas Jefferson, Thomas
Hoyt, Homer Indigenous Cartographies Johnston, R. J.
Human Dimensions of Global Indigenous Environmental Journey-to-Work. See
Environmental Change Knowledge Commuting
Human Ecology Indigenous Environmental Justice, Geography of
Human Geography, History of Practices
Human-Induced Invasion of Indigenous Forestry Kant, Immanuel
Species Indigenous Reserves Karst Topography
Humanistic Geography Indigenous Water Management Kates, Robert
Humanistic GIScience Industrial Districts Keystone Species
Human Rights, Geography and Industrial Ecology Knowledge, Geography of
Humboldt, Alexander von Industrialization Knowledge Spillovers
Humidity Industrial Revolution Köppen, Wladimir
Hunger Inequality and Geography Köppen-Geiger Climate
Hunting and Gathering Informal Economy Classification
Huntington, Ellsworth Information Society Kropotkin, Peter
Hurricane Katrina Infrastructure Krummholtz
Hurricanes, Physical Innovation, Geography of Kuhn, Werner
Geography of Input-Output Models Kwan, Mei-Po
Hurricanes, Risk and Hazard Institute of British Geographers Kyoto Protocol. See Climate
Hybrid Geographies Interactive Mapping. See Map Policy
Hybridization of Plant and Animation
Animal Species Intergovernmental Labor, Geography of
Hydroelectric Power Environmental Lahar. See Volcanoes
Hydrological Connectivity Organizations and Initiatives Land Degradation
Hydrology International Criminal Court Landfills
Hydrothermal Energy. See International Environmental Landforms
Geothermal Energy Movements Land Reform
International Environmental Landscape and Wildlife
Ibn Battuta NGOs Conservation
Ibn Khaldūn International Geographical Landscape Architecture
Ice Union Landscape Biodiversity
Identity, Geography and International Monetary Fund Landscape Design
Idiographic International Watershed Landscape Ecology
Image Enhancement Management Landscape Interpretation
Image Fusion Internet. See Communications, Landscape Quality
Image Interpretation Geography of; Cyberspace; Assessment
Image Processing Digital Divide; Landscape Restoration
Image Registration Telecommunications and Landslide
Image Texture Geography Land Tenure
Imaging Spectroscopy Internet GIS Land Tenure Reform
Immigration Interoperability and Spatial Land Use
Imperialism Data Standards Land Use Analysis
Impermeable Surfaces Interviewing Land Use and Cover Change
Import Substitution Invasion and Succession (LUCC)
Industrialization Isard, Walter Land Use and Land Cover
Incubator Zones Island Biogeography Mapping
Indigeneity Islands, Small Land Use History
Indigenous Agriculture Isopleth Maps Land Use Planning
LIST OF EN TRI E S m^^^
Holy Mecca in Saudi Arabia. An important practice in most of the world’s religions, a pilgrimage consists of an
individual or group leaving home and traveling to a sacred site, such as the Holy Mecca, which has a spiritual
magnetism within the belief system.
Source: Aidar Ayazbaye/iStockphoto.
pilgrimage—with its implication of life being an sustained assault, more recent years have seen a
open journey that has not yet reached a destina- renewal of interest. Anthropologists and ethnolo-
tion—as a metaphor for the spiritual life. From gists study the phenomenon’s implications for
another perspective, the advent of mass tourism societies, while for those undertaking research on
has blurred the distinction between the tourist ritual and religion, this interest has moved from
and the pilgrim—many tours take in religious condemnation of the practice as superstition or a
sites en route—while there is also a secularized mark of primitive belief to seeing it as providing
pilgrimage element in many tourist programs that an insight into religious consciousness and how
include visits to significant sites (e.g., battlefields) rituals shape societies. Among geographers, there
or that respond to people’s desire to stand in and have been studies aimed at distinguishing pilgrims
relate to the place of some major event (e.g., from other travelers such as tourists.
Ground Zero in New York City is emerging as
such a site). Thomas O’Loughlin
While in Western thought for much of the past
five centuries, pilgrimage activity has been under See also Religion, Geography and
'&-+ P LA C E
human identity, the dwelling place of being. In include a strong social dimension: Locales are
most of this work, the concepts of oneness, root- inclusive and progressive sites of social life. This
edness, authenticity, and experience were given work recognizes both global connections and
prominence. Subsequent accounts of place in this local specificity, which create a world of hybrid-
humanistic perspective have elaborated on these ized identities and hybridized domains of being
ideas, based on the principle that the social and and thought. Another approach sees the social
the cultural are geographically constructed. Places production of the spaces within which social life
are seen as requiring human agents, who in turn takes place as the key to understanding how the
require specific places if they are to be the selves abstract space of capitalism colonizes everyday
(with identities) they are in the process of becom- life by means of both spatial practice and repre-
ing: There is no place without self and no self sentations of space and how this is countered
without place. Such places are woven together by through new understandings built on a mixture
movement (practice or performance) and by the of memories and residues of older place attach-
network ties that produce places as changing con- ments and new practices. A third new way to
stellations of human commitments, capacities, overcome the space-place dualism has suggested
and strategies. that place is associational, with all manners of
Place also has become key in the decentering spaces and times woven together through the
of the authoritative form of knowledge in the intersection of many encounters between people
world today—techno-science. Sociologists of and things through time and space.
knowledge, geographers, and anthropologists There are also integrative approaches that
have argued that one common attribute of all begin from a dwelling perspective. The formula-
knowledge is localness, that it is place based. tion of the concept of the “geographical self,” the
Until recently, little attention has been paid to human subject who is oriented and situated in
another problem, that of “knowing” local knowl- place, and the use of three related concepts—self,
edge, but a number of anthropologists and geog- body, and landscape—are pertinent because they
raphers have begun to use place, and especially resonate with, and connect to, work being done
the concept of dwelling, to inform their work on place from a building perspective. This formu-
among indigenous peoples. Place making, in this lation puts the emphasis on form: If the body is
work is a relational matter involving activities the form in which a creature is present as being-
and experiences and focuses on “practice,” or in-the-world, then the world of its being-in pres-
“performance,” emphasizing embodiment. Fur- ents itself in the form of landscape. Another
thermore, a number of indigenous scholars in highly creative approach has examined trees as
different parts of the world have identified phe- agents that co-constitute places and cultures in
nomenological approaches as being parallel to relationship with human agency. Using the con-
indigenous thinking, as both are based on the cepts of dwelling and performance, this work has
innate human experience of place. Indigenous demonstrated at a practical level that these are
peoples claim a cocreative relationship with their fruitful ways of dealing with the richness and
land, making places as much as places make dynamism of places. Likewise, another agency-
them, with the body seen as the source of think- oriented approach argues that differences emerge
ing, sensing, acting, and being and the basis of all in places through both place-based experiences
relationships. and human agency and that such places are never
separate but always parts of larger sets of places.
Connecting Building and Dwelling
Conclusion
Although disagreement remains over which con-
ception of spatiality should be privileged, recent It is doubtful whether the proponents of one
scholarship has addressed how space and place approach or another to place will ever agree.
are inherently related to each other. However, there is beginning to be some agree-
A number of these attempts have their roots ment that place involves both mental construc-
in “building” approaches. Locale studies now tions and human agency. There are a number of
'&-- P LA C E NAME S
Further Readings
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard (West 125th Street) in Harlem’s main cultural and commercial district, New
York City
Source: iStockphoto.
Further Readings
the selling of the suburb continues. Attracting
industries and selling the advantages that one
Alderman, D. (2002). Naming streets after Martin location might have over other places led to an
Luther King, Jr.: No easy road. In R. Schein era of place promotion combined with the provi-
(Ed.), Landscape and race in the United States sion of incentives and policies that continues
(pp. 213–236). New York: Routledge. today. These efforts were often antilabor, to lure
Azaryahu, M. (1997). German reunification and the industrial plants, and tax breaks were given to
politics of street names: The case of East Berlin. attract corporates.
Political Geography, 16, 479–493. As cities declined during the deindustrializa-
Berg, L., & Vuolteenaho, J. (2009). Critical tion of Western Europe and North America,
toponymies. London: Ashgate. efforts to remake city images dominated. Bereft
Kearns, R., & Berg, L. (2002). Proclaiming place: of their industrial economic base, cities turned
Towards a geography of place name pronunciation. toward services, shopping, and the creation of
Social & Cultural Geography, 3, 283–302. spectacles. Downtown shopping centers, sports
arenas, and entertainment districts were incor-
porated in urban redevelopment projects in the
1960s and 1990s, a practice that continues
today. Cities compete for assets such as con-
PLACE PROMOTION ventions, professional sports franchises, and
other markers of urban success in the 21st cen-
tury. Culture also became vital to the image of
Place promotion is the development of advertise- cities, with Europe, Canada, and the United
ments for the purpose of attracting investment, States overseeing efforts to develop science and
tourism, and economic growth. These efforts can education centers, aquariums, and museums
take on many forms and today are practiced by focused on niche sports and local cultures to
multiple actors, including but not limited to gov- attract tourists and attention.
ernments, chambers of commerce, tourism and
convention bureaus, and economic development
corporations and agencies. Examples of place pro- Academic Foci
motion are found in most media today and reflect Most research on place promotion can be classi-
the specific goals of the groups advertising a place. fied roughly into two categories. The first is the
application of marketing to places, and the sec-
ond is debates about whether this is effective. An
Historical Context
important question at the heart of these market-
Efforts to promote places as tourism destinations ing efforts is whether a place can be marketed in
and attract investment capital have been under- the same way as a package of toilet paper or
taken since the 1840s. Early place promotion foodstuffs; many scholars argue that, with some
efforts were begun by private firms seeking to adjustments, it can be. Others counter that the
develop the frontier regions. In particular, U.S. complexity of places requires the use of strategies
railroad companies were given government land specific to tourism or economic development.
grants to exploit. Encouraging settlers to home- This research aims to improve the process of place
stead in order to create demand for railroad ser- promotion and its counterpart, place marketing,
vice entailed advertising campaigns extolling (and to provide cities and regions with the capacity to
exaggerating) the virtues of farming the frontier. effectively lure tourism and investment.
Railroads and resorts partnered to promote health The second category consists of critical
tourism and the qualities of beaches in the late perspectives on place promotion. Researchers
1800s. The evolution of mass transit in the 1900s working from this perspective argue that place
led to the earliest promotion of suburbs, invoking promotion efforts are partial descriptions of cities
images of healthy homes away from industrial and regions and thus leave out many voices of
city cores. With current reliance on the automobile, people who wish to have a stake in creating the
'&.' P LA N T ATIONS
and the employment of industrial technology and some postcolonial countries, successful “land to the
finance capital. Not all plantations have been tiller” reforms were initiated. New global develop-
organized along logics of entrepreneurial capital- ment institutions such as the Food and Agriculture
ism and surplus reinvestment. The hacienda form Organization of the United Nations were closely
of plantation development, which emerged in involved in the establishment and promotion of
Latin America and the Philippines, was essen- plantations in the postwar period. New plantation
tially a precapitalist form, involving the direction boom crops, including oil palm, eucalyptus, acacia,
of surplus toward powerful oligarchic ruling teak, rubber, coconuts, sugarcane, soybeans, cof-
families. Contemporary plantations typically fee, and cocoa, have radically reshaped tropical
involve state-led reforestation schemes or private forest environments and have been associated with
sector firms integrated with global capital flows widespread deforestation. In Indonesia through the
and markets. 1990s, the clearing of peat swamps for oil palm
The Great Depression led to a collapse in global plantations, in association with El Niño climatic
plantation commodity prices through the 1930s. events, was identified as the primary source of
World War II, followed by anticolonial struggles, uncontrolled forest fires, which blanketed south-
ended the age of colonial plantation regimes. In east Asia in haze. Biofuels (including sugarcane,
Blue agave plantation near Tequila, Mexico, in the state of Nayarit. Used to make tequila, the blue agave is
grown only in Mexico, primarily in the state of Jalisco.
Source: © Can Stock Photo Inc.
corn, oil palm, and cassava) have emerged in the landlessness, as well as enclosure movements in
past decade as a new plantation boom crop linked many regions. At the same time, new social coun-
to rising global energy prices. The convergence termovements have emerged in resistance to plan-
between agricultural and energy commodity mar- tation enclosures in the global South. The efforts
kets is predicted to have negative implications for behind community-based natural resource manage-
land use conversion, deforestation, and food secu- ment systems have established improved legal rec-
rity in many developing countries, although the ognition of local resource rights, although in many
rising prices of these agricultural commodities may countries significant limitations remain on the abil-
also benefit some farmers. ity of rural communities to actually claim legal
In addition to transforming tropical and sub- rights over customary lands.
tropical forest biodiversity, plantations have long Many plantations in tropical countries involve
been associated with serious land and resource con- the provision of state subsidies of various kinds,
flicts with rural communities. The requirement of typically access to land through the granting of
plantation companies for access to large areas of exclusive concessions at below-market rates.
land, in combination with the legally insecure land Some global forest policy institutions have argued
rights held by many rural and indigenous commu- against these subsidies, which promote the con-
nities, has led to problems of dispossession and version of natural forest to plantations and
P LA T E T EC T ONICS '&.*
Key
Figure 1 The major lithospheric plates, plate boundaries, and directions and rates (in millimeters per annum)
of plate movement
Source: Adapted from Summerfield, M. A. (2001). Global geomorphology. New York: Longman Scientific & Technical.
Notes: Ca: Caribbean Plate; Co: Cocos Plate; Ph: Philippine Plate; JF: Juan de Fuca Plate.
melt (material at 1000 nC). This behaves as a A tectonic or lithospheric plate is generally
high-viscosity fluid. It is the interactions between composed of continental or oceanic lithosphere
the upper part of Earth’s mantle (the astheno- from a few hundred to thousands of kilometers
sphere) and the lithospheric plates that are sig- across. Plate thicknesses range from less than 15
nificant for plate tectonics. Interaction between km for young oceanic lithosphere to ^200 km
the plate boundaries and the resultant stresses for ancient continental lithosphere. The conti-
within the plates determines to a large extent the nental crust is composed predominantly of gra-
distribution of seismic and volcanic activity, nitic rocks, which are made up of relatively
which is mainly concentrated at plate margins lightweight minerals such as quartz and feld-
(Figure 1). spar. Oceanic crust, however, is dominantly
P LA T E T EC T ONICS '&.,
Figure 2 A schematic cross section through examples of convergent and divergent plate boundaries and their
associated major landforms
Source: Author.
Notes: Blue represents oceanic lithosphere; brown represents continental lithosphere. Red arrows indicate the relative movement
of convection cells in the asthenosphere (upper mantle). White arrows indicate movement of the lithosphere.
composed of basaltic rock, which is denser and is one such example, situated over an upwelling
heavier. mantle plume (hotspot) on the mid-Atlantic ridge
system. Iceland is the only significant suprama-
rine example of this 14,000- to 15,000-km-long
Divergent (Constructive) Plate Boundaries
ridge system, which runs from the Arctic Ocean
Divergent boundaries occur where two plates to south of Africa. The volcanism associated with
move apart from each other and tend to originate the ridge, in conjunction with the latitude (near
at triple junctions, which are sometimes believed the Arctic Circle), produces a unique environ-
to be associated with hotspots (Figure 2). At ment where sudden volcanically induced melting
hotspots, extremely large convective cells bring of the ice sheets creates some of the most dra-
vast quantities of hot asthenospheric material matic outburst floods on Earth.
near the surface, weakening the lithosphere. In the continental lithosphere, divergent plate
Beneath the oceans, extensive submarine ridge boundaries are responsible for the African rift
systems represent divergent plate boundaries. system, generating rift basins and associated vol-
Here, as the plates move apart, the space is filled canic and seismic activity. Subsidence has gener-
with new crustal material that originates from the ated the accommodation space for many of the
molten magma derived from below (seafloor lake systems, and associated warping of the crust
spreading). It is at these locations that magnetic has led to reorganization of the low-relief drain-
reversals were first identified from airborne geo- age systems associated with Lake Victoria, in
magnetic surveys, which revealed a symmetrical some cases reversing them. During periods of
pattern of magnetic bandings either side of the enhanced plate activity, the increased volume of
ridge crests. These bandings record reversals in midoceanic ridges has been credited with displac-
Earth’s magnetic field and provide data on the ing water in the oceanic basins, leading to sea-
spatial and temporal spreading rate associated level rise and thus reducing potential carbon
with the tectonic boundary. Only rarely are the availability from weathering of the smaller exposed
ridges large enough to become emergent. Iceland land masses, as well as increasing volcanic activity
'&.- P LA T E T E CTONICS
and thus increasing the availability of greenhouse the San Andreas Fault in the south) and New Zea-
gases. land (convergent in the North Island and trans-
form along the Alpine fault in the South Island).
Transform faults may also offset the crests of the
Convergent (Destructive/Active)
midocean ridges of divergent plate boundaries.
Plate Boundaries
Where these transform faults occur, the plates are
The nature of convergent plate boundaries associated with stress buildup as a result of fric-
depends mainly on the relative density, and thus tional forces. This stress will build to a critical
buoyancy, of the lithosphere. Oceanic crust is threshold (the strain threshold of rocks on either
considered denser (less buoyant) than continental side of the fault). The accumulated potential
crust. Where two similar densities meet (e.g., con- energy is released as strain. Ductile lower crust
tinent-to-continent collision, such as the Himala- and mantle accumulate deformation gradually
yas, or oceanic-to-oceanic merging, such as the via shearing, but the brittle upper crust reacts by
Aleutian Island arc of Alaska), the crust will typi- fracture, or instantaneous stress release, causing
cally buckle and one plate will be subducted earthquakes to be common along the transform
beneath the other. Where two different densities boundaries (see, e.g., the South Island of New
occur (oceanic and continental, e.g., the Andes of Zealand or California in the United States).
South America and the subducting Nazca plate),
the denser oceanic plate will be subducted. These
The Driving Forces
types of margins are commonly associated with
explosive volcanism (Figure 2). This phenomenon The driving forces for plate tectonics are not
is generally considered to be the result of the clearly understood but are considered to be mostly
release of volatiles, predominantly water, as the related to gravity. When oceanic lithosphere
subducted oceanic slab is heated at depth. This forms at midocean ridges, it is initially less dense
lowers the melting temperature of the surround- than the underlying asthenosphere. As it becomes
ing mantle, producing magma, with the dissolved cooler and older, it becomes denser. This is impor-
gases generating highly explosive eruptions. tant for two reasons: (1) it generates an undersea
Mountain ranges and volcanic chains are thus topography where the elevation is greater at the
typical large-scale landforms associated with con- midoceanic ridge and falls away with distance
vergent plate boundaries. These types of margins from the ridge as a result of the older, denser, and
are typically associated with dramatic relief. The thicker oceanic lithosphere sinking into the asthe-
Andes, for example, have a relief of up to 6 km nosphere and (2) the oldest and densest oceanic
and a corresponding offshore trench some 8 km lithosphere is located at the subduction zones,
deep, giving a total relief on the order of 14 km farthest from the midoceanic ridge. Thus, gravity
over a horizontal distance of some 750 km. This sliding (sometimes known as ridge push) from the
particular boundary is associated with large, topographic high of the ridge occurs. At the sub-
megathrust earthquakes; in 1960, the largest duction zone, slab pull resulting from the weight
recorded earthquake (magnitude 9.5) and tsu- of the descending slab is important.
nami were generated. The Peruvian coastline is In some regions, such as the Mediterranean, the
one of the most tsunami-prone coastlines in the slab pull, in combination with relative plate veloci-
world. ties, has led to a situation where the position of the
subduction zone migrates regressively with time.
In the Aegean Sea, the African plate is moving
Transform (Conservative) Plate Boundaries
northeastward at 6 mm/a (millimeters per annum)
Transform plate boundaries occur where there is and the Anatolian (Turkish) plate southwestward
oblique movement along a plate boundary. In at 30 mm/a. Thus, the associated Hellenic subduc-
these situations, convergent and transform bound- tion zone has to migrate away from both Europe
aries may exist along the same plate boundary. and Turkey as long as these plate velocities are
This occurs along the western coast of the United higher. In part of the oldest (50 million years
States (convergent in the north, transform along ago), and thus densest, oceanic lithosphere of the
P LA YAS '&..
Mediterranean, the lithospheric slab drops almost synonymously with playa in North America
vertically, leading to the “rollback” (regressive include playa lake, playa-lake basin, prairie pot-
migration) of the subduction hinge. Subduction hole, buffalo wallow, rainwater basin, lagoon,
rollback is still active in the Central Mediterranean salt pan, salt lake, alkali lake, bolson, and dry
and has been used to explain the morphology of lake. A variety of names come also from other
the Apennine Mountains of Italy. parts of the world, including vlor (Southwest
Although gravitational forces are believed to Africa), sebka (North Africa), kewire (Iran), sab-
be the strongest force driving plate motions, we kha (Middle East), rei (India), praia (India),
also have to explain why some plates (e.g., the plage (France), pliazh (Russia), salar (Chile),
North American Plate and Eurasion plates) are boinka (Australia), and salina (Spain and else-
moving but are not being subducted. This sug- where). Though geographers and other Earth
gests that friction from large-scale convection scientists have not yet completely agreed on a
currents in the upper mantle on the lithosphere term, playa and playa lake are the most com-
may play a role. This may occur at subduction monly used. Similarly, a wide range of defini-
zones (slab suction) or away from these areas tions for playa exists in the literature, but one
(basal drag). More controversially, some propo- can reduce the myriad definitions to something
nents have suggested that Earth’s rotation and the relatively simple: an internally drained basin that
tidal friction of the moon may account for the is flat, barren, or sparsely vegetated, formed in
westerly component of every plate’s motion. prairie to desert environments and infrequently
containing either freshwater or saline water.
Anne E. Mather
Though many have defined playa with a requi-
See also Biogeography; Earthquakes; Geologic site diameter measuring hundreds of meters,
Timescale; Tsunami; Volcanoes many functioning playas are 100 m or less in
diameter (see High Plains photo).
In North America, playas are ubiquitous on
the High Plains of the Great Plains, but many
Further Readings
also occur throughout the intermountain west-
ern region. Within the southern and central
Cox, A., & Hart, R. B. (1986). Plate tectonics:
Great Plains, where playas are densest, estimated
How it works. London: Blackwell.
numbers range from about 25,000 to more than
Mather, A. E. (2009). Tectonic setting and landscape
40,000. Several origins have been proposed for
development. In J. Woodward (Ed.), The physical
these playas, but those most commonly cited are
geography of the Mediterranean (pp. 5–32).
subsidence as a result of dissolution of subsur-
Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
face salt or carbonate beds, the collapse of pip-
Summerfield, M. A. (2001). Global geomorphology.
ing (conduits created by percolating water),
New York: Longman Scientific & Technical.
eluviation (the downward movement of particles
or dissolved solids), deflation, or various combi-
nations of the preceding. Of these, deflation is
frequently identifiable as having at least a par-
PLAYAS tial role in playa development, in that on the
downwind side of many playas, crescent-shaped
The word playa comes from Spanish and trans- dunes (lunettes) of clay- to sand-size material
lates into English as “shore” or “beach.” As have accumulated (see lunette photo). Because
early as the late 1800s, however, the term playa of their characteristic location on the south to
was adopted for use in geomorphology in refer- southeast side of the playa basin, lunettes in the
ence to the ephemeral lakes in the Great Basin of High Plains likely developed during the last gla-
North America. To complicate things, playa is ciation, when prevailing winds were from the
not the only name applied to these features, and north and northwest.
names vary geographically, sometimes even at Playas are crucial to the ecosystems in which they
the local scale. Terms that are used more or less occur. In the Great Plains, playas function as sources
''%% P LA Y A S
View northeast of playa and associated lunette. The lunette, accentuated by a contour field terrace, is visible in
the lower right of the image.
Source: Author.
of recharge to the High Plains aquifer, as wetland agrochemicals. Throughout history, playas have
habitats for migratory waterfowl, as water sources served humankind as oases, first for the Paleoindians
for animals (wild and domesticated), as biogeo- and subsequently for the early European settlers.
graphic islands for native wetland vegetation, as car-
bon sinks, and as sites for the breakdown of William C. Johnson
P OINT P A T T ER N A NA LY S I S ''%&
See also Climate Change; Drought Risk and Hazard; and others. In general, point pattern analysis is
Dunes; Wetlands; Wind Erosion important for uncovering and studying the spatial
processes underlying many types of point data.
To understand the processes that generate par-
Further Readings ticular patterns, theoretic models are usually con-
structed. For instance, a simple theoretical model
Briere, P. R. (2000). Playa, playa lake, sabkha: that has often been used is the complete spatial
Proposed definitions for old terms. Journal of randomness (CSR) resulting from a homogeneous
Arid Environments, 45, 1–7. Poisson process over a study region. In this pro-
Osterkamp, W. R., & Wood, W. W. (1987). cess, the probability of event occurrence for any
Playa-lake basins on the southern High Plains of area (A) follows a Poisson distribution with mean
Texas and New Mexico: Part 1. Hydrologic, L|A|, where L is the fundamental property of a
geomorphic, and geologic evidence for their point process, representing the intensity or mean
development. Geological Society of America number of events per unit area. In other words,
Bulletin, 99, 215–223. under CSR, events have an equal chance of occur-
Rosen, M. R. (1994). The importance of ring anywhere in the region, and event occurrence
groundwater in playas: A review of playa at one location is independent of that at any other
classifications and the sedimentology and location. Hence, under CSR, the study region is
hydrology of playas (Geological Society of completely homogeneous in all respects, and no
America Special Paper 289). In Paleoclimate and interaction exists between event occurrences.
basin evolution of playa Systems (pp. 2–18). One important aspect of point pattern analysis
Boulder, CO: Geological Society of America. is to ascertain whether there is a trend for the
Smith, L. M. (2003). Playas of the Great Plains. events to exhibit a pattern, such as regularity or
Austin: University of Texas Press. clustering, using CSR as the null. This issue
Steiert, J., & Meinzer, W. (1995). Playas: Jewels of involves the assessment of the departure of the
the plains. Lubbock: Texas Tech University event occurrence under study from CSR. If events
Press. tend to significantly concentrate or form groups
different from those in CSR, the resulting pattern
is considered clustering. On the other hand, if
events are more dispersed or spread out than those
in CSR, a regular pattern is formed. A straightfor-
POINT PATTERN ANALYSIS ward method for the assessment is to explore the
pattern by plotting and visualizing the point
Point pattern analysis is considered a branch of events. However, in general it is difficult to come
spatial statistics involving the ability to analyze to a conclusion purely based on a visual judgment,
the spatial patterns of “events” that occur at a especially when the data set is large and other
set of locations, with each event representing a issues such as time or other relevant attributes or
single instance of the phenomenon of interest. marks, such as type, size, or age, are considered.
Point patterns were initially studied in plant ecol- Therefore, various methods have been developed
ogy 70 years ago, when researchers tried to to explore and examine spatial point patterns.
describe and analyze the spatial distribution of Quadrat methods are the earliest methods
plants. Point pattern analysis was gradually used by plant ecologists to examine point pat-
introduced into a wide range of fields such as terns. This type of method is based on quad-
archeology, epidemiology, astronomy, criminol- rats—well-defined frames of a certain shape,
ogy, and so on. Meanwhile, the analysis received usually rectangular, although other shapes such
much interest in geography in the early 1960s as a square, circle, or hexagon can be used. The
during the quantitative revolution and was used quadrats can be placed over the region randomly
and extended to examine settlement patterns, or contiguously. Then, the number of events fall-
retail establishments, and spatial characteristics of ing into each quadrant is counted, and the inten-
the landscape such as drumlins, volcanic craters, sity for a quadrant can be derived. Under CSR, a
''%' P O I N T PATTE RN ANAL YSIS
and human activities. As stated in the Fourth Antarctic sea ice extent has shown a slight
Assessment of the International Panel on Climate increase in studies based on satellite mapping
Change (IPCC), “Warming of the climate is from 1979 to 2008, contrary to what the Arctic
unequivocal, as is now evident from observations experiences (Figure 2). If the eastern part of Ant-
of increases in global average air and ocean tem- arctica has seen very little change, the western
peratures, widespread melting of snow and ice, part has witnessed significant declines for the past
and rising global average sea level.” On this prem- 25 yrs., and probably longer (measurements begin
ise, the International Polar Year (IPY) was launched at the sub-Antarctic Island of Orcadas in 1901
in March 2007, until March 2009. The program and show a nearly monotonic warming trend).
involves thousands of scientists from 63 nations, in Monitoring and assessment of sea ice extent in
more than 200 projects, to examine a wide range this part of the world remain difficult because of
of physical, biological, and social research topics the vastness and remoteness of the region.
in the Arctic and Antarctic regions. Interestingly, the exact reasons behind these
Unlike the South Pole, which lies on a continen- different trends in sea ice extent in the Arctic
tal land mass, the North Pole is located in the and around Antarctica are still mysterious and
middle of the Arctic Ocean, surrounded by waters unresolved. Anomalous changes in atmospheric
that are almost permanently covered with sea ice. and oceanic circulations are currently being
Continental ice sheets extend horizontally for examined in both polar regions to explain them.
hundreds to thousands of kilometers (km) and In a letter published in Nature in 2009, Steig
are 1 to 4 km in thickness. The two existing ice et al. argued for enhanced meridional flow—
sheets over Greenland and Antarctica represent that is, more warm air reaches West Antarctica
3% of Earth’s total surface area and 11% of its from farther north (i.e., from warmer, lower lat-
land surface. They contain some 32 million km3 itudes). This positive feedback mechanism (less
(cubic kilometers) of ice, equivalent to about 70 sea ice, warmer water, rising air, lower pressure,
meters of sea-level change. During winter, large and enhanced storminess) would explain the
sections of the Arctic Ocean and Southern Ocean warming of the Antarctic continent over the past
freeze into patches of sea ice. 50 yrs.
On average, the Arctic is warming twice as fast
as the globe as a whole and the vast land masses
of the region, at five times the global average. The
Sea Ice
amplified warming in the Arctic was attributed to
In the Arctic, sea ice coverage approximately dou- positive feedback mechanisms that accelerate cli-
bles from 7 million km2 (square kilometers) at the mate change, some likely triggered by the melting
end of the summer melt season to 15 million km2 of sea ice, snow, and permafrost. A study by Gil-
at the peak of the winter. Around Antarctica, sea let et al. in 2008, using an up-to-date gridded
ice extent varies from 3 million km2 during sum- data set of land surface temperatures and climate
mer to 18 million km2 at the height of winter. model simulations, assessed the causes of the
Sea ice regimes and climate in high latitudes observed polar warming. They found that the
have changed during the past 30 yrs. (years). In observed changes in Arctic and the Antarctic tem-
the Arctic, sea ice has decreased markedly, reach- peratures are not consistent with internal climate
ing unprecedented low extents in the summer of variability or natural drivers alone and are directly
2007 (Figure 1). Scientists have calculated that ice attributable to human influence.
extent in September 2007 was 50% lower than
conditions from the 1950s to the 1970s. All mod-
els used in the Fourth Assessment Report of the
Greenland Ice Sheet
IPCC indicate declining sea ice from 1953 to
2006. However, recent data show that the models Representing almost 1/20 of the world’s ice, the
underestimate the actual melting rate, leading to ice locked atop Greenland covers 1.7 million km2,
a conservative estimate of a seasonally icefree for a total ice volume of 2.9 million km3. It has
Arctic Ocean by 2030. shed an average 150 billion metric tons more than
P OLES, NOR T H A ND SOUTH ''%*
Figure 1 Arctic sea ice minimum extent in September 1982 and 2008. The red line indicates the median
minimum extent of the ice cover for the period 1979 to 2000. This figure compares the Arctic sea ice extent in
September for the years 1982 (the record maximum since 1979) and 2008. The ice extent was 7.5 million km2
in 1982 and only 5.6 million km2 in 2005 and down to 4.3 million km2 in 2007. As has been observed in other
recent years, the retreat of the ice cover was particularly pronounced along the Eurasian coast. Indeed, the
retreat was so pronounced that at the end of the summers of 2005 and 2007, the Northern Sea Route across the
top of Eurasia was completely ice free.
Sources: Hugo Ahlenius, cartographer and designer, UNEP/GRID-Arendal Maps and Graphics Library. Retrieved February 20,
2010, from http://maps.grida.no/go/graphic/arctic-sea-ice-minimum-extent-in-september-1982-and-2008. Data from Fetterer, F., &
Knowles, K. (2002). Sea ice index (updated 2004). Boulder, CO: National Snow and Ice Data Center. Retrieved November 27,
2008, from http://nsidc.org/data/seaice_index/daily.html.
it gains in snow in winter over the past four sum- Helheim and Kangerdlugssuaq glaciers started
mers (Figure 3). Although this is only a tiny frac- speeding up in 2002 and 2005, respectively. As
tion of its total ice volume, this shedding could the glaciers calve icebergs into the ocean, it
weaken this survivor of the most recent ice age, relieves stress on the glaciers, allowing them to
20,000 yrs. ago, when the climatic conditions surge. One possible explanation lies in a warmer
were substantially different. It is very unlikely ocean bathing the coast, as data show a correla-
that the Greenland ice sheet will disappear in an tion between outlet glacier speeding up and warm
instant or even a century, but the assumption that ocean temperature. However, very little has been
the total melting and collapse of such a large ice done to correlate water temperature and glacier
sheet takes millennia is being revised. movement so far.
One reason for the revision is an unanticipated Another area of interest is surface meltwater
acceleration of outlet glaciers on the west and draining to the bottom of glaciers. Potentially,
east coasts. The Jakobshavn Isbrae glacier on this could encourage movement and collapse by
the west coast has doubled its speed from 5.7 to lubricating the interface between the basement
12.6 km/yr. between 1992 and 2003, while the and the glacier.
''%+ P O LES , NORTH AND SOU TH
Southern Hemisphere
Whole S Hemisphere +1.2
Bellingshausen Sea −5.3%
Weddell Sea +1.0
Indian Ocean +1.1
West Pacific Ocean +1.2
Ross Sea +4.8
Change in annual mean sea ice
extent (% per decade)
Figure 2 Regional changes in Antarctic sea ice. In contrast to the Arctic (Figure 1), there are signs of a slight
increase in the extent of annual mean sea ice in the Antarctic over the period from 1979 to 2005 (+1.2% per
decade) based on the NASA (National Aeronautics and Space Administration) team retrieval algorithm. There are
far fewer observations of sea ice thickness for the Antarctic than for the Arctic because of the lack of submarine
measurements. It is therefore not possible to detect any trends in Antarctic sea ice thickness over recent decades.
Sources: Hugo Ahlenius, cartographer and designer, UNEP/GRID-Arendal Maps and Graphics Library. Retrieved February 20,
2010, from www.unep.org/geo/ice_snow. Data from National Aeronautics and Space Administration. (2007). Sea ice remote
sensing. Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved March 30, 2007, from http://polynya.gsfc.nasa.gov/seaice_projects.html.
6 7 8
Figure 3 These images are derived by comparing satellite and aircraft laser-altimeter surveys. They show the
regions of the Greenland ice sheet over which melt occurred for more than 3 days between May 1 and
September 30 for (A) 1998, (B) 2003, and (C) 2007, respectively.
Source: NASA/Goddard Space Flight Center Scientific Visualization Studio. The Next Generation Blue Marble data are courtesy of
Reto Stockli (NASA/GSFC). Available at http://svs.gsfc.nasa.gov/goto?3475.
P OLES, NOR T H A ND SOUTH ''%,
Figure 4 Antarctica, showing rates of surface elevation change derived from satellite radar-altimeter
measurements
Sources: Hugo Ahlenius, cartographer and designer, UNEP/GRID-Arendal Maps and Graphics Library. Data from
(corresponding to the numbers on the rectangles) (1) Rignot and Thomas (2002), (2) Ramillien et al. (2006), (3) Velicogna
and Wahr (2006), (4) Chen et al. (2006), (5) Zwally et al. (2005), (6) Wingham et al. (2006), and (7) Rignot et al. (2007).
Map retrieved and full source information available from http://www.unep.org/geo/geo_ice/graphics.asp.
Notes: The figure shows the rates at which the ice sheet mass was estimated to be changing based on radar-altimeter data (black),
mass-budget calculations (red), and satellite gravity measurements (blue). Rectangles depict the time periods of observations
(horizontal) and the upper and lower estimates of mass balance (vertical). Measurements by satellite techniques based on gravity
indicate mass loss of ice at a rate of 138 o 73 billion metric tons/yr. (per year) during 2002–2005, mostly from the West Antarctica
Ice Sheet. However, two interpretations of satellite radar altimetry pointed to a much smaller loss of about 31 billion metric tons/
yr. or a net gain of about 27 billion metric tons/yr.
Figure 5 New rifts form on Antarctic ice shelf. Image acquired by Envisat’s Advanced Synthetic Aperture Radar
(ASAR) sensor. New rifts on the Wilkins Ice Shelf developed from August 10 to November 26, 2008. These rifts
joined previously existing rifts (blue dotted line). The development of these rifts threatens to collapse the ice
bridge that has been preventing the ice shelf from disintegrating and breaking away from the Antarctic
Peninsula.
Sources: Interpretations based on ESA Envisat images provided by Dr. Angelika Humbert from the Institute of Geophysics,
Münster University. Photo from European Space Agency. Available at www.esa.int/esaCP/SEMXK5AWYNF_index_0.html.
it affects human interests adversely. Political ecol- power structures. Political ecology seeks to high-
ogy challenges the apparent causes of environ- light the conflict over resources as much as it
mental problems and argues that most, if not all, reveals the struggle over meaning. It raises ques-
environmental problems are not primarily ecolog- tions such as “Whose environment?” and “Whose
ical but in fact rather social problems. Prominent power or knowledge?” and analyzes the conflict-
examples are land cover change and loss of biodi- ing values, perceptions, knowledge, and discourses
versity, soil erosion, air and water pollution, fam- that reflect the underlying power relations.
ines, floods, deforestation, land degradation, and 4. The fourth goal of political ecology is to
desertification. Second, uneven exposure and vul- understand the social and political dynamics that
nerability in environmental crises are analyzed. emerge from changes in environmental conditions
Environmental problems are often perceived by and regimes. This research analyzes the power
the socioeconomic dimensions of their impact on dynamics of movements, shifts, or imbalances in
society, not by their ecological significance. This resource distribution and ecological justice and
indicates underlying influences of power, access, provides insights that are often attributed to social
and representation on the construction of envi- change in a broader sense. At the same time, envi-
ronmental problems. Resource deprivation is not ronmental movements, advocacy, and resistance
a uniform process. Environmental problems such are themselves subject to internal power forces
as degradation and scarcity of resources receive that socially construct environmental narratives
much more attention when powerful elites are and their critiques.
affected rather than vulnerable groups. Third,
unequal power relations regarding resource access These themes can be explored on multiple spa-
are analyzed. tial and temporal scales with varying scope.
2. The second goal of political ecology focuses Applications range from the relatively broadscales
on the social definition and political implementa- of sociocultural meaning (e.g., the Western con-
tion of environmental conservation. This work cept of national parks) to short-framed political
aims at the social construction of conservation analyses (e.g., the passing of a new environmental
and nature itself. It challenges our understanding law), from long-term research on sociopolitical
of concepts such as “nature,” “wilderness,” “nat- issues (e.g., toxic waste disposal in marginalized
ural resources,” “sustainable resource use,” and regions) to social research on rural practices and
“aesthetic landscape,” asking how they are con- livelihoods (e.g., customary access rights in rain
structed and reinforced by powerful hegemonic forest communities).
structures in society and how they affect our reg- Overall, one of the most central contributions
ulation of land use and protected areas. The use of political ecology is its call for a heightened
and protection of natural environments are awareness of power inequalities and their impact
socially defined (e.g., “resource,” “sustainable on nature-society systems. The approach empha-
use,” “scientific forestry,” “illegal harvesting,” sizes the multilevel pervasiveness with which
“poaching,” “invasive logging”) and underlie the power relations shape and reinforce resource
powerful paradigms that are derived from and access and control, benefit distribution, and over-
reinforced by cultural practices and social norms. all livelihood security. It offers a theoretical level
of revisiting and questioning social assumptions
3. The third goal is to understand the actors to explore how concepts such as “sustainable
and interests of environmental conflict in the larger use,” “natural resources,” or “equal access rights”
context of power struggles. Actors and their roles become defined and reinforced by the dominant
in conflict may be driven by gender, class, race, power structures in society.
ethnicity, or other dynamics in society. Political
and economic elites have historically aimed to
justify resource use systems that were character-
Early Colonial and Ecological Critiques
ized by highly unequal access and user rights.
Marginalized groups may be able to challenge the Political ecology is commonly referred to as a new
elite claims and seek ways to overcome the existing research field, but it has very old roots. Some early
P OLIT IC A L EC OLO G Y ''&&
European explorers and geographers criticized the explorer, and activist Peter Alexeivich Kropotkin.
racist hegemonic structures and growing inequali- He was arguably one of the first political ecolo-
ties as the underlying forces of environmental gists. His pathbreaking work Mutual Aid: A Fac-
destruction and colonial exploitation, often based tor in Evolution, published in 1902, presented
on their own observation. In his classic Cosmos biological data that indicated that the central
(1858), the German geographer and world- mechanism in natural selection is not competition
renowned explorer Alexander von Humboldt but cooperation. In an often uncertain and diffi-
coined the term inequality of fortunes and called cult biophysical environment, it is cooperation
for equal land use and employment opportunities among individuals that offers the best collective
between indigenous peoples and colonial powers. benefit to ensure survival. His findings challenged
The French geographer Elisee Reclus criticized social Darwinist ideas, criticized the implicit read-
the colonial exploitation of his time even more ing of social hierarchies into the natural world,
openly in his work The Earth: A Descriptive His- and thus repoliticized our thinking of human-
tory (1871). He suggested revolutionary political environment processes.
actions as a legitimate evolutionary mechanism to
overcome inequities in hegemonic structures. In
the late 19th and early 20th centuries, however,
Interdisciplinary Influences
most human-environment research had become
more formalized and was dominated by rather Modern political ecology has emerged with mul-
reductionist approaches that catered to the need tifaceted roots in various fields, most notably
of Eurocentric colonial expansion for cartography political economy and cultural ecology. The
and physical geography. approaches of political ecology often have a his-
Political ecology suggests a strong reference to torical component that shares concepts or focus
ecology, a linkage that has been critiqued from with environmental history. Nevertheless, the
various perspectives. Over time, ecological con- term political ecology created a new unifying
cepts became major influences on numerous label for a research approach that had long been
fields, including health, development studies, evolving in various academic disciplines, although
environmental history, geography, economic pro- concerned with large variations in concept, focus,
cesses, and cultural ecology. The study of ecologi- and scale.
cal processes emerged in the mid 19th century, at Political ecology shares with political economy
a time when evolutionary research gained impor- the interest in the interaction between individu-
tance. Charles Darwin’s evolution theory trig- als, their material transactions in society, and the
gered a wave of debate across the social sciences natural world. Political economy also assumes
to explore possible parallels to human processes. that society and nature are socially constructed to
The evolutionary biologist and geographer Alfred a significant degree but otherwise deemphasizes
Russel Wallace immediately opposed the emerg- any natural processes or the environment per se.
ing notions of social Darwinism and became an Environmental economics, on the contrary, has
advocate of social justice and nonracist resource developed elaborate tools that seek to quantify
rights. At the core of the debate was the role of environmental services and externalities. Although
individual competition in evolutionary strategies these have been contested, they help develop a
as opposed to the role of social cooperation: larger economic framework but do not as ade-
While the “survival of the fittest” principle quately capture the underlying reasons, interests,
emphasized the ubiquitous importance of indi- and consequences of nature-society interactions
vidual interests behind all societal decisions, the as political economy helps grasp. The writings of
latter called for a balancing, ecosystem-level Karl Marx experienced a revival through politi-
approach to better understand the full interac- cal ecology for their conceptual lens on the socio-
tions between communities of organisms. political links between environmental degradation
One early scholar who addressed the problem- and social oppression, and this opened a new
atic implications of Darwin’s theory for the social debate on the underlying structural concerns over
sciences was the Russian philosopher, geographer, economic production and resource depletion.
''&' P O LI T I CAL E COL OG Y
Neo-Marxism manifested itself as an influential Some of the earliest and most prominent scholars
theoretical contribution to early-stage political of the field in fact did not identify themselves as
ecology from the late 1970s to the mid 1980s. It part of the movement and were rather situated by
reflected the broader intellectual context at the others in retrospect. This made the emergence of
time for new radical theories seeking to recon- the field difficult to grasp and define, which con-
ceptualize existing problems through new ana- tinues until today.
lytical lenses. The modern wave of political ecology can be
Political ecology is also significantly influenced described as a confluence of several sources of
by cultural ecology. Cultural ecology had thought. New critiques in cultural ecology had
emerged since the 1950s as a multidisciplinary increasingly opened up toward previously under-
approach across geography and anthropology to theorized sociopolitical determinants of human
help understand how human societies affect and environment use. This development was embed-
adapt to their local environments—how cultural ded in a larger paradigmatic shift through the
practices and institutional arrangements evolve 1970s, with merging environmental and social
around resource use. Major works are associated movements. Escalating environmental degrada-
with the American geographer Carl Sauer, who tion and livelihood crises in the developing coun-
also pioneered the modern tradition of cultural tries, unforeseen local adversities from conservation
geography in which environmental determinism efforts, and worldwide disagreement over possible
was inverted into focusing on the role of humans solutions had made the growing global debate an
in changing the landscape, not the other way increasingly politicized one. Voices for social jus-
around. tice increasingly joined the ecological concerns
In the 1960s and early 1970s, cultural ecology and raised the societal critique of global socioeco-
attempted to explore the future of human popu- nomic and political structures to a new level. Post-
lations and their material activities through colonial resource use and industrial exploitation
ecologically based models such as energy flow were increasingly identified as part of the prob-
modeling and system analysis. These models lem. Political ecology formed as a critical response
sought to explain adaptation and change as pre- particularly to two popular notions at the time.
dictable outcomes of processes within the mod- First, it criticized neo-Malthusian beliefs that envi-
eled closed ecosystems, but exactly because of ronmental destruction and global resource deple-
this, they failed to acknowledge that the local cul- tion were the result of overpopulation. Second,
tural and ecological systems studied were in fact new political ecology voices challenged the glob-
the result of larger sociopolitical dynamics on a ally favored technocratic practice of technology-
global scale. From a political ecology perspective, based solutions that approached environmental
this apolitical and homeostatic systems approach problems as a merely technical matter, not as a
is the central conceptual flaw of cultural ecology. complex social system.
The term political ecology emerged diffusely as
a concept to grasp the new waves of environmen-
talist and social movements, in loose reference to
Modern Reemergence Since the 1970s
political economy and cultural ecology. It first
Political ecology has been recognized as an aca- appeared in the writings of the journalist Alex
demic field for only a few decades, and it contin- Cockburn, the anthropologist Eric Wolf, and the
ues to grow and be refined. The term political environmental scholar Grahame Beakhurst. The
ecology was coined in the 1970s and received first works in the academic realms of the field
wider use in the 1980s and 1990s, when a grow- called for new concepts to explore the missing
ing circle of scholars started to identify them- link between environment and society. They
selves as political ecologists. Political ecologists criticized the strong dominance of apolitical
come from various academic backgrounds, such approaches in environmental research, the lack of
as development studies, geography, political sci- postcolonial awareness in relation to it, and the
ence, environmental studies, human ecology, limited application of alternative and radical
anthropology, and environmental sociology. thinking to conceptualize the growing threat of
P OLIT IC A L EC OLO G Y ''&(
resource depletion and overpopulation. These does not offer a normatively derived framework
works were among the first in what was later to assess environmental processes or outcomes.
termed Third World political ecology. For the same reasons, political ecology is also
In the 1980s, the term political ecology was incapable of offering one big representative story
explored and enriched by key scholars such as or unified approach in response to current envi-
Piers Blaikie, Michael Watts, and Suzanna Hecht. ronmental debates.
The research on power relations and human- Others, however, see the incongruent, hetero-
environment interaction increased significantly, geneous nature of the field as possibly its greatest
most prominently on land degradation issues, as virtue because it reflects the ideas of political
book-length texts by Piers Blaikie and Harold ecology at its very core. It pays tribute to its
Brookfield contributed significantly to the con- philosophical roots of pluralism, nonhierarchical
solidation and formalization of the emerging discourse, and the teleological apprehension with
research field. which political ecology challenges all underlying
Until the 1990s, the core focus of political ecol- connotations in the construction of knowledge
ogy research remained in rural, agrarian, and and opinion for any political or academic dis-
Third World contexts. Political ecology slowly course. Regardless, many critics agree to a cer-
grew beyond its original core concern of Third tain extent that the emergence of the field
World contexts and into a broadened, more mirrored an eclectic time of paradigmatic shifts
theoretically consolidated and deepened school in the social sciences, making way for the exuber-
of thought that now increasingly addressed ant growth of nongoverned academic diversity
resource management and access to environmen- and multidisciplinarity.
tal resources, explored among others by Nancy Significant criticism emerged over what politi-
Peluso and Karl Zimmerer. New streams comple- cal ecology failed to address or addressed in
mented and diversified the field. research very late. Political ecology has been criti-
cized for concentrating on land-centered research
in its early phase and for failing to address air
quality or water management sufficiently. The
Critiques and New Directions
discipline also initially remained silent on gender
Political ecology has been critiqued on various issues and feminist geography approaches and
levels over the decades. Its growth was rather needs to extend its theoretical tools to include
iterative in nature due to constant exploration, research on the human body and health issues,
elaboration, and reinvention of the field. Until urban contexts, and organizations and institu-
today, a substantial part of its literature continues tions in political-ecological conflicts. Others point
to be written in neighboring fields that form a out that although political ecology is centrally
heterogeneous and dynamic area of research concerned with sociopolitical dynamics else-
rather than a coherent new field with clearly iden- where, it failed to address the internal politics of
tified boundaries. Political ecology remains, in the emerging field. In general, a wider shift toward
consequence, a fragmented and often incoherent discourse-oriented analyses in the social sciences
field of research. since the 1990s has led to calls for more political
The disparate character of the field is often ecology–based research on the power dynamics in
regarded as its central weakness. Some regard the the generation of knowledge, the social construc-
disparate nature of the field as a weakening fea- tion of inquiry, and teleological questions of
ture in need of a unifying voice and self-attributing motives and objectives in science and its possible
coherence to move beyond the early stages of a merits and risks in technology-based applications.
new field. It has been argued that the term politi- In the future, this opens up themes such as the
cal ecology is too broad to capture all its different expanding applications of geospatial methods
streams and nearly dissolves itself by trying to do and their construction of knowledges, shifting
so. It lacks consistent depth across the field, can- nature-society power relations through public
not determine its own conceptual boundaries, fails participation tools, ecological modernization, and
to agree on a coherent theoretical framework, and new debates on alternative political ecologies.
''&) P O LI T I CAL E CONOMY
mountain ranges, peninsulas, large islands in Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies.
the Mediterranean, indented coastlines, and hard- His basic argument is that regions experiencing
wood forests, contributed to a continent that an early transition to agriculture, civilization, and
naturally featured a multitude of political core statehood gained a head start and an initial
areas. By the same logic, geographically extensive advantage over other regions that was still pres-
empires were difficult to sustain in the longer run, ent when the race for colonies started around
which is one of the reasons why the earliest civili- 1500. This longer experience of statehood
zations did not arise in Europe. This geographical explained why political units from Western Eur-
fragmentation led to intense military and eco- asia could colonize America, Africa, and large
nomic competition between smaller political parts of Asia, which in turn shaped the broad
units. The tax tribute needed to finance wars contours of the international dispersion of
could be tolerated by the majority of the popula- wealth and power. Hence, to understand Western
tion only after the executive power had commit- hegemony, one must understand why some areas
ted to limiting its power over its citizens. This in adopted agriculture earlier than others. Accord-
turn implied an economy that was more dynamic, ing to Diamond’s hypothesis, the main reason for
open to new ideas, and fostered several “proto- an early transition is to be found in the greater
capitalist” episodes even in preindustrial Europe. access to suitable plants and animals for domesti-
This view of the benefits of a fragmented, cation in, for instance, the Middle East and along
competitive Europe is argued by some to be the Chinese rivers. The Americas also had inde-
a “Eurocentric” analysis in that it does not give pendent centers of agricultural origin based on
an accurate account of history. Europe has, for plant domestication in, for instance, the Andean
instance, hosted some very powerful political highlands and Mexico, but the absence of suit-
units, such as the Roman and Frankish empires, able draught animals put substantial constraints
and its military competition has also been enor- on military technology, as well as on economic
mously costly in terms of capital and human lives. development. It also meant that the native popu-
Some studies also indicate that living standards or lation had not developed any resistance against
levels of technological sophistication were not the microbes (of animal origin) that the Spanish
substantially higher in Europe before AD 1500 brought on their arrival, which led to the death of
and that the source of European economic and tens of millions of people from smallpox and
political prominence is really to be found in the other diseases.
internal institutional and political changes that
colonization brought about. The impact of colo-
nization on European countries’ political econ-
Disease Environment
omy was further quite diverse. In the Netherlands
and in the United Kingdom, the inflow of revenue The geography of disease is another factor
from the colonies strengthened mainly the mer- believed to have had a significant impact on colo-
chant class, who in turn demanded more political nial policy and hence on subsequent political and
power, a realignment of policy toward free trade, economic developments. According to the theory
and strengthening of property rights. In Spain, proposed by Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson,
however, the inflow of bullion from America led and James Robinson, the disease environment
to inflation, an even more autocratic executive, partly determined whether European colonists
increased government expropriation of private chose to settle and build European-style commu-
property, and eventually a bankrupt government. nities or resorted to unproductive extraction of
natural and human resources. In tropical areas
such as Western Africa, mortality among Euro-
peans as a result of illnesses such as malaria and
Political Ecology
yellow fever prevented colonization of the conti-
A very influential and more recent theory of the nent for centuries. Instead, white merchants
long-run political economy of the world is offered resorted to slave trading until the late 19th cen-
in Jared Diamond’s famous 1997 book Guns, tury. The colonization of Africa witnessed a
P OLIT IC A L EC ONOM Y ''&,
large-scale exploitation of its human and natural colonies, where borders often have not been the
resources. Where the climate was more similar to result of the type of rational calculations sug-
that of Europe—as in the temperate “settler col- gested above. Jeffrey Herbst argues that for
onies” of South Africa, Australia, the United Africa, colonial borders are often quite unnatu-
States, and Canada—institutions were installed ral, crossing in the middle of ethnic as well as
that were based on private property rights and environmental zones. An important part of Afri-
governments’ responsibility to an electorate. As a ca’s political problems since independence stem
result, the political economy in these colonies from the fact that most countries are states with-
acquired features similar to those of, for instance, out nations in the European sense. Still, Herbst
the United Kingdom. In large parts of Africa, on argues that African borders also are an asset
the other hand, the extractive institutions created in governments’ state-making ambitions and in
by the colonists prevail even now. According to their attempts at broadcasting power from a core
the theory, the disease environment can thus to a peripheral part of their territory.
partly explain the pattern of rent seeking, cor-
ruption, and patronage politics that still consti-
tutes a major hindrance to African economic
Natural Resources
development.
Empirical studies have repeatedly demonstrated
that natural resource abundance has a significant
negative effect on economic growth. This effect
Country Size
has become commonly known as the “curse of
The size of political units has been an object of natural resources,” where natural resources are
intense study among political philosophers since often defined as primary products, including oil,
antiquity. Both Plato and Aristotle believed that minerals, and agricultural products. One poten-
the typical Greek city-state, with roughly 5,000 tial explanation for this curse is the “Dutch dis-
free men, was the ideal size of a political unit. ease,” in which a booming natural resource
Montesquieu also warned that large countries sector draws labor away from the manufacturing
were more likely to host accumulated wealth, sector and causes an appreciation of the real
which could easily became the object of preda- exchange rate, as occurred in the Netherlands
tory struggles, and that socially optimal policies after discovery of a large natural gas field in
would be the exception since governments must 1959. The negative effects on both the manufac-
devote all their energies to balancing numerous turing sector and international trade are thought
separate interests. to be responsible for the poor growth perfor-
Country size should, however, in the long run mance of resource-rich countries in this case.
be endogenously determined by geography as well Another potential problem associated with natu-
as by institutional, economic, and military factors ral resource abundance is the reallocation of
and events. Alberto Alesina and Enrico Spolaore resources away from productive activities and
proposed a theory where the optimal country size toward rent seeking. Rent seeking can take many
is determined through a trade-off between econo- forms, from tariff protection and corruption to
mies of scale in public goods provision, on the outright appropriation. In the extreme, the desire
one hand, and preferences for heterogeneity in to control the rents from natural resources can
such goods, on the other. Large countries on aver- lead to armed conflict and civil war. The primary
age have a lower per capita cost of public goods result of increased rent-seeking activities is a
such as defense, it was argued. Large countries, decline in productivity, which in turn has a nega-
however, also contain a greater number of con- tive impact on economic growth.
flicting interests and groups. Their hypothesis The potential causes of such a “resource curse”
further predicts that countries tend to be smaller are generally poor policies rather than natural
under democratic and free trade regimes. resource abundance per se. Support for this claim
Alesina and Spolaore’s framework has been can be found in a number of empirical studies
criticized for not being applicable to former that demonstrate that countries with sufficiently
''&- P O LI T I CAL E CONOMY
strong institutions are able to escape the resource trade. Europe, composed to a great extent of pen-
curse. Therefore, natural resource abundance insulas and large islands and with several large,
only appears to constitute a curse in countries navigable rivers, is characterized by a high degree
where the quality of the institutions is low. of natural openness to trade. In contrast, Africa
It is also possible that resource abundance has has little coastline relative to its geographical
a direct impact on the quality of institutions that area, many landlocked countries, and few navi-
are established in resource-rich countries. A low gable rivers, with the Sahara acting as a large
level of property rights protection allows the rul- natural barrier. As a result, Africa is character-
ing elite to appropriate a greater portion of the ized by a low degree of natural openness to trade.
country’s natural resource rents. Therefore, the These geographical differences can account for
ruling elite in a resource-rich country may have some of the observed differences in trade open-
the incentive to retain weak institutions or even ness exhibited by the two continents and may as
weaken them further. This, in turn, makes it less such contribute to the differences in the quality of
likely that resource-rich countries will develop their political institutions.
sufficiently strong institutions to escape the Even within Europe, there is reason to believe
resource curse. that geography has had an important effect on
trade, which has carried over to political institu-
tions. Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and
James Robinson argue that Atlantic trade was
Trade
largely responsible for the rise of Western Europe
International trade has long been linked to eco- between the years 1500 and 1850. Atlantic trade
nomic growth and development. More recently, not only brought about economic growth but also
however, research has turned its attention to the acted as an impetus to significant institutional
effect of international trade on political variables change. Therefore, European countries with
such as corruption and rule of law. There are two access to the North Atlantic gained an advantage
avenues through which trade can influence politi- in both economic and institutional terms.
cal variables. The first is indirect, via higher
national incomes. Empirical evidence has shown Ola Olsson and Heather Congdon Fors
that countries that are more open to trade tend to
have relatively higher national incomes. National See also Class, Geography and; Class, Nature and;
income is in turn positively associated with stron- Colonialism; Critical Geopolitics; Critical Human
ger political institutions, as richer countries can Geography; Decolonization; Dependency Theory;
afford to invest more in improving their institu- Development Theory; Diamond, Jared; Economic
tional framework. The second avenue through Geography; Environment and Development;
which trade can affect institutions is direct. Pro- Environmental Justice; Feminist Geographies; Feminist
ponents of this view argue that international trade Political Ecology; Gender and Geography; Globalization;
acts as a disciplinary measure; countries that Governance; Harvey, David; Inequality and Geography;
engage in trade are induced to improve their insti- Justice, Geography of; Labor, Geography of; Law,
tutions in order to be competitive on the interna- Geography of; Malthusianism; Marxism, Geography
tional stage. and; Nature-Society Theory; Neoliberalism; New
Geography is believed to play an important International Division of Labor; Political Ecology;
role in determining the extent to which a country Political Economy of Resources; Political Geography;
is open to international trade. A country’s level of Poverty; Race and Nature; Radical Geography;
“natural openness” depends to a great degree on Regulation Theory; Resource Geography; Scale, Social
its geographical characteristics, such as length of Production of; Segregation and Geography; Social
coastline, remoteness, and island status. Further- Geography; Socialism and Geography; State;
more, transportation costs are significantly Sustainable Development; Trade; Uneven Development;
affected by geography. Access to the sea or navi- Urban and Regional Development; Urban Geography;
gable rivers has historically been very important Walker, Richard; Watts, Michael; Wittfogel, Karl;
for trade, while natural barriers act to hinder World-Systems Theory
P OLIT IC A L EC ONOMY OF R ESOUR CE S ''&.
Further Readings
exploitation and development and underdevel-
opment in the global economy. This entry will
Acemoglu, D., Johnson, S., & Robinson, J. (2005a). focus on the latter factor, the political economy of
Institutions as the fundamental cause of long term resources.
growth. In P. Aghion & S. Durlauf (Eds.),
Handbook of economic growth (pp. 385–464).
Amsterdam: Elsevier. Dependency Theory and the
Acemoglu, D., Johnson, S., & Robinson, J. (2005b). World Systems Approach
The rise of Europe: Atlantic trade, institutional
change and economic growth. American
Dependency and world systems theories explain
Economic Review, XCV, 546–579.
economic development in various parts of the
Alesina, A., & Spolaore, E. (2003). The size of
world at different times in history. In the 1960s,
nations. Cambridge: MIT Press.
dependency theory and the world systems
Buchanan, J., & Tullock, G. (1962). The calculus of
approach used the terms core and periphery to
consent. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
describe and analyze global political and eco-
Diamond, J. (1997). Guns, germs, and steel: The fates
nomic systems. According to both theories, core
of human societies. New York: W. W. Norton.
countries have high levels of industrial produc-
Jones, E. (1981). The European miracle. Cambridge,
tion capacity, use advanced technologies, and
UK: Cambridge University Press.
dominate international trade, while the periphery
Olson, M. (1965). The logic of collective action.
describes agrarian societies and those with mod-
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
est industrial infrastructures, which largely serve
Olsson, O. (2005). Geography and institutions:
core country resource and market needs. The core
Plausible and implausible linkages. Journal of
holds political and economic power over the
Economics, 10(Suppl. 1), 103–128.
periphery, which is reflected in control over trade
Persson, T., & Tabellini, G. (2003). The economic
and finance. This pattern was particularly preva-
effects of constitutions. Cambridge: MIT Press.
lent under colonial rule, when, for example, trans-
Wittfogel, K. (1957). Oriental despotism: A
portation systems were developed mainly to
comparative study of total power. New Haven,
provide the core countries access to the resources
CT: Yale University Press.
and markets of the periphery. This situation for-
mally ended with decolonization following World
War II, but the legacy of colonialism lives on in
many parts of the world, and dependency in terms
of trade and finance assures the core of continued
POLITICAL ECONOMY economic and political dominance. The semiper-
iphery, with its newly emerging economies, has a
OF RESOURCES higher level of autonomy and has experienced
significant economic development over the past
Political economy refers to interdisciplinary stud- few decades based on the comparative advantage
ies drawing on economics, law, history, and polit- of low-cost labor and, in some cases, abundant
ical science to explain how political institutions, resources.
the political environment, and economic systems The world systems approach examines core-
affect the factors of production, namely, labor, periphery relations as the functional evolution of
land, and resources. Originally, political economy the world capitalist economy. The needs and
focused on the conditions under which produc- problems of the underlying system of economic
tion and consumption were organized within and and political relations is its focus. Dependency
among nation states. Thomas Malthus, Adam theory adopts the standpoint of the periphery to
Smith, David Ricardo, and Karl Marx were pro- examine the functioning of core-periphery inter-
ponents of this tradition. Today in geography, actions. Its adherents developed an extensive
political economy refers to neo- and post-Marxian explanation of comprador elites in the periphery
interpretations of labor, land, and natural resource who facilitate colonial or neocolonial interests.
'''% P O LI T I CAL E CONOMY OF RE SO UR C ES
measure of its cultural prowess. Moreover, for serve the German state. The most prominent Ger-
societies to survive and prosper, territorial expan- man geopolitician was Karl Haushofer, who is
sion at the expense of weaker states was con- credited with developing and promoting the idea of
sidered to be a natural and necessary process. the “pan-region.” According to the German school
Ratzel used the term Lebensraum, or living space, of geopolitics established by Haushofer, the world
to describe such areas of expansion. Making such could be divided into four autarkic, or self-sufficient,
direct and causal linkages between environment, pan-regions (i.e., Pan-America, Eur-Africa, Pan-
society, and culture was not uncommon in the Russia, and the East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere),
field of geography, which at the time was primar- with Germany acting as the ruling state of the
ily found in European universities, and such Eur-African pan-region. Though Haushofer had
approaches were in fact considered to be scien- connections with the Nazi leadership, the influ-
tific in nature. ence of his geopolitical ideas and visions on Nazi
Paralleling Ratzel’s writings and ideas concern- expansionism remains debatable.
ing the organic nature of states were those of the Concurrently, the American geographer Isaiah
English geographer Sir Halford Mackinder. In his Bowman engaged in a political geography that
1904 work, The Geographical Pivot of History, was more concerned with taking stock of the
Mackinder established the underpinnings for his world’s political problems than promoting the
heartland theory, which states, “Who rules East national interest, though he was not entirely neu-
Europe commands the Heartland/Who rules the tral, since he was chief geography advisor to the
Heartland commands the World-Island [i.e., Eur- U.S. government in the years following World
asia]/Who rules the World-Island commands the War I. Bowman authored The New World: Prob-
World” (p. 186). Mackinder’s heartland theory lems in Political Geography in 1921. His work
was used to illustrate the geostrategic threats that covered an enormous range of topics—many of
the British Empire faced, namely, from Germany which are just as salient at the beginning of the
and Russia. Subsequently, in the aftermath of 21st century as they were at the beginning of the
World War I, Mackinder would apply his ideas 20th—such as border issues and disputes around
as he and other geographers were consulted about the world, the political geography of natural
the redrawing of national borders in Europe at resources, and the status of ethnic minorities.
Versailles. Despite Bowman’s efforts to distinguish political
geography as scientific and objective, versus a
geopolitics driven by state interests and ambi-
<Zdeda^i^XhVcY>ih8g^i^Xh
tions, the enterprise of political geography would
Though Ratzel and Mackinder are often con- be tainted by its association with geopolitics, in
sidered to be the founding fathers of political particular, the geopolitics of the Third Reich.
geography, it was their use and application of Political geography and geopolitics remained
geography to serve the national interest that led very uneasy bedfellows throughout the Cold War.
to the development of what the Swedish geogra- Due, in part, to the damning associations that
pher Rudolf Kjellén called “geopolitics.” Primar- geopolitics had with Nazi aggression and atroci-
ily concerned with territorial disputes and claims ties, political geography quickly faded into the
between Norway and Sweden, Kjellén was the background in both policy and academic circles.
first to use the term to describe the practice of With little innovative or substantive research
creating geographical justifications in the pursuit emerging to support or to advance thinking in the
of national goals. Considered to be an integral subfield during this period, political geography
component of political geography today, geopoli- was relegated to the classroom. Perhaps the most
tics emerged in the early 20th century as a tool to notable exception to the retreat of political geo-
justify and shape foreign policy. graphy during this period came from the works of
During the interwar period of the 20th century, the French-trained geographer Jean Gottman. The
several Germans were drawn to the ideas devel- central premise underlying Gottman’s work was
oped by Ratzel and Mackinder, and they devel- that state formation, and the system of states at
oped a particular type of geopolitics that aimed to large, was a function of centripetal and centrifugal
P OLIT IC A L GEOGR A PH Y '''(
social forces. The integration of the state system attempt to explain democratic outcomes from a
was therefore determined by the degree to which geographic perspective. Several political geogra-
these competing forces balanced each other out. phers began to concern themselves with explain-
Gottman can be considered ahead of his time, ing voting patterns, assessing the geographical
because his work did little to resuscitate or revive influences on voting (e.g., neighborhood effects),
the subfield, though it would later be considered and evaluating how votes are translated into seats
pathbreaking by many. This is not to say that across a democracy. Though elections can indeed
political geography, and in particular geopolitics, be characterized as the ideal political geographic
disappeared entirely during the Cold War; rather, event to examine with spatial analysis, the politi-
it was being practiced by policymakers, academ- cally charged atmosphere of the 1960s would also
ics, and others, who were careful not to invoke the have profound and lasting impacts on the social
term geopolitics. In its place, an entirely new set of sciences, political geography included.
stylized terms and ideological concepts emerged,
for instance, “the Truman doctrine,” the “strat-
Eda^i^XVa:Xdcdbn
egy of containment,” and “domino theory.”
Though such ideas were clearly grounded in geo- The sociopolitical movements, unrest, and
graphically informed foreign policies and strate- upheavals that swept across the United States and
gies, at the time, they were not considered to be Europe in the late 1960s ushered in notable intel-
geopolitical or geopolitics per se. lectual changes in both British and American uni-
versities during the 1970s. Perhaps the most
influential change in political geography came
I]ZFjVci^iVi^kZGZkdaji^dc
with the adoption of political-economy approaches
It was not until the 1960s that political geogra- across the social sciences, based on Marxist
phy began to emerge from its marginalized posi- thought, to understand and explain the historical
tion, especially when compared with its bases, conflicts, and consequences of capitalism.
counterparts, social and economic geography. Such approaches allowed political geographers to
Drawing from developments and advances across reorient, reexamine, and reevaluate questions in
geography and other social sciences, but most political geography in intellectually innovative
notably political science, political geographers and engaging ways. From core-periphery rela-
began to move beyond providing descriptions of tionships to the inequalities and inequities that
the geographic distribution of states and invento- the capitalist world economy produced, the top-
ries of their attributes. In large part motivated by ics that Marxist political economy addressed
what is referred to as the quantitative revolution spawned and invigorated an entire generation of
in social science, geographers began to apply sta- so-called radical geographers. Moreover, such
tistical techniques and quantitative methods to radical approaches provided an attractive alter-
their own research. Moreover, it was during this native for many who found the spatial analytic
period that theories to explain spatial patterns approach too staid and limited in theoretical
and behavior were constructed and used to guide power. Despite differences and divisions concern-
research. The blending of quantitative methods ing how political geography was to be engaged
and location theory spawned what is referred to in, the beginning of the 1980s marked a resur-
as spatial analysis, which in turn attracted many gence of interest in the subfield.
new geographers to the discipline.
One topic within political geography that was
EdhibdYZgc^hbVcYEdhihigjXijgVa^hb
identified to be especially well suited for such
spatial analyses was elections. Though electoral Just as political economy approaches to under-
geography can trace its roots back to the ecologi- standing the world economy transformed the
cal analyses of the French geographer Andre Sieg- social sciences in the 1970s, the diffusion of
fried and his work in the Ardeche region of so-called postmodern and poststructuralist per-
France, it was not until the 1960s that political spectives in the late 1980s and early 1990s
geographers began to systematically analyze and attempted to reorient and challenge modes of
''') P O LI T I CAL G E OG RAPHY
inquiry, thinking, and knowing across the social Political Geography in the 21st Century
sciences. In particular, notions of objectivity and
the singular nature of theory in social science This trend of examining and analyzing issues
were questioned, as was the neutrality of lan- beyond and below the scale of the nation-state
guage and discourse. Though criticized for their continues within political geography at the begin-
failure to extend or contribute to knowledge in ning of the 21st century. Events such as the terror-
itself, such approaches were embraced by several ist attacks against the United States in September
political geographers. One of the most notewor- 2001, the subsequent “war on terror,” the rise of
thy developments within political geography religious fundamentalism, ongoing ethnic con-
during this period was the development of “crit- flicts, and the increase in the number of demo-
ical geopolitics.” Concerned with how and why cratic elections held around the world have indeed
geopolitical discourses are constructed by elites, served to reinforce the significance of political
and practiced and understood vis-à-vis foreign geography. Furthermore, the social reactions to,
policy, the emergence of critical geopolitics and political consequences of, these events have
marked the reclamation of the term geopolitics also generated new and notable areas of interest
by political geographers and also permitted for political geographers. For instance, the events
political geographers to shed much of the bag- surrounding the terrorist attacks of September
gage once associated with German geopolitics. 2001 and the wars waged in Iraq and Afghanistan
continue to raise several questions about the
nature of democracy, territory, sovereignty, and
I]ZGdaZd[i]ZCVi^dc"HiViZ
identity as well as unforeseen issues regarding citi-
Notwithstanding discussions about how social zenship, privacy, and individual human rights.
science, including political geography, should be Complementing these “political” questions are
practiced, the dramatic transformation of the those related to “geography,” which arguably
world political map during the late 1980s and represents a relatively new thematic area for
1990s provided much fodder to renew interest in political geographers in the 21st century. In part
and expand research and extend thinking on due to the development and rapid diffusion of
matters of great relevance to the subfield. The geographic information technology, namely, geo-
end of the Cold War, marked by the fall of the graphic information systems (GIS), the global
Berlin Wall, the collapse of communism across positioning system (GPS), and remote sensing
Eastern Europe, and the subsequent disintegra- (RS), environmental issues and awareness have
tion of the Soviet Union, not only altered the bal- indeed reentered political geography, and public
ance of world power but also forced many—and discussion more generally. Though there may be
especially political geographers—to reflect on a relatively high level of consensus regarding
and reexamine their worldviews. Similarly, the whether or not climate change and global warm-
emergence of new political arrangements and ing are indeed occurring, the politics of climate
economic realities across the globe, for instance, change and global warming—or what can be
the creation of a multinational coalition to wage done about them, who will do it, and where it
war in the Persian Gulf and the consolidation of will be done—remains far more uncertain, if not
the European Union, raised questions about the contested. Similarly, conflicts over scarce natural
role and future of the nation-state. With the resources, such as water, land, and oil, are becom-
diverging processes of, on the one hand, geo- ing more common, not only between states but
economic integration (e.g., the European Union) also at the supra- and substate levels. Finally, the
and, on the other, geopolitical disintegration application of geographic information technol-
(e.g., the break-up of the Soviet Union, war in ogy itself, to watch over individuals and groups,
the Balkans), political geographic research tack- to monitor the environment, to measure natural
led more and more questions beyond the tradi- resources, to control public and private spaces,
tional “global,” “nation-state,” and “local/urban” and to wage and sustain war, also raises a host of
scales of analysis and focused more on the politics new and unexpected political geographic ques-
of nonstate actors and groups. tions, consequences, and concerns.
P OLY C HLOR INA T ED BIP HENY LS (P C B s) '''*
It can be surmised that contemporary political See also Agnew, John; Anarchism and Geography;
geography is both a broad and a deep field of Antiglobalization; Borders and Boundaries; Citizenship;
inquiry, like its progenitor, geography. Whether or Cold War, Geography of; Colonialism; Communism and
not the diversity of subject matter and approach in Geography; Critical Geopolitics; Cultural Geography;
political geography is its greatest strength, or most Decolonization; Democracy; Domino Theory; Electoral
noteworthy shortcoming, remains open to discus- Geography; Geopolitics; Globalization; Haushofer, Karl;
sion. Nevertheless, perhaps one of the most signifi- Hegemony; Human Geography, History of; Identity,
cant developments within political geography over Geography and; Imperialism; Law, Geography of;
the past century is the recognition that knowledge, Military Geography; Nation; Nationalism; Political
understanding, and geography itself are histori- Ecology; Political Economy; Race and Empire; Ratzel,
cally contingent. In other words, to understand the Friedrich; Redistricting; Resistance, Geographies of;
concepts, objects, and subjects of political geogra- Sovereignty; State; Supranational Integration; Territory;
phy, an awareness of the sociohistorical context Terrorism, Geography of; Urban Policy; War,
from which they emerged and in which they exist Geography of; World-Systems Theory
is central. A parallel development that is just as
significant is the expansion of the subfield beyond
the Anglophonic realm. In this regard, political Further Readings
geography is currently far more cosmopolitan,
diverse, and inclusive in terms of those who prac- Agnew, J. (2002). Making political geography.
tice it, what it is concerned with, and how it is London: Arnold.
engaged in than at any other time in history. Agnew, J., & Corbridge, S. (1995). Mastering space:
The circumstances, events, and approaches dis- Territory, hegemony and international political
cussed above have also led to the rediscovery of economy. London: Routledge.
political geography, and geography at large. Some Agnew, J., Mitchell, K., & Toal, G. (Eds.). (2007).
come to political geography fairly knowledgeable A companion to political geography. New York:
about its history and methods, while others are far Wiley-Blackwell.
less aware of its evolution and implications. Though Cox, K., Low, M., & Robinson, J. (Eds.). (2007).
recent discussions about the environment and geog- The SAGE handbook of political geography.
raphy as they relate to politics are unlikely to invoke Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
the particular ideas of Ratzel or his contemporaries, Flint, C., & Taylor, P. (2007). Political geography:
it is not uncommon to come across ideas in the mass World-economy, nation-state and locality.
media or popular science that suggest environmen- New York: Prentice Hall.
tal determinism. In this respect, has political geogra- Gallaher, C., Dahlman, C. T., Gilmartin, M., &
phy come full circle in a little more than a century, Mountz, A. (2009). Key concepts in political
with relatively little to offer, and are we doomed to geography. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
repeat history? On the contrary, and as alluded to Ó Tuathail, G. (1996). Critical geopolitics.
above, at no other time in history have political Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
geographers been more keenly aware of and more
actively engaged with understanding how geogra-
phy shapes and informs politics and, conversely,
how politics shapes and informs geography. It is
precisely this understanding that makes contempo-
POLYCHLORINATED
rary political geography a vital and key component BIPHENYLS (PCBS)
of geography. From long-standing questions about
the geopolitics of inter- and intrastate conflict to Polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) are a class of
critical approaches to how scales of analysis are odorless, liquid, synthetic organic chemicals con-
themselves politicized, political geography will con- taining chlorine, hydrogen, and carbon that per-
tinue to be a vibrant and engaging enterprise. sist in the environment following use. PCBs have
many applications, including dielectric fluid in
Michael Shin electrical capacitors and transformers, hydraulic
'''+ P O P ULA R CU L TU RE , G E OG RAPHY A ND
fluids and lubricants, flame retardants, plasticiz- Following years of PCB dumping by paper mills
ers, and carbonless copy paper. PCBs have been into the Fox River and Green Bay, Wisconsin, a
manufactured and used worldwide since their natural resource damage assessment was con-
introduction in 1927, with Monsanto controlling ducted, leading to a settlement in 2004 of $60
the U.S. market since 1935 and accounting for million in compensation and restoration costs.
half the global production. Additional PCB dumping, causing concern over
PCBs have been widely used for more than 75 fish and shellfish contamination, has been wide-
years, with about 1.65 million tons of cumula- spread in the Great Lakes region. High levels of
tive production worldwide. These chemicals have PCBs have even shown up in native peoples and
several advantages: fire resistance, low electrical wildlife in Northern Canada and Alaska due to
conductivity, high resistance to thermal break- long-distance transport. Most recently, nine pig
down, and high chemical stability. Unfortunately, farms in Ireland had used PCB-contaminated
due to their persistence, bioaccumulation, and feed, resulting in the withdrawal and disposal of
biomagnification, they can cause several adverse pork-containing products purchased in Ireland
health effects as they collect in fatty tissues in between September and December 2008.
humans and other exposed animals in both ter-
Barry D. Solomon
restrial and aquatic systems. These include liver
and immune system disorders, irritation of the
See also Chemical Spills, Environment, and Society;
skin and eyes, reproductive and developmental
Chlorinated Hydrocarbons; Environmental Justice;
effects, and probably several types of cancer.
Waste Incineration
The United States banned the manufacturing,
processing, distribution, and use of PCBs with the
passage of the Toxic Substance Control Act in
1976. Internationally, PCBs are one of nine chem- Further Readings
icals slated for elimination by the 2001 Stock-
holm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants, Visser, M. J. (2007). Cold, clear, and deadly:
which took effect in May 2004 and will be fully Unraveling a toxic legacy. East Lansing: Michigan
implemented by 2025. Despite these efforts, large State University Press.
volumes of PCBs still exist in the environment.
Disposal options include incineration, ultrasound,
irradiation, chemical and thermal treatment, and
special landfills for PCB-contaminated sediments
and articles.
PCBs have been implicated in several major
POPULAR CULTURE,
incidents of environmental contamination. Prob- GEOGRAPHY AND
ably the first major case was in 1968 in Kyushu,
Japan, where nearly 1,800 residents fell ill after The term popular culture is often used colloqui-
eating Kanemi rice bran oil (yusho) contaminated ally and by commentators in ways that are com-
with PCBs. Subsequently, more than 50 people plex and contradictory. Common to all definitions,
died. A similar incident occurred in Taiwan in though, is the idea that popular culture is associ-
1979. In several areas of the United States, thou- ated with mass consumption. Popular culture can
sands of chickens and hogs had to be slaughtered thus be seen to include everything from maga-
because they ate PCB-tainted feed. General Elec- zines, movies, and television to Internet phenom-
tric (GE), a large user of PCBs, dumped 1.3 mil- ena such as Facebook and MySpace. Popular
lion pounds of the chemicals into the Hudson culture generally refers to the field of material cul-
River, New York, from 1947 until 1977. An early ture and practice that is associated with everyday
case of environmental justice involved the cre- people, usually in opposition to “high” culture,
ation, in 1982, of a landfill for PCB-contaminated which refers to the material culture and practice
soil in rural Warren County, North Carolina, a associated with socioeconomic elites. Alterna-
predominantly poor African American community. tively, popular culture can refer to a globalizing
P OP ULA R C ULT UR E, GEOGR A P HY A N D ''',
Western culture that is seen in opposition to local (in “Miss Sarajevo,” 1995), was the performance
folk cultures. In either case, popular culture is popular or high culture? While aesthetic quality is
usually framed in negative terms, although this purportedly the criterion on which such a distinc-
has changed in the social sciences and humanities tion is based, in reality, it has more to do with
over the past few decades. market segmentation. The more popular a cul-
Geography has engaged with popular culture tural artifact becomes, the more “debased” it is
in two ways. In the first, popular culture is theo- perceived to be. Thus, the aesthetic assessment of
rized as a commodity, with a few sites emerging culture should be understood to be just as much
as sites of production, complemented by broader about identity and subjectivity as it is about the
patterns of consumption. In the second formula- cultural artifact itself.
tion, popular culture is theorized as a purveyor of
ideology, with geographers considering the mes-
Popular Geographies of
sages and ideologies contained within it—either
Production and Consumption
as a source of anxiety and danger or as a tool for
creating communities. This entry first examines The use of the term popular culture masks a great
the origins of popular culture and then discusses variety of strands within consumerist culture. For
the popular geographies of production and con- example, within popular culture, there exists a
sumption. It then explores the ways popular cul- strand of artisanal popular culture, which consists
ture is theorized in opposition to folk culture as of the more popular versions of high culture, com-
part of the larger analysis of globalization and plete with a focus on the auteur and the individual
concludes with a look at poststructuralist producer. As an example, one could easily turn to
approaches to popular culture and its meaning. Stephen King’s novels or the graffiti of London’s
Banksy. Another strand of difference to be found
within popular culture is that of the mass media—
Origins of Popular Culture
such as television, magazines, music, radio, and
In its original usage, popular culture was pejora- some of the more traditional aspects of the Inter-
tive, referring to the culture of the masses, which net. These are generally the most corporate of
was seen as normatively inferior to that of socio- popular culture artifacts, requiring large institu-
economic elites (high culture). This social deni- tions to prepare and distribute material on a regu-
gration and devaluation by and large continue to lar basis. A final strand worth noting is
the present day in popular discourse and to a cer- participatory popular culture, which includes
tain extent in academic discourse as well. How- fashion, sports, and the aforementioned Web 2.0
ever, as cultural authority has been increasingly phenomena. What unites this strand is the more
undermined in Europe and North America since active role of the consumer (or participant); rather
the 1960s, the line between popular and high cul- than just consuming a prepackaged product, the
tures has become increasingly difficult to define. participant shapes the activity itself.
Indeed, the rise of technologies associated with These three strands of popular culture reflect var-
Web 2.0 (including user-generated fare) has osten- ious scales of production, with the mass media gen-
sibly led to a process of aesthetic democratiza- erally at the macroscale, artisanal popular culture at
tion, with fans now exerting more and more the mesoscale, and participatory culture produced in
control over creative processes, and even populist and through consumers’ bodies. However, these
cultural commentators such as Rolling Stone scales are simply categories and do not reflect the
magazine and MTV are losing their authority. interconnections between scales in the production of
This relationship between high and popular cul- popular culture; for instance, while fashion is inti-
ture, however, is not static. High culture draws mately connected to bodies and individual stylistic
inspiration from popular culture and vice versa, choices, it is also connected to corporate design and
thus blurring the distinctions between them. This distribution networks. Networks such as these,
is most apparent when these two form of culture although relatively stable, are always shifting in an
share a medium. When opera legend Luciano effort to maintain the popularity on which their
Pavarotti performed alongside the rock band U2 products are based. Thus, while certain cities have
'''- P O P ULA R CU L TU RE , G E OG RAPHY A ND
Captain America, foreground, and Spiderman greeted many Pentagon-assigned service members and their
children on April 28 for the unveiling of a custom comic book for members of the armed services. One of the
oldest and most recognizable superhero characters in American comic books, Captain America sprang from the
wartime political culture during World War II.
Source: Tech. Sgt. Cherie A. Thurlby, United States Air Force (http://www.defenselink.mil/news/newsarticle.aspx?id=31325).
emerged as command-and-control centers for the The distribution of popular culture around the
popular culture industries, such as Los Angeles, New world has been eased by several rounds of time-
York City, London, Paris, Milan, Cairo, Mumbai, space compression. The earliest of these relevant to
and so on, this centrality is contingent on the ability popular culture was the invention of the printing
of these centers to market difference from other press, which boosted the distribution of copies of
“exotic” destinations. For instance, denim jeans the Bible in vernacular languages and in turn
have become de rigueur around the world despite boosted literacy rates. Thus was the market for
their origins in the American West. Similarly, reggae pamphlets and other literature constructed. While
music from the Caribbean has become commodified this initial foray into mass media took quite some
and sold around the world by record companies time to get under way, its impacts are still manifest
based in the United States and elsewhere. today. In a world with rapidly innovating media,
P OP ULA R C ULT UR E, GEOGR A P HY A N D '''.
such as radio, television, and the Internet, that are incorporative of all cultures, while other regions
used to distribute popular culture (and news about are defined by their particularity and uniqueness.
popular culture), public and private spaces alike Thus, either perspective can be understood as
are colonized and commercialized. This has led to engaging in Orientalism, in which the West is con-
concerns over the content and impact of popular sidered progressive and tolerant, while the remain-
culture even as it becomes nearly impossible to ing regions of the world are relegated to their
geographically remove oneself from its grasp. particular “ethnic” pasts. Globalization in this per-
spective can be seen as contributing to the discur-
sive elevation of the West above other parts of the
Globalization of Popular Culture
world through this claim to universalism. A criti-
Linked to these concerns is a long-standing tradi- cism of that claim is that the inclusion of others’
tion within the subdiscipline of cultural geography. cultures comes only on the terms of the West and
For many decades, cultural geographers have ana- its consumers. This criticism is most often leveled
lyzed the impact of time-space compression on at the United States, which, as the global economic
cultural forms around the world. This time-space hegemon, has been asserting its desire for free trade
compression is often referred to as globalization. and increased globalization over the past several
Globalization is itself a much debated term, but in decades. When this criticism is leveled at one coun-
this context, it is couched as shifts in labor and try in particular (such as the United States), or at
other markets resulting from the transportation an elite few, that country is charged with cultural
and communication revolutions and consequent imperialism, because it is seen as constructing an
changes in the global division of labor. Certainly in artificial centrality in another country’s social life;
the West, and to a lesser extent in other parts of whereas imperialism makes a country dependent
the world, goods from various parts of the world on trade with its colonizer, cultural imperialism
are on sale and at low prices heretofore impossible. makes a country dependent on its relationship with
This not only has economic implications but also the hegemon for self-understanding. Thus, the dis-
has implications for perceptions of heterogeneity/ tribution of popular culture is about much more
homogeneity and cultural distinctiveness. than markets—it is about identity, subjectivity,
Popular culture itself has come to reflect these and intellectual decolonization.
changes, not only outsourcing production of cul- In the popular/folk culture dichotomy, the dif-
tural artifacts to sites of lower wages and regula- ference is expressed through temporality, with
tion but also seeking commodifiable difference to popular culture being modern and folk culture
market and sell, as described above. Some believe being premodern or traditional. Modern social
that this growth of a “global culture” is a norma- scientists have long anticipated (while the subal-
tive good, leads to declines in ethnic and reli- terns have feared) the final eradication of folk
gious intolerance, and heads off conflict through culture at the hands of a rapidly globalizing (West-
increased interaction with cultural “others.” Obvi- ern) popular culture. However, this horizon of
ous examples include the growth of the practice of cultural homogeneity seems as far away as ever.
yoga in the West as a form of exercise and medita- Explanations tend to incorporate as an assump-
tion and the growth of “ethnic” restaurants in tion that market domination creates cultural
small towns. Others view this as the co-optation homogeneity, but this has simply not turned out
of folk cultures, which are local, relatively stable to be true. This assumption overly conflates con-
cultures that are distinct from outside cultures. sumption with culture. Indeed, culture far exceeds
These cultures find themselves essentialized and consumption, including religion, language, diet,
frozen in a premodern position of “exotic-ness.” ritual, and so on. Thus, even if two people watch
An obvious example of this is the new genre of the same Will Ferrell movie, their reasons for
“world music,” which depends on its “exotic” watching the movie may be quite different. For
inputs to differentiate it from domestic music instance, watching Will Ferrell could be a way to
production. Both of these perspectives, the posi- demonstrate youth, economic class, or something
tive and the more pessimistic, are linked in that else entirely. In other words, the cultural meanings
they view the cosmopolitan West as universal, or that the movie is laden with still vary according to
''(% P O P ULA R CU L TU RE , G E OG RAPHY A ND
geography; thus, globalization of popular culture Antonio Gramsci, who was writing at roughly
artifacts is not necessarily the same as American- the same time as Adorno and Horkheimer (but
ization. The domination of popular discourse by whose work became available in English much
the frame of globalization for the past 20 years later through translation), was a communist jailed
has led to the equation of popular culture with the during the Fascist era in Italy. He turned his atten-
commodities that are consumed. However, as this tion to the apparent ability of the capitalist state
last example hints, popular culture is not just arti- to forestall the communist revolution that Marx
facts but what is done with them—identities are had argued was inevitable. He argued that the
performed and meanings are inscribed. capitalist state produced a hierarchy in which
bourgeois culture was superior to that of the
masses. Thus, workers were alienated from their
Meaning and Ideology in Popular Culture
own culture as they sought to associate themselves
Much as the original printing press led to political culturally with more privileged groups. Gramsci’s
shifts within the world of Christianity (i.e., the theory of hegemony was thus very similar to that
Reformation), new media technologies have often of Adorno and Horkheimer in that it theorized
led to anxiety on the part of authorities, who popular culture to be a placebo that duped people
feared that their alienation from flows of informa- into fundamentally irrational behavior (in that
tion would undermine their power. For example, they ignored their own interests). The key differ-
the rise of new technological platforms at the ence between these two theories, however, is that
nexus of information and entertainment (such as hegemony implies some degree of compromise—
instant messaging, video-to-phone downloads, elites have to make their culture interesting and
etc.) has generated a rash of concern by parents recognizable to the lower classes. In both cases,
about the messages that their children are receiv- however, the denigration of popular culture can
ing, in part because the technological competence be understood as a weapon used to alienate work-
of parents is often less than that of their children. ers from their own popular culture. Gramsci ar-
Similarly, governments have often used propa- gued that the communist revolution would remain
ganda on their own or other populations but on hold until an independent popular culture
feared their own population’s susceptibility to the could foster an “authentic” class consciousness.
same. This governmental desire to control the The next major rethinking of ideology and
mediation of geopolitical content led to some of popular culture began in the 1960s with a school
the first academic studies of audiences and the of thought that has come to be known as Cultural
media. Inherent in this framing of “the problem” Studies. It takes as a starting point that popular
was an understanding of audiences as fundamen- culture is important and relevant but generally
tally accepting of propaganda, based on the then eschews the pessimism that is associated with ear-
recent success of Nazi and Fascist propaganda in lier views of popular culture. Most of the work
Europe. Fear of a similar communist ascendancy associated with Cultural Studies now has moved
animated the Frankfurt School, a collection of away from structural accounts, although Marx-
scholars including Theodor Adorno and Max ism remains a strong influence. However, post-
Horkheimer. Their analysis of the “culture indus- structural theorists have taken center stage and
try,” the aggregation of entertainment-focused have begun to change the working assumptions
corporations that claim to respond to consumer of popular culture, namely, that the audience is a
desires but instead produce (and standardize) passive recipient of others’ ideologies. For exam-
those self-same desires, adopted the same perspec- ple, Michel de Certeau has argued that institu-
tive of passive audiences as the earlier studies of tions (e.g., Adorno and Horkheimer’s culture
propaganda did but used it to advance an argu- industry and Gramsci’s capitalist state) enact
ment about capitalism and the way in which it is strategies to achieve their goals, while individ-
perpetuated. They argued that the effect of the uals, who are by definition more nimble than
culture industry was increased consumer passivity institutions, enact tactics to achieve their own
in the face of injustice, drawing parallels to the goals. In the context of popular culture, this means
“bread and circuses” of ancient Rome. that consumers of popular culture can take it and
P OP ULA R C ULT UR E, GEOGR A P HY A N D ''(&
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
Billions
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
0.0
1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007
Asia and the Pacific Africa Europe Latin America and the Caribbean
North America West Asia
incomes, and changes in consumption patterns. Poverty also is a major cause of land degrada-
Inequitable land distribution, a legacy of colonial- tion, with population growth and poverty mutu-
ism and societal/cultural conflicts, has exacerbated ally reinforcing each other to bring about a spiral
the problem. While the causes of this multifaceted of degradation. The neo-Malthusian hypothesis
phenomenon have been contentious, the growth warns about the risks and impacts of population
of the human population and the increase in growth outstripping the natural resource demand
anthropogenic influences receive the most blame for food and shelter. The neo-Malthusian theory
for the current state of land degradation, espe- further regards population growth and the envi-
cially in developing countries, where a significant ronment to be in conflict, with the quest for food
portion of the population is dependent on subsis- security coming at huge inevitable environmental
tence farming. costs, ultimately leading to an escalation in land
''() P O P ULA TION AND L AND D E G R A DA T ION
leading to the inability of people to live lives mountains are home to many unique cultures,
they value. which are threatened by the loss of ecosystem
The effects of soil erosion, particularly in the services such as water conservation and regula-
tropical regions where the majority of the popula- tion; provision of food, fuel, and fiber; cultural
tion resides, could reduce agricultural yields, richness; and diversity. Mountains are also home
resulting in increased food insecurity, famine, and to significant biodiversity, which may be lost
poverty, as well as forced migration, especially through land degradation. For example, in the
for impoverished people in poor countries. The United Nations University’s Pamir Mountains
demand for more food production may contrib- project sites in Central Asia, the flora contains a
ute to overexploitation of good agricultural soil unique mix of boreal, Siberian, Mongolian, Indo-
and expansion into wooded and marginal areas Himalayan, and Iranian elements, including at
that are highly susceptible to degradation. Human least 5,500 known species of vascular plants,
activities such as clearing of woodlands, logging, 1,500 of which are endemic.
firewood collection, and charcoal production lead Degraded lands require more resources to
to deforestation, a component of land degrada- manage them. Poor people do not, however, have
tion. Studies have revealed that the highest rates the resources due to unfavorable economic
of deforestation occur in areas where hunger is returns from agricultural production and pov-
prevalent. erty, which may constrain rural people from
Land degradation impacts, leading to a possi- investing in environmentally sustainable prac-
ble decline in forest products and wild foods, tices and soil conservation.
increase the levels of poverty and malnutrition,
especially since these resources are harvested
often as coping strategies in the face of droughts,
Conclusion
floods, and diseases such as the human immuno-
deficiency virus and acquired immune deficiency Confronting the complex phenomenon of land
syndrome (HIV/AIDS). Although the poverty and degradation requires a global response aimed at
degradation nexus has been a subject of debate, it increasing the productivity of land ecosystems
still is a factor exacerbating land degradation in and making sustainable agricultural production a
developing countries. priority, particularly in view of the urgent need
While agricultural intensification has resulted for adaptation to climate change and biodiversity
in more food being produced per hectare than protection. These responses need to take into con-
previously, this has been at great environmental sideration the multifaceted nature of land degra-
costs in the form of loss of habitat and biodiver- dation and provide solutions that are not only
sity, less soil water retention, disturbance of the about stabilizing population growth but also
biogeochemical cycle, increased soil erosion lead- include more livelihood options and capacity
ing to nutrient depletion, salinity, eutrophication, building through equity in opportunities and the
pollution from agrochemicals, and so on. Salinity distribution of environmental benefits and
is induced by irrigation and by the replacement of improvement in tenure and governance rights,
natural vegetation by crops and pastures that use among other factors.
less water, resulting in increased groundwater
infiltration. These processes have led to hazards Julia Mambo
from floods, dust, pests, and landslides.
Land degradation is acute in mountainous See also Deforestation; Desertification; Developing
regions, characterized by steep slopes, which World; Environmental Services; Environment and
allow high rates of soil erosion, and heavy rain- Development; Forest Degradation; Global
fall, resulting in the loss of water retention capac- Environmental Change; Hunger; Land Degradation;
ity and conservation, nutrient depletion, and Malthusianism; Neo-Malthusianism; Peasants and
landslides. This problem is exacerbated by the Peasantry; Population and Land Use; Population,
poor and marginalized societies often residing in Environment, and Development; Poverty; Soil
these areas. Apart from their ecosystem functions, Degradation; Soil Erosion
''(+ P O P ULA TION AND L AND U SE
The neoclassical economic model of population where k(d) is a continuous function that increases
and land use originates from von Thünen’s theory with d and r(d) is the locational rent per unit of
of agricultural land use, wherein the “highest and space at d. Within this framework, households
best use” of land depends on the cost of trans- maximize their utility by choosing some combi-
porting the various crops it can yield to a central nation of the numeraire and land, subject to their
marketplace. Because different candidates (crops) particular—spatially explicit—budgetary con-
have different transport costs—and offsetting straint. The outcome of this choice is a house-
market values—those with relatively high (low) hold’s bid-rent, R(d,u), which is the maximum
transport costs end up being produced close to price it is willing to pay for land at distance d
(far from) the marketplace. So, for example, if while maintaining a fixed level of utility, u. Sim-
tomatoes cost more to transport than wheat, ply put, bid-rent is the most that a household’s
tomato farmers will outbid wheat farmers for members are willing to pay per unit of space to
locations adjacent to the marketplace. secure the right to occupy their location of choice,
In the 1960s, William Alonso, Edwin Mills, given that they derive happiness from both the
and Richard Muth (jointly credited but working land and other forms of consumption. In addition
independently) generalized the Thünen theory of to land prices, bid-rent yields a household’s opti-
agricultural land use to a theory of modern human mal amount of land consumption, or lot size,
settlement patterns. The framework describes a 6(d,u), which is what ultimately gives the built
locational rent gradient that falls away from its environment its character (Figure 1).
peak around a business district located at the cen- Figure 1 illustrates how the bidding process
ter of a circular region with a dense transporta- translates into a physical pattern of settlement. It
tion network that is situated on an otherwise flat, displays the marginal rate of substitution, described
P OP ULA T ION A ND LA ND US E ''(,
Figure 1 As shown in this satellite image of Earth’s city lights from NASA’s Visible Earth project, the brightest
areas of Earth are the most urbanized but not necessarily the most populated. For example, compare Western
Europe with China and India.
Sources: Data courtesy of Marc Imhoff of NASA GSFC and Christopher Elvidge of NOAA NGDC. Image by Craig Mayhew and
Robert Simmon, NASA GSFC. http://visibleearth.nasa.gov/view_rec.php?id=1438.
geography, the notion of carrying capacity has measurement, it is frequently employed to officially
recently been recast in the language of environ- identify and delimit urban and rural areas. For
mental sustainability. Overpopulation (unsus- example, the U.S. Census Bureau defines “urban-
tainability) is signaled by malnutrition, land ized areas” as contiguous census units with a mini-
degradation, and net out-migration (e.g., the mum population density of 1,000 persons/mi.2 and
American Dust Bowl of the 1930s or the rice ter- a total population of at least 2,500. Canada uses
races of Luzon today). Conversely, underpopu- approximately the same density threshold (400 per-
lated regions may have larger landholdings and sons/km2) but a minimum total population thresh-
more prosperous farmers but densities insuffi- old of only 1,000. Japan’s “densely inhabited
cient to develop community ties or to justify the districts” are delimited using a density threshold of
supply of essential government services. National 4,000 persons/km2, reflecting that nation’s much
governments have frequently sponsored mass higher densities in both rural and urban areas.
migrations to underused agricultural frontiers to Prior to 1900, cities everywhere were com-
relieve population pressure in their core areas pact, and the typical urbanite lived in an apart-
(e.g., the “transmigrations” from Java to Borneo ment or rooming house, at a neighborhood
and from the Brazilian Nordeste to Amazonia). density exceeding 10,000 persons/km2. Automo-
bile commuting greatly extended the city and
allowed much lower densities. From 1945 until
recently, suburban extensions of the North
Urban Population Densities
American city typically comprised detached
Half the world’s population is now urban, and these houses at 10 to 15 houses/ha (hectare) of resi-
urbanites live at very high densities on a small frac- dential land. With about 3.5 people per family,
tion of the world’s land area. Density is seen as a net population densities in these suburbs are
key attribute of urban life, and owing to its ease of 3,500 to 5,000 persons/km2, and gross densities
'')% P O P ULA TION, E NVIRONME NT, A ND DEV ELOP MENT
developing countries has increased from 30 to urban areas), which has resulted in couples hav-
55 yrs. Advancements in technology, especially in ing families that are less than replacement size.
agriculture due to the Green Revolution (the However, China adds 514,000 new people every
1960s), have resulted in greater food availability. month because of the momentum built into
The advent of hybrid seeds with a range of envi- the age profile, and it is projected to add another
ronmental tolerance and the use of fertilizers have 100 million people by 2050.
increased the production of crops, while food dis- There can be no question that the world’s pop-
tribution methods improved both regionally and ulation would be higher if it were not for the
globally to satisfy demand. Improved sanitation efforts of national and international public health
(i.e., drinking water, waste management) and and family planning organizations. Family plan-
vaccinations for diseases (e.g., measles and small- ning programs currently focus on local control
pox) have also significantly contributed to the that is sensitive to cultural beliefs, with an empha-
increase in the size of the world’s population and sis on access-based contraception distribution,
in life expectancies. The migration of people to and they primarily target women. Couples in
new regions of the world and increases in urban Thailand, South Korea, Taiwan, and China often
populations have resulted in cities with extremely have just one or two children so that they can
high population densities over the past 200 yrs., provide more prosperity for themselves and their
especially in Asia. Indeed, currently, over 50% of children. Most efforts to lower birth rates through
the world’s population lives in cities. steps such as improving the status of women and
The world’s population and growth rates are providing better education, more social security,
not evenly distributed around the globe. Until and better and more productive jobs result in a
1900, most of the world population resided in higher standard of living.
temperate regions. However, there has been a
dramatic increase in the world’s population in
tropical regions and a significant increase in urban
Environment
populations in the past 100 yrs. Geographically,
Asia comprises 60% of the world’s population, The environment includes all living and nonliving
Africa 14%, Europe 11%, North America 8%, things that occur on Earth. The human use of the
and South America 6% (Figure 1). environment and associated nonrenewable
The six most populated countries in 2009 resources have increased significantly over the
were China with 1.3 billion people, India with past 150 yrs. The impacts of population growth
1.2 billion people, the United States with 307 on the environment are a function of the numbers
million people, Indonesia with 240 million peo- of people being added; the income or affluence of
ple, Brazil with 199 million people, and Pakistan the population; the science and technology that
with 176 million people. sustain populations, especially in urban areas;
Models by the World Bank, the United Nations and the capacity of the environment to provide
Population Division, and the Population Refer- renewable and nonrenewable resources. However,
ence Bureau project population growth to reach a the exponential growth rate in human population
minimum of 9 billion people on the planet by is greatly stressing the world’s environmental
2100 if couples continue to have children at the resources. Human population growth is related to
current rate. The reason why the world’s popula- the availability of natural resources such as fresh-
tion is projected to exceed 9 billion to 10 billion water, arable land, forests, and fisheries and the
people is the momentum built into very young quantity of wastes, air pollution (especially in
age profiles. For example, half of the population large cities), and greenhouse gas emissions (espe-
in sub-Saharan Africa or Mexico is below 18 yrs. cially in the United States and China).
of age. Couples would have to have only one As a result of the increase in human popula-
child for the next 30 yrs. to stabilize at the cur- tion, water pollution and depletion have had a
rent levels. This pattern holds true even for coun- significant impact on fresh water. Water quality
tries such as China, which has had a one-child in almost all major riverways on Earth is increas-
policy since the 1970s (though only enforced in ingly undrinkable due to increases in sediment,
'')'
Persons/sq km
<2
2–10
11–40
41–100
101–500
> 500
human and animal wastes, and agricultural, The extent of human use of ecosystems varies
industrial, and household pollutants. Freshwater around the globe. Over the past 150 yrs., native
lakes have been affected in many regions of the ecosystems in Mediterranean climates, temperate
world by increased levels of salt, depletion for grasslands, deciduous forests, and tropical dry
agricultural irrigation, and water pollution from forests have undergone great alteration for agri-
sewage. Many freshwater lakes are also undergo- culture, timber production, and urbanization,
ing eutrophication due to increased nutrients, while other native ecosystems such as tundra,
which significantly changes the chemical and deserts, and tropical rain forests near the equator
biological composition of lakes. Aquifers and have remained largely intact. However, in all
freshwater lakes in many regions of the world world regions, there has been an exponential
have also been significantly reduced due to the increase in the rates of species extinction and
demand for freshwater for agriculture and drink- endangerment. Freshwater fish, amphibians, large
ing purposes. mammals, and species endemic to islands have
It is currently estimated that 37% of Earth’s been the most adversely affected, and all species
land surface is covered by agriculture. Three agri- could be affected by projected rapid increases in
cultural crops—rice, wheat, and corn—feed a global temperatures.
majority of the world’s population. Indeed, rice
alone feeds two thirds of humanity and provides
Development
over 50% of the calories needed for 1.6 billion
people to survive. These subsistence crops are Development geography is the study of the Earth
generally planted as monoculture in areas with with reference to the standard of living or the
rich soils and low topographic relief. Another quality of life of the world’s people. The Earth
environmental impact of agriculture is the can be divided into regions with high human
increased use of fertilizers and pesticides associ- development (e.g., North America, Europe),
ated with certain crops. Fertilizers used to increase medium human development (e.g., Asia), and low
the yield of annual crops such as sugarcane can human development (e.g., West and Central
be transported to freshwater systems, and pesti- Africa) (Figure 2).
cides used on crops such as tomatoes and cotton High human development occurs in countries
can poison both people and soils. There has been that are industrialized and that have low popula-
a significant expansion of export crops such as tion growth and infant mortality rates and high
coffee, bananas, and palm oil, which are gener- per capita income. Low human development
ally planted as monoculture and have resulted in occurs in countries with low levels of industrial-
the conversion of native ecosystems such as tropi- ization, very high population growth and infant
cal forests. The harvesting of timber has also mortality rates, and low per capita income. How-
resulted in the conversion of native forests into ever, the increase in population and natural
monoculture plantations of select timber species. resource use is currently not sustainable in most
Oceans have been heavily exploited over the regions of the world. There is currently great
past 100 yrs., and global consumption of fish has interest in development and sustainability in all
doubled since 1973. Fishing techniques such as regions of the world to maintain a state in which
trawling, use of drift nets, and long lining have population and natural resource use rates are sus-
resulted in the dramatic reduction of densities of tainable at the local, regional, and global spatial
most marine mammals, reptiles, and fish. Cur- scales. Development has resulted in improved
rently, 32% of the world’s fisheries stocks have lifestyles and livelihoods for a majority of people
collapsed, and 39% are overexploited. Other in the countries with high human development.
nearshore habitats such as extremely diverse coral However, one-child and two-children families in
reef ecosystems have also been significantly developed countries burn the most fossil fuels and
affected. Over one third of the planet’s coral reefs, inefficiently dispose of the most waste. Indeed,
which combined cover an area the size of British the United States contains only 4.5% of the
Columbia, have been degraded by increased sedi- world’s population but accounts for 23% of the
ment runoff, water pollution, and overfishing. world’s energy consumption, while developing
'')) P O P ULA TION, E NVIRONME NT, A ND DEV ELOP MENT
countries such as India contain 18% of the world Nations or the World Bank, have mandated trea-
population and account for only 4% of the world’s ties and security arrangements to accommodate
energy consumption. If everyone in the world had and protect the well-being of all sovereign nations.
the same level of consumption as the population Conferences on improving the status of women,
of the United States, it is estimated that it would achieving population stabilization, protecting
take the natural resources and land area of five biodiversity, and accommodating the rapid spread
Earths. Since it is currently not possible for all of technology have resulted in global charters,
countries to achieve high development standards regulations, and accords. International treaties
without outstripping natural resources, develop- such as the Montreal Protocol on Substances that
ment in general focuses on improving sustainabil- Deplete the Ozone Layer have significantly
ity in countries with high and medium development reduced the release of chemical pollutants that
and increasing the quality of life via food, educa- affect the ozone layer, and significant advances
tion, and social justice in low-development coun- have been made via the Kyoto Protocol to the
tries, where more than 850 million people face United Nations Framework Convention on Cli-
hunger and food insecurity. mate Change to address issues of global warming
To achieve these goals of sustainable develop- and climate change. There has been progress on
ment, international institutions and governments the enforcement of population and environmen-
have tried to address the balance of population tal treaties related to deforestation, protection of
growth and natural resource use in ways that biodiversity, and the law of the seas, though much
reduce the impact of the human population on more is needed.
Earth’s natural resources. International institu- Within countries, environmental legislation,
tions, often under the auspices of the United incentives, and enforcement are important tools
P OP ULA T ION GEOGR A PH Y '')*
for working toward sustainability at regional and with the geographic distribution of people, their
local spatial scales. Several geographical tools, composition in terms of age and gender, and the
such as censuses, geographic information systems, three main processes that determine an area’s
and satellite imagery, can be used for monitoring population growth, namely, fertility, mortality,
and assessing the status of populations and the and migration. While the boundary between
environments as related to sustainable develop- population geography and demography has
ment. Although stabilizing human population become blurred, population geographers con-
growth and sustainable development of Earth’s tribute significantly to population studies and/
natural resources are still significant challenges or demography in their own unique way by
that current and future generations will have to offering a geographic perspective to the study of
face, there have been significant advances in ideas population.
and policies over the past 50 yrs. to meet these While demographers measure and analyze
global challenges. demographic data with an emphasis on time, his-
torians trace the evolution over time of such data,
Thomas Gillespie and Robert Welch Gillespie
and sociologists seek the causes of the trends in
demographic analysis and their repercussions on
See also Developing World; Environment and
societal processes, population geographers focus
Development; Land Degradation; Malthusianism;
on the characteristics of population distributions
Neo-Malthusianism; Population and Land Degradation;
that change in a spatial context and why those
Population Density; Population Geography; Soil
changes take place. The population geographer
Degradation; Sustainable Development; Sustainable
uses geographic tools and techniques such as pop-
Development Alternatives; United Nations Environment
ulation density maps and hatch, choropleth, iso-
Programme (UNEP)
line, and dot maps to show the ways in which
factors of population change such as fertility,
mortality, and migration are distributed in space
Further Readings and attempts to explain those distributions by a
careful examination of the underlying processes.
Berger, L. R., & Hager, M. C. (2008). Visualizing In short, population geography can be defined
environmental science (2nd ed.). New York: as a systematic and regional analysis of area
Wiley. patterns of population distribution, composition,
De Blij, H. J., & Murphy, A. B. (2003). Human migration, and growth, as well as their causes
geography: Culture, society, and space (7th ed.). and the effects they have on cultural and eco-
New York: Wiley. nomic landscapes. This entry briefly examines the
Ehrlich, P. R., Ehrlich, A. H., & Holdren, J. P. roots and growth of population geography, the
(1978). Ecoscience: Population, resources, contents of population geography, and its future
environment (3rd ed.). San Francisco: W. H. prospects.
Freeman.
United Nations Development Programme. (2007).
Human development report 2007/2008. Retrieved Roots and Growth of Population Geography
June 12, 2009, from http://hdr.undp.org/en/ The benchmark in the development of population
reports/global/hdr2007-2008 geography is often cited as the 1950s, after Glenn
Trewartha gave his presidential address in 1953
to the Association of American Geographers.
However, the roots of population geography can
POPULATION GEOGRAPHY be traced back several centuries earlier. While
Trewartha’s address was a defining moment in
Population geography asks two basic questions the development of population geography as a
about the distribution of people, namely, subdiscipline of geography, there were before him
“Where?” and “Why there?” In other words, others who had been working in this field else-
population geography is specifically concerned where, particularly in Germany, France, Britain,
'')+ P O P ULA TION G E OG RAPHY
and Russia. These precursors to the modern sub- geography as a subdiscipline of geography was
discipline of population geography concentrated the development of human geography. Friedrich
on the examination of population statistics, pop- Ratzel is usually credited with establishing this
ulation mapping, and the study of human ele- subdiscipline of geography in Germany, which he
ments in geography. termed Anthropogeographie in 1842. Although
By the 1800s, the discipline of geography had Ratzel is depicted as the founder of the environ-
experienced great improvements in its methods, mental deterministic school in geography, he
such as the introduction of statistical methods, brought into the limelight the study of population
quantitative indices, and better cartographic tech- and its characteristics and the relationship
niques. These improvements required the exis- between people and their environment and how
tence of high-quality data, which were in short the two interact to shape each other. The French
supply at that time. Thus, geographers and car- school of thought (geographie humaine) in the
tographers throughout Europe, and particularly late 19th century also contributed greatly to the
in Germany, banded together to begin compiling growth of human geography. This school
and evaluating different sources of quantitative espoused a more moderate approach to the inter-
data. The leading geographic and cartographic pretation of human-Earth relationships and suc-
center was the Geographische Anstalt Justhus ceeded in redirecting other geographers to the
Perthes in Gotha, Germany. These data were then study of population and its characteristics and
used to compile maps that depicted, among other impact on the environment.
things, the sizes of settlements with respect to Although the roots of population geography go
their population. These early private efforts at back to the 1800s, it was not until the 1950s that
compiling data were then taken up by the League the term population geography came into vogue.
of Nations and later the United Nations and the Many credit the emergence and recognition of
member states of these institutions. However, the population geography as a new field within geo-
seeds of population geography had been sown in graphical studies to the influential statement of
these early periods, and to this day, geographers Trewartha in 1953. In his presidential speech to
continue to supplement government statistics by the Association of American Geographers in 1953,
gathering their own population data during field Trewartha noted that population geography had
investigations. been a neglected aspect of the discipline of geogra-
With the growing availability of population- phy. He pointed out that population was a pivotal
related data, population geographers perfected element in human geography and that its contin-
their mapping techniques to show global and local ued neglect would seriously affect the develop-
population distributions. While this topic contin- ment of the discipline. Initially, the response by
ues to remain the central focus of population geographers to Trewartha’s clarion call was luke-
geographers, other population characteristics were warm, and it took years for this subbranch of
also being mapped as early as the 1820s. For geography to develop into what it is today.
example, maps of literacy, crimes, and marriages Between the 1950s and 1960s, other develop-
in France and England appeared during the 1820 ments occurred that gave impetus to population
to 1870 period. During the interwar years, Euro- geography. For example, the tremendous prolif-
pean geographers concentrated on producing eration of population data since the 1950s with
population maps at national or continental levels, the formation of the United Nations and the reg-
with special reference to Europe. Many of these ular census taking by most countries provided
maps attempted to portray the localities of differ- pertinent data on births, deaths, mobility, mar-
ent ethnic groups in Europe. This preoccupation riages, divorces, and so on. The rise of demogra-
with generating population maps went on well phy to a separate discipline in the 1950s also had
into the 1960s. In short, population maps have a a stimulating impact on the rise of population
long history, dating back from the 1800s to the geography. Demography has developed a rich
present-day global, national, and regional atlases. body of highly sophisticated methods for popula-
The third important development that contrib- tion analysis, which greatly enriched research
uted greatly to the development of population in population geography and the wider field of
P OP ULA T ION GEOGR A PH Y ''),
population studies. The rapid growth of the geography are concerned with the same subject
global population since the end of World War II matter, namely, the study of human populations.
heightened the need to examine population issues Both disciplines are quantitative in their approach
closely. Geographers, demographers, and other and rely heavily on statistical data. However, in
scientists began to wonder about the implications spite of the blurring of subject material and
of rapid population growth on food and nutri- approaches between the two fields, the main dif-
tion, deforestation and habitat destruction, air ference is that demographers continue to place
and water pollution, depletion of energy and min- emphasis on time, whereas geographers empha-
eral resources, and other social, economic, and size analysis using geographic units or space as
environmental ills. the major vehicle within which to place popula-
It was not until the appearance of several influ- tion characteristics.
ential textbooks on population geography in the
mid 1960s that this component of geography
Population Geography Courses
became recognized as a full-fledged component of
the discipline, a component that could offer fruit- Population geography has become well entrenched
ful avenues of research and teaching. These books in many departments of geography at institutions
included Pierre George’s Géographie de la popu- of higher learning, particularly in North America
lation, published in Paris in 1965; John Innes and Europe. The content of such courses has been
Clarke’s Population Geography, published in shaped by the recognition that the scientific study
1965; Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier’s Geography of human populations is an interdisciplinary
of Population, published in 1966; and Wilbur endeavor that involves disparate disciplines,
Zelinsky’s A Prologue to Population Geography, including demography, sociology, anthropology,
published in 1966. These textbooks offered a psychology, political science, economics, biology,
major stimulus to the emergence of the discipline and others. However, the three main components
of population geography. Although none of these or processes of population change remain central
books by themselves succeeded in comprehen- to the content of population geography syllabi.
sively covering the content of population geogra- These are fertility, mortality, and migration.
phy, together they offered a holistic treatment of In population geography syllabi, these three
the content and methodology of population geog- components form the basis for an examination of
raphy, which at this early point in time was con- more specific topics, such as sources of population
cerned with the distribution of population and data, population growth and change, population
understanding the geography of a wide range of structure/composition and spatial distribution,
population phenomena. theories of population change (e.g., the Malthu-
Since then, a number of influential textbooks sian and Marxist perspectives and demographic
on population geography have appeared in North transition theory), population processes (e.g., pat-
America, Europe, and elsewhere in the world. terns and trends in fertility and mortality, migra-
For example, in North America, two influential tion and mobility), and the relationships between
textbooks on population have endured the test of population on the one hand and the environment,
time: Gary Peters and Robert Larkin’s Popula- food supply, and other socioeconomic factors on
tion Geography: Problems, Concepts and Pros- the other.
pects, first published in 1979 and now in its 8th Much of this content goes back to Trewartha’s
edition, and John Weeks’s Population: An Intro- vision for population geography, in which he
duction to Concepts and Issues, now in its 10th viewed a discipline that was more systematic in its
edition. Weeks’s book illustrates the synergy and treatment of population. Trewartha essentially
blurring of boundaries between population geog- advocated a descriptive approach that was to
raphy and demography in North America and is include other aspects of population such as social,
widely used in population geography courses as cultural, and economic characteristics. His vision
well as demography courses, bringing in the saw the study of population geography being
much needed cross-fertilization between the two divided into three main areas of research, namely,
disciplines. Indeed, demography and population historical population geography, population
'')- P O P ULA TION G E OG RAPHY
numbers, and qualities and regional distribution. and quantitative methods, many of which were
Historical population geography would examine being developed in the discipline of demography.
the regional variations in population growth and Topics of research in this area included popula-
decline over time, while population numbers tion concentration or dispersal, population den-
would examine gross patterns of numbers, fertil- sity, urban population segregation, population
ity and mortality dynamics, population density, flows, and so on. The second area of research was
and migration. Regional population geography describing demographic change via the use of the
would examine population characteristics such as population balancing equation and spatial demog-
race, nationality, sex, age, health, and other socio- raphy. A good example here is the tracking of the
economic characteristics such as religion, educa- centroid of the U.S. population over time and in
tion, occupation, family structure, urban/rural space. The third area was explaining demographic
residence, and cultural customs. The unifying fac- changes in space and in time, such as age-sex dis-
tor for the three areas of inquiry and teaching was tributions, population growth, and the major
to be the region. While Trewartha emphasized variables of population change, fertility, mortal-
systematic description in his vision of population ity, and migration. Using positivist and empirical
geography, other scholars have refined his vision approaches, population geographers contributed
to broaden the field to an examination of dynamic significantly in the areas of demographic transi-
rather than static spatial processes. Although the tion theory and theories of migration. One of the
methods of approaching the study of population greatest contributions of population geographers
geography have changed over time, the substan- to population studies was a greater understand-
tive topics outlined by Trewartha continue to form ing of migration and the forces that cause people
the basis for population geography today. to move.
The 1980s and 1990s saw both continuity and
critical reflections on population geography’s
Research Foci in Population Geography
research directions. During this period, research in
Population geographers have been active in population geography focused on four main areas,
research and publications. Their geographic with migration dominating the volume of research.
approach offers the spatial perspective that exam- While research on migration differentials, migra-
ines population variables cartographically (via tion systems, and regional and international migra-
the use of maps and now geographic information tion continued, population geographers began to
systems) and/or statistically in an attempt to engage in critical debates about the geopolitics of
examine the underlying factors that explain the mobility, the racialized and gendered nature of
exhibited spatial patterns of the variables, be it migration, immigrant labor markets, and so on.
fertility, mortality, or migration. Two main The other three areas of research focus included
phases of research foci can be discerned, namely, issues of reproduction and health inequality, the
the 1950s to 1970s and the 1980s to 1990s. implications of aging, and population and the
During the 1950s and 1970s, research in environment. In the post–September 11, 2001,
population geography concentrated on the period, population geographers have been moving
examination of four topic areas. The first was into new areas of research, such as population
the description of demographic structures in geo- movements as they relate to national security, neo-
graphic space using empirical and positivist liberalism, the transnational migrant in an era of
approaches. Population geographers believed that globalization, and geopolitics.
to create scientific knowledge about demographic
structures in space, there was a need to produce
The Future of Population Geography
the evidence through field observations and
descriptions of population phenomena. Through Population geography has done well over the past
the positivist approach using the scientific method, 50 years. From its inception, it experienced steady
the empirically observed trends would lead to the growth and development, with undergraduate
affirmation or negation of hypotheses. The observed and graduate-level courses being developed
patterns were summarized via the use of maps at colleges and universities in Europe, North
P OP ULA T ION P Y R A M I D '').
America, and elsewhere. The elevation of popula- such as social constructivism, poststructuralism,
tion geography to one of the official specialty postcolonialism, and structuration theory is
groups within the Association of American Geog- becoming common in population geography.
raphers in the 1970s meant its acceptance as a
Ezekiel Kalipeni
significant part of geography.
In spite of these successes, population geogra-
See also Demographic Transition; Fertility Rate;
phers began to be critical of their discipline and
Hunger; Malthusianism; Migration; Mobility;
to cast self-doubt on population geography’s
Mortality Rate; Natural Growth Rate; Neo-
effectiveness and contributions to scientific and
Malthusianism; Population and Land Degradation;
social inquiry. Two main contending camps
Population Density; Population, Environment, and
appeared on the scene. The first advocated main-
Development; Population Pyramid; Trewartha, Glenn;
taining the status quo, arguing that the discipline
Urbanization; Zelinsky, Wilbur
was sound and did not need to be tampered with.
The second camp wanted population geography
to expand its methodologies and approaches to
include other perspectives and be more conceptu- Further Readings
ally inclusive. The argument here was that popu-
lation geography should not solely rely on Bailey, A. (2005). Making population geography:
empirical and positivist approaches in research Human geography in the making. London:
but rather adopt a mixed- and pluralistic-methods Hodder Arnold.
approach. What, for example, were the boundar- Gober, P., & Tyner, J. (2003). Population geography.
ies between population geography and other In G. Gaile & C. Willmott (Eds.), Geography
fields such as medical geography, spatial ecology, in America at the dawn of the 21st century
demography, and population studies? The launch (pp. 185–199). Oxford, UK: Oxford University
in 1995 of the International Journal of Popula- Press.
tion Geography and its subsequent change in Peters, G., & Larkin, R. (2005). Population
name in the mid 2000s to Population, Space and geography: Problems, concepts and prospects
Place brought into sharp focus these divisions. (8th ed.). New York: Kendall/Hunt.
The broad coverage and the publication of six Trewartha, G. (1953). The case for population
issues a year appears to have favored those in geography. Annals of the Association of American
favor of a pluralistic coexistence within the field. Geographers, 43, 71–97.
Indeed, this journal is advertised as offering an Weeks, J. (2007). Population: An introduction
energetic forum to debate, inform, and review the to concepts and issues (10th ed.). Belmont,
latest developments in areas such as population CA: Wadsworth.
and society, fertility, mortality and migration,
quantitative and qualitative methods of popula-
tion analysis, aging populations, census analysis,
spatial demography, population policies, theory
and population, population distribution and POPULATION PYRAMID
change, and population and development.
The pluralist approach in population geogra- Except for total size, the most important demo-
phy appears to be the future trajectory of this graphic feature of a population is its age-sex
subdiscipline. This notion implies the existence of structure. The age-sex structure affects the needs
a varied group of population geographers who are of a population as well as the supply of labor;
committed to interrogating population issues therefore, it has significant policy implications.
using varied methodologies and theoretical A rapidly growing population implies a high
approaches. Indeed, a good number of population proportion of young people under the working
geographers are deploying new theoretical age. A youthful population also puts a burden on
approaches that go beyond positivist and empiri- the education system. When this cohort enters the
cal approaches. Today, research using approaches working ages, a rapid increase in jobs is needed to
''*% P O P ULA TION PYRAMID
Figure 1 Population pyramids for developing countries typically exhibit a wide base, reflecting high fertility
rates, while those in economically developed parts of the world portray a population more evenly distributed
across age groups.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, International Data Base. www.census.gov/ipc/www/idb/country.php.
accommodate it. In contrast, countries with a developing countries having high crude birth
large proportion of older people must develop rates, with a young average age and relatively few
retirement systems and medical facilities to serve elderly. Natural growth rates in such societies
them. Therefore, as a population ages, its needs tend to be high.
change from schools to jobs to medical care. In contrast, the pyramid for economically
The age-sex structure of a country or region developed countries, including the United States,
can be conveniently summarized or described describes a slowly growing population. Its shape
through the use of population pyramids. They is the result of a history of declining fertility and
are divided into 5-year age groups, the base rep- mortality rates, augmented by substantial immi-
resenting the youngest group, the apex the old- gration. With lower fertility, fewer people have
est. Population pyramids show the distribution entered the base of the pyramid; with lower mor-
of males and females of different age groups as tality, a greater percentage of “births” have sur-
percentages of the total population. The shape of vived until old age. In short, the structure of the
a pyramid reflects long-term trends in fertility population pyramid closely reflects the stage of
and mortality and the short-term effects of “baby the demographic transition in which a country is
booms,” migrations, wars, and epidemics. It also positioned.
reflects the potential for future population growth
or decline. Barney Warf
Two basic, representative types of pyramid
may be distinguished (Figure 1). One is the squat, See also Demographic Transition; Fertility Rate;
triangular profile. It has a broad base, concave Mortality Rate; Natural Growth Rate; Population
sides, and a narrow tip. It is characteristic of Geography
P OR T OLA N C HA R TS ''*&
Map of the Western Mediterranean from a portolan atlas by Battista Agnese, ca. 1544
Source: Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division. Available at http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/gmdhtml/gnrlagn.html.
the seemingly incontrovertible boundary between immune to possession. These idealized divisions,
land and sea is used to naturalize a political bound- expressed so succinctly in the portolan chart, went
ary between the internal space of the state and the on to guide the spatiality of the modern era.
outside space beyond its control. This depiction
Philip E. Steinberg
foreshadowed the ideal of the territorial state that
was to become a political (and cartographic) norm
See also Cartography, History of; Map Projections;
on land in the centuries that followed.
Mercator, Gerardus; Oceans
In short, while Beazley might well be accused of
ethnocentrism in his identification of certain maps
as being “true” and in associating them with a
singular “civilization,” his broader point—that Further Readings
the spatial conceptions inscribed in the portolan
chart foreshadowed perspectives on space that Beazley, C. (1904). The first true maps. Nature,
were to inform emergent systems of exploration, 71(1833), 159–161.
colonialism, and merchant capitalism—is well Campbell, T. (1987). Portolan charts from the late
taken. Long celebrated for their beauty and “accu- thirteenth century to 1500. In J. Harley &
racy,” portolan charts should also be appreciated D. Woodward (Eds.), The history of cartography
for the ways in which they inscribed ideas about (Vol. 1, pp. 371–463). Chicago: University of
divisions between fixity and movement, land and Chicago Press.
ocean, and territory and an external space that is
P OR T S A ND MA R IT IME T R AD E ''*(
than all other types of terminals combined. To the economies of scale applied to maritime ship-
perform their role, port infrastructures jointly ping, the smaller the number of ports that are
have to accommodate transhipment activities both able to handle such ships.
on ships and on land. They are points of conver-
gence between land transport and maritime sys-
Maritime Gateways and Hubs
tems. Considering the operational characteristics
of maritime transportation, the location of ports The current geography of ports and maritime
is constrained to a limited array of sites, mostly trade has been the most transformed by contain-
defined by geography. Most ports, especially those erization, since it permitted an entirely new class
that are ancient, owe their initial emergence to of ships, new companies (or the transformation
their site, as the great majority of harbors take of existing companies), new port locations, new
advantage of a natural coastline or a natural site networks, and new flows.
along a river. The suitability of port sites continu- For a long period, the world’s most important
ally changes with technical changes in maritime ports were North American (e.g., New York) and
shipping and coastal urbanization. Such sites have Western European (e.g., Rotterdam). Container-
become valuable and rare resources. ization completely changed the world’s commer-
cial geography with the emergence of an array of
new port locations (Figure 2). This geography
A Matter of Scale
indicates a high level of traffic concentration
The principle of economies of scale is fundamen- around large port facilities, the top ones being
tal to the economics of maritime transportation Pacific Asian ports along the Tokyo-Singapore
because the larger the ship, the lower the cost per corridor. As export-oriented economic develop-
unit transported. This trend has particularly been ment strategies took shape, the number of con-
apparent in bulk and containerized shipping. For tainers handled in Pacific Asian, notably Chinese,
instance, the evolution of containerization, as ports surged in volume. There is also an emerging
indicated by the size of the largest available con- geography of container ports characterized by a
tainership, has been a stepwise process (Figure 1). specialization in which some act as gateways and
Changes are often rather sudden and correspond some as hubs. Gateway ports command the access
to the introduction of a new class of container- of large manufacturing or market regions. Hong
ship. Since the 1990s, two substantial steps took Kong, Los Angeles, and Rotterdam are notable
place. The first step involved a jump from 4,000 examples. Hub ports (or offshore hubs) act as
to 8,000 TEUs, effectively moving beyond the intermediary locations where containers are tran-
“Panamax” threshold. This threshold is particu- shipped between different segments of the global
larly important, as it indicates the physical capac- maritime transport system. Singapore and Dubai
ity of the Panama Canal and thus has for long are among the most prominent.
been an important operational limitation in mari- The conventional bulk shipping network is
time shipping. The second step took place in the point-to-point, with two ports directly serviced
2000s, as the maximum size reached the 13,000- and with the ship coming empty for the backhaul
to 14,000-TEU level. This is essentially a “Suez- (the return voyage to the port of origin). This sys-
max” level, or a “new Panamax” class, that is, tem typically reflects the pattern of oil, mineral,
the largest size of ship that will be able to pass and grain shipping, with origins corresponding to
through the expanded Panama Canal after it is extraction regions and destinations being large,
completed in 2014. From a maritime shipper’s urbanized regions. Containerized shipping per-
perspective, using larger containerships is a mitted the emergence of new networks, namely,
straightforward process, as it conveys economies pendulum services. They involve a set of sequen-
of scale and thus lowers costs per TEU carried. tial port calls along a maritime range, commonly
From a port terminal perspective, such ships bring including a transoceanic service from ports in
intense pressures in terms of infrastructure invest- another range and structured as a continuous
ments, namely “portainers.” Thus, the matter of loop. Their purpose is servicing a market by bal-
economic scale leads to a paradox—the greater ancing the number of port calls and the frequency
P OR T S A ND MA R IT IME T R AD E ''**
14,000
E “Emma” Class
(12,500 TEU)
12,000
10,000
S “Sovereign” Class
(8,000 TEU)
8,000
R “Regina” Class
(6,000 TEU)
6,000
L “Lica” Class
4,000 (3,400 TEU)
2,000
0
1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008
Figure 1 The largest available containership, 1970–2007 (in TEUs [20-foot-equivalent units])
Source: Data compiled by Jean-Paul Rodrigue and T. Notteboom.
TEU (2008)
1 to 2 M
2 to 4 M
4 to 6 M
6 to 10 M
More than 10 M
reflected in imbalances in physical flows and between the maritime segments of global trade
transport rates. For trans-Pacific trade, it costs and inland freight distribution. Global port oper-
more per TEUs for eastbound flows than for ators, such as APM (Denmark), DPW (Dubai),
westbound flows, making freight planning a com- HPH (Hong Kong), and PSA (Singapore), have
plex task for container shipping companies. For been active in acquiring a portfolio of terminal
Asia-Europe flows, westbound rates are higher assets in almost all the major ports of the world.
than eastbound rates. Some, such as APM, are a direct subsidiary of a
maritime shipping company—Maersk, the world’s
largest, in this case. Thus, a growing convergence
Maritime Shipping Companies
between maritime shipping, ports, and inland
and Port Operators
operations enables large private conglomerates to
The maritime transport industry is one of the achieve a level of control over global supply
most globalized industries in term of ownership. chains. This is particularly important as global
Maritime shipping companies and the majority of trade is more than a matter of capacity; it is also
the largest port terminals are privately owned or concerned about the timeliness and reliability of
operated. Such large assets must be efficiently man- the distribution.
aged, which entails extensive capital requirements. The emergence of global private operators marks
The trend in recent years has been a convergence a reversal in the trend of considering ports to be
P OSIT IONA LITY ''*,
so, such works and positions can create not only involves understanding how labels (such as race,
knowledge but also the reality that they consciously ethnicity, and gender) are being constructed and
or unconsciously seem to describe. Consequently, represented through judgments made with the
every author must locate herself or himself in what purpose of “othering.” Therefore, no production
she or he writes and be aware of the kind of narra- of knowledge can ever dismiss or disclaim its
tive voice, images, themes, and motifs adopted in author’s involvement and positionings.
her or his text. This is not simply a problem of To be effectively self-reflective and fully locate
finding a position but also the question of selecting themselves in their research, it is essential that
which texts are the ones best suited for the research. researchers understand the differences between
In this notion, location is as important as aware- the positions of insider and outsider. Sharing the
ness of personal positions. There is a strategic loca- same background or similar identity, having things
tion that describes the author’s position in a text, in common, or simply having an affinity with the
but there is also a strategic position that analyzes researched subject(s) can influence the research
the way in which different modalities of the text outcomes. On the one hand, such insider positions
(i.e., symbols used in the text, types of text, and can facilitate the collection of data, communica-
textual genres) materialize among themselves and tion, movement, and so on. On the other hand,
thereafter in the culture at large. such a position can be somewhat problematic, as
Another strategy researchers use to acknowl- personal positions can restrict the development of
edge their positionality is self-criticism. Scholars the research by providing only a partial view and
and researchers use self-criticism to locate biases of by not allowing the researcher to reflect on views
both inclusion and exclusion. In this context, that are opposed to her or his own. Likewise, fail-
researchers dismiss the notion of value-free research ure to understand the differences between posi-
and recognize that claims to objectivity and neu- tions as insider and outsider can misdirect the
trality serve only to make biases and human sub- potential research results, the production of
jectivity invisible. Making the researcher’s biases knowledge, and the formation of identities. Nev-
visible through a self-reflexive understanding of his ertheless, given the difficulty involved in the task
of her positioning and fieldwork relations can help of completely understanding the self, it may be
the researcher avoid invalid generalizations. This virtually impossible to be completely self-reflexive
approach requires a commitment to understanding and fully aware of self-positionings.
how the values and subjectivity of the researcher
Luis Sánchez
are part of the construction of knowledge.
These issues of positionality suggest that there See also Ethics, Geography and; Feminist Geographies;
is always a relationship between the researcher Fieldwork in Human Geography; Gender and Geography;
and the researched. This relationship deals with Humanistic Geography; Interviewing; Orientalism;
power and interpretation, as the researcher is in Qualitative Methods; Phenomenology; Situated Knowledge
the position of interpreting the lives of others.
From this perspective, it is essential to draw atten-
tion to the ways in which representations do not Further Readings
merely reflect social reality but are also constitu-
tive of it. The politics of positionality demand Hay, I. (Ed.). (2005). Qualitative research methods in
that attention be paid to the structures of power human geography. Oxford, UK: Oxford
that privilege certain voices while silencing others University Press.
and endorse some points of view while dismissing McDowell, L. (1992). Doing gender: Feminism and
others. In other words, researchers cannot ignore research methods in human geography.
the problematic nature of what representation Transactions of the Institute of British
involves. As part of an in-depth self-reflection, Geographers, 17, 399–416.
one must know how to position oneself before Rose, G. (1997). Situated knowledge: Positionality,
drawing the line that makes the distinctions reflexivities and other tactics. Progress in Human
between “us” and “them.” Positionality is not Geography, 21, 305–320.
just acknowledging personal positions; it also
P OST C OLONIA LI S M ''*.
postcolonialism has obviously been popular of heritage has also been a focus for geographers
across academia, Said’s discussion of the devel- attending to the specificity of place and group
opment of “imaginative geographies” piqued identities. Others within geography have studied
geographers’ interest. Postcolonial geographers transnational migrations and the diasporas that
have investigated the spatiality of colonialism, have frequently followed and, in some cases,
empire, and postcolonialism from a number of helped perpetuate postcolonial linkages between
different vantage points. One of the greatest former colonial powers and their colonial states.
impacts of postcolonialism on geography has These linkages have also been the central focus of
been the acknowledgment of geographers’ postcolonial critiques of tourism and other cul-
involvement in the colonial project. This recog- tural entities, such as sport. Tourism geographers
nition that geography has been complicit in have stressed the economic and cultural influ-
imperial projects historically (and, some would ences and dependencies that continue today and
add, today) has led to calls to decolonize the dis- the continuation of colonial practices of leisure
cipline. Proponents have called for the incorpo- by Western travelers.
ration of voices outside the metropole as well as Critical development geographers have also
a move away from the Eurocentric geographies recently employed postcolonial theory in their
frequently cited in colonial contexts. Historical critiques of uneven distributions of wealth, polit-
geographers interested in disciplinary history ical and cultural power, and resources. Work in
have been particularly interested in the creation this field, as well as investigations of political
of imperial maps, the exoticization of colonized economy, has ranged from a challenging of the
places, the imaginative geographies constructed preferred nomenclature over time—from Third
about those places, and the racist and determin- World/First World and periphery/core to less
ist treatment of peoples there. Cartographers developed/more developed and, most recently,
have worked to critique and rethink the normal- global South/global North, to critiques of the
ized Western map and the collection, representa- overwhelming domination of the World Bank
tion, and dissemination of various knowledges and the International Monetary Fund by the
of spaces and places. Western, former colonial powers. Like the work
Feminist and critical historical geographies have done in postcolonial literary studies, critical
attempted to account for the inconsistencies and development geographies have sought to chal-
silences present even within the colonial powers, lenge Western ideas of “progress” and “moder-
noting the lack of inclusion of other voices save nity.” Actions such as the forced privatization of
that of white males as well as the nonstandard social services in the global South in the name
historical accounts, such as travel diaries. Feminist of modernity have been used to expose the neo-
scholars have also criticized what they consider colonialism being perpetuated by Western states
premature self-congratulation regarding the inclu- and multinational companies. Reactions to the
sion of alternative voices. By critiquing postcolo- policies of Western development organizations
nialism from within, postcolonial feminists have have included both non-Westerners and radical-
sought to occupy a paradoxical position both activist Westerners. These anticolonial acts of
within and without the genre. Postcolonial femi- solidarity have become another example of anti-
nist geographies have also been particularly atten- colonial struggles in a world engaged with many
tive to methodological considerations, including forms of postcolonialism.
self-reflexivity and the negotiation of power
dynamics in research praxis. Victoria S. Downey
The latter part of the 20th century saw a height-
ened interest in identity politics throughout many See also Antiglobalization; Colonialism; Developing
academic disciplines. Geographers working World; Discourse and Geography; Globalization;
within a postcolonial framework took up identity Gregory, Derek; Hybrid Geographies; Imperialism;
and heritage to understand how postcolonial peo- Orientalism; Other/Otherness; Poststructuralism; Race
ples, from both the metropole and the periphery, and Empire; Representations of Space; Social
view themselves. The celebration and reclamation Darwinism; Subaltern Studies
''+' P O S T I N D U STRIAL SOCIE TY
Further Readings
dominant social binary of capital and proletarian
classes.
Gandhi, L. (1998). Postcolonial theory: A critical Initial references to the idea of the postindus-
introduction. New York: Columbia University trial society include David Riesman’s (1958)
Press. interpretation of the term to connote leisure
Jacobs, J. (2003). Introduction: After empire? rather than work and an earlier invocation of
In K. Anderson, M. Domosh, S. Pile, & postindustrial society as a hoped-for return to
N. Thrift (Eds.), Handbook of cultural geography artisanal workshop vocations by the British Guild
(pp. 345–353). London: Sage. Socialist Arthur Penty (Old Worlds for New: A
King, A. (2003). Cultures and spaces of postcolonial Study of the Post-Industrial State) in 1917. The
knowledges. In K. Anderson, M. Domosh, S. Pile, definitive usage was established by Daniel Bell in
& N. Thrift (Eds.), Handbook of cultural his seminal work The Coming of Post-Industrial
geography (pp. 381–397). London: Sage. Society (1973). Before committing to postindus-
Power, M. (2003). Rethinking development trialism as a descriptor of change, Bell had exper-
geographies. New York: Routledge. imented with the idea of alternatives such as the
Said, E. (1978). Orientalism. New York: Vintage “knowledge society,” the “information society,”
Books. and the “professional society,” and he also gave
Schwarz, H., & Ray, S. (2000). A companion consideration to Dahrendorff’s thesis of a post-
to postcolonial studies. Malden, MA: Blackwell. capitalist society in Class and Class Conflict in an
Spivak, G. (1988). Can the subaltern speak? In Industrial Society (1959). Bell’s (1973) preference
C. Nelson & L. Grossberg (Eds.), Marxism and for postindustrial society as a descriptor of social
the interpretation of culture (pp. 271–313). transformation was derived from his sense that
Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan.
we are in the midst of a vast historical change in
which old social relations (which were property
bound), existing power structures (centered on
narrow elites), and bourgeois culture (based on
POST-FORDISM notions of restraint and delayed gratification) are
being rapidly eroded. (p. 37)
Bell (1973) acknowledged a debt to Colin extent deplored), expressed in political values,
Clark, who postulated that income growth would social attitudes, housing choices (locations, styles,
lead to the expansion of services, and asserts that forms of tenure), lifestyles, and behaviors. An
the “simplest characteristic of a post-industrial early marker of class change in the city was the
society is that the majority of the labor force is no infiltration of professionals and managers into
longer engaged in agriculture or manufacturing the old residential neighborhoods of the inner
but in services” (p. 15). Bell made a crucial dis- city, producing an insistent social upgrading and
tinction between the menial, low-value service displacement trajectory. This process generated
employment that characterized developing societ- in turn both a policy crisis and an important new
ies such as India and the specialized, knowledge- urban discourse of gentrification, pioneered by
intensive services that increasingly define advanced Ruth Glass in her study of occupancy change in
societies. These include occupations in health, London. By the 1990s, the process of manufac-
education, research, and government and pro- turing collapse had essentially run its course in
vided the basis for a “new intelligentsia” and, in many cities, with the postindustrial city now char-
turn, the “pre-eminence of the professional and acterized by a dominant “new middle class” of
technical class” (p. 15). elite service workers, including highly paid bank-
Bell’s prediction of a secular decline in indus- ing and financial workers, producer service pro-
trial production and the laboring classes, and the fessionals, entrepreneurs, and knowledge economy
ideological shift implied in this transition, workers, fulfilling in large part Bell’s prophecy.
achieved a powerful resonance within the aca- At the local scale, this new middle class evinced a
demic and policy communities as well as fierce preference for a more “livable” and “convivial”
contestation. Criticisms of postindustrialism city than that represented by the industrial city,
included opposition to the notion of an expan- with its manifest conditions of exploitation, mate-
sionist, autonomous service sector decoupled rialism, segregation, and alienation. But in prac-
from manufacturing and industry. More specifi- tice, this postindustrial, sociopolitical constituency
cally, scholars affirmed that the fastest-growing, enabled the state-supported dislocation of manu-
most knowledge-intensive, and most deeply pro- facturing and allied workers in urban districts,
fessionalized service industries were those most intensifying professionalization tendencies and
intimately linked to production: the so-called pro- pressures for social polarization.
ducer services. Other scholars, notably those More recently, the rise of the putative “cre-
associated with variants of Marxism, objected ative class” postulated by Richard Florida and
strenuously to the ideological tenor and policy his followers presaged a new chapter in the evo-
implications of a postindustrial agenda, which lution of postindustrial society. This creative
implied a discounting of the value of industrial class represented the social correlate of the cul-
labor, class, and communities and a correspond- tural economy and workforce, seen as following
ing privileging of the interests of capital, epito- “neo-Bohemian” housing and lifestyle patterns
mized by the neoliberal state regimes of Margaret distinct in some respects from those of the new
Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. middle class, much as the behaviors of the latter
Over the past three decades, the original constituted a departure from those of the indus-
emphasis on the nation-state as the unit of analy- trial classes. But others contest this proposition
sis for the study of postindustrial society has been of a quasi-autonomous creative class, instead
adapted by social, urban, and economic geogra- asserting that cultural workers were always
phers to apply principally to the urban-regional encompassed within the parameters of the new
scale and, indeed, to measures of social change at middle class and indeed were acknowledged as
the district, community, and neighborhood scales. constitutive elements of Bell’s postindustrial
The rise of the services class, and more particu- society. This contemporary debate underscores
larly the managers and professionals who occu- the continuing relevance of Bell’s postindustrial
pied the higher echelons of the postindustrial theory for urban studies.
economy, implied far-reaching changes in
advanced cities, as Bell predicted (and to some Thomas A. Hutton
''+) P O S T M O D E RNISM
See also Class, Geography and; Development Theory; was used as an identifier of a new style that was
Education, Geographies of; Flexible Production; different from and, indeed, critical of modernist
Information Society; Innovation, Geography of; design, which had risen to prominence in the
Knowledge, Geography of; Producer Services 20th century but whose focus on the adoption of
functionality, efficiency, and separation from the
past had by the 1960s become subject to wide-
spread criticism. It was at this time that archi-
Further Readings tects such as Peter Eisenman, Frank Gehry, Peter
Johnston, and Robert Venturi began to create
Bell, D. (1973). The coming of post-industrial society: new architectural designs that were promoted as
A venture in social forecasting. New York: Basic being more in tune with and, indeed, learning
Books. from the performance of everyday human life.
Florida, R. (2004). The rise of the creative class. New The rectilinearity and standardization character-
York: Basic Books. istic of modernist architecture were replaced by
an emphasis on diverse surfaces, textures, and
forms, which often combined elements from both
contemporary popular culture and a range of
prior architectural styles.
POSTMODERNISM The ideas circulating within architecture
began to infuse academic studies of urban design
The term postmodernism appeared in academic and social life, notably through the work of
geography in the late 1980s, although it had been Christopher Jenks and Frederick Jameson, and
circulating earlier in several disciplines and profes- in the late 1980s, geographers began to make
sions. The term is often used in two different ways. reference to the term postmodernism. In many
First, it designates an object of study whereby of these studies, the term was not only applied
researchers examine some feature that is seen to to the design of particular buildings but also
be postmodern in style, character, or design. Com- used to characterize whole cities. Edward Soja,
monly identified postmodern objects include for instance, presented Los Angeles as the quint-
buildings, cities, cultures, societies, and econo- essential postmodern city because it was com-
mies, although this last object is often described posed of a plethora of urban forms reflective of
using the related term post-Fordist. The clustering a series of different divisions and fractures that
of such postmodern objects together may be seen came together to produce a collage of fragmen-
to imply that people are, in at least some places in tary images and experiences. David Harvey made
the world, living in a distinctive epoch or condi- a similar argument, albeit generalizing it to a
tion of postmodernity. The other way that the range of North American cities that he suggested
term postmodernism is often used is to imply an exhibited postmodernity through numerous cul-
approach (or as it has also been described, atti- tural signs and images that constituted a sort of
tude, method, or sensibility) to viewing and under- messy social collage, or pastiche, of meanings
standing the world and how it operates. within which there was no apparent order. Post-
This entry briefly outlines how these two views modern architects, artists, filmmakers, and other
of postmodernism arose and considers how they cultural image makers were, in effect, codifying
interconnect in the work of two geographers, and representing a condition of social life that
David Harvey and Michael Dear. The entry also was already being experienced by many urban
examines the impact of postmodernism, identify- inhabitants.
ing three contrasting interpretations. Harvey’s work, while clearly centered on cit-
ies, clearly illustrates how postmodernism could
be identified in all manner of objects. At least
Postmodernism as Object
two features tie these postmodern objects
One of the fields where postmodernism emerged together. First, they are seen in some sense or
initially was in architecture, where the term other as new objects that can be contrasted with
P OST MODER NI S M ''+*
something that went before and that was desig- Postmodernism as Attitude
nated as modern. The “post” prefix in part
therefore encompassed notions of temporal An emphasis on complexity and fluidity is also
change, with postmodernism being viewed, in characteristic of “postmodernism as attitude,”
part, as a periodizing concept, although this although these descriptors are here applied to the
usage was contested by a series of authors who conduct of finding out about the world as well as
argued that the term should not necessarily to the character of that world, or to put it more
imply a clean break with modernism but could formally, postmodernism involved radically dif-
also be viewed as a continuation, albeit in a ferent epistemologies and ontologies from those
slightly new form. previously enacted within geography.
A second aspect of postmodern objects is that
they are seen to be highly complex and fluid, in
EdhibdYZgcDcidad\^Zh
contrast to what went before, which was seen to
be regular and largely static in form. In relation- Connecting ideas of complexity and fluidity
ship to buildings and urban form, postmodernism identified in various postmodern objects to the
was seen to involve a movement from redevelop- research process, postmodernism as attitude
ment focused on the construction of large rectilin- stressed at least two lines of ontological argu-
ear buildings and street layouts with clear and ments. First, it was argued that modernist
static divisions of land use, often bearing no rela- approaches tend to draw on “metanarratives”
tion to earlier forms of development, to regenera- or “grand theories.” Metanarratives can be seen
tion whereby existing buildings were often as “big stories” that serve to organize phenom-
modernized rather than replaced and new build- ena or events into some seemingly meaningful
ings were slotted into the fabric of existing build- temporal order or pattern, centered around some
ings, both physically and symbolically, with many central principle or plot, such as the growth of
drawing on local building styles that were com- knowledge/reduction of ignorance or false belief,
bined, sometimes quite ironically, with other, the realization of the human spirit, increasing
more modernistic and globalized elements. The control of nature, or emancipation from social
result was a complex mix or pastiche of architec- control. All these narratives have been influen-
tural styles and land use, often within a complex, tial in geography at points in the recent past: the
multilayered street plan that involved multiple first of these, for example, underpinning positiv-
and changeable use of space. ist approaches to geography; the second, many
Complexity and fluidity are also evident within strands of humanistic geography; and the third
other postmodern objects. Attention has been and fourth forming elements of Marxist
drawn, for instance, to the multiplicity, change- approaches as well as a range of more liberal
ability, and hybridity of identities in contempo- perspectives.
rary pop music; leisure, recreation, and tourism; Many metanarratives involve grand theories,
films and television programs; and the marketing which are claims to understand how the world
and purchase of consumer commodities. Some operates through the identification of concepts
scholars have also drawn attention to organiza- viewed as corresponding or referring to some
tional changes in economic production whereby central mechanisms or processes considered as
so-called post-Fordist economies have seen the propelling phenomena and events within much
rise of flexible and just-in-time production, often of the world. So, for instance, many positivist
oriented to the production of niche and fashion approaches drew on concepts such as economic
products, and how these are connected to the rationality and profit maximization, humanistic
cultural changes associated with postmodernism. geographies on notions such as authenticity and
Most prominent in this respect was David Har- belonging, and Marxism on concepts such as
vey’s book The Condition of Postmodernity, modes of production and class struggle. While
published in 1989, which argued that postmo- identifying quite different key concepts, and
dernity was the product of a shift in capitalism therefore often being seen as quite incompatible
toward flexible accumulation. with each other, these approaches arguably all
''++ P O S T M O D E RNISM
shared a similar ontological stance in that the A second ontological concern of postmodern-
world is seen to be conditioned or ordered ism closely associated with its concern to avoid
according to some central logic. grand theory is a concern with difference. In part,
Postmodernism as attitude expresses, mini- this involved questioning of the assumption made
mally, skepticism about the value of metanarra- within many modernist perspectives that expla-
tives and grand concepts and often complete nation relied on seeking out the similarities
rejection, as in Michael Dear’s (2000) claim that between events, objects, or processes and suggest-
the ideal of postmodernism is for a philosophical ing that such approaches often resulted in crucial
culture “free from the search for ultimate founda- aspects of situations being overlooked. Moreover,
tions of everything” (p. 35). Such a view, often it involved questioning of the categories of differ-
characterized as a relativist position in which there ence that entered into the accounts being created,
are no singular, absolute truths but rather a range suggesting that these were often far more diverse,
of different and equally valid perspectives, complicated, and fluid than was often presup-
attracted considerable criticism, particularly in the posed in modernist theories. Chris Philo, in a dis-
late 1980s and early 1990s, when even some of cussion of postmodernism in rural geography, for
the advocates of postmodernism expressed con- example, suggested that people had largely been
cern. However, it is clear that strands of postmod- portrayed as essentially similar to each other, and
ernist arguments have come to be widely accepted to those who were studying them, in that there
within geography, even among those who would was an implicit focus on people who were white,
not explicitly consider themselves to be postmod- male, middle class, middle-aged, able-bodied,
ernist. From the late 1980s, for instance, there has sound minded, and heterosexual. He suggested
been a growing recognition of the disorderly and that this focus on “the same” needed to be sup-
contingent within geographical studies and how plemented by a study of “neglected others,” peo-
many aspects of the social and physical worlds do ple who were, in one way or another, different
not seem to fit within some overarching logic or from the societal norm.
structure. There has been increasing resistance to The study of “others” formed a focus for much
the notion of developing general and hierarchical geographical work in human geography from the
ontologies, whereby some features or processes late 1980s, with Michael Dear, one of the earliest
are seen to be more significant, more foundational proponents of postmodernism in geography,
than others. In contrast, postmodernism can be arguing in his book The Postmodern Urban Con-
seen to imply nonhierarchical and localized ontol- dition that postmodernism has had a liberating
ogies, whereby events, phenomena, and processes effect on previously marginalized voices, includ-
emerge because of the particular relationships that ing women, people with disabilities, gays and
come to exist between all manner of elements that lesbians, people of color, and the economically
are copresent within particular times and spaces. and socially disadvantaged. There has been an
Such a viewpoint creates a new, more humble role enlarging portfolio of people studied by human
for theory, as explanations cannot be specified in geographers, although concern has been expressed
advance of a particular study or transferred about practicalities, the ethics and politics of
directly from one context to another. It also cre- studies of “the other,” and the possibility that
ates a stronger role for description than had been postmodern ontologies and epistemologies are
the case in many earlier, modernist perspectives, not fully compatible with the projects of other
with attention being drawn, for instance, to perspectives that have sought to give voice to
notions of thick description and local knowledges neglected groups and interests, such as feminism,
as advanced by the anthropologist Clifford Geertz, postcolonialism, and queer theory. Attention has
as well as increasing attention being paid to the also been drawn to “differences within the same,”
value of qualitative research methods, which argu- that is, how people who might be seen in many
ably can be seen as part and parcel of a postmod- respects to fit into a societal group may in some
ernist approach to geography, just as quantitative respects be quite different from others in that
methods had become widely equated with positiv- group. Hence, for instance, one impact of post-
ist philosophies. modernism has been to foster attention on the
P OST MODER NI S M ''+,
differences between women, a focus that has often draw implicitly on mimetic or correspon-
been described as characteristic of postmodern dence theories of truth, whereby the truth or fal-
feminism and/or postfeminism. sity of concepts is seen to reflect the degree to
which they accurately align with/reflect the phe-
nomena to which they refer, a range of writers
EdhibdYZgc:e^hiZbdad\n
associated with poststructuralism, including Bau-
In relation to epistemology, postmodernism drillard and Derrida, have questioned whether
can be considered as involving a rejection of, or concepts have any linkage to anything beyond
at least a movement away from, modern views other concepts or signs.
on knowledge. At least since the European As well as stressing the problems of representa-
Renaissance, and probably well before, the tion, postmodern discussions of epistemology
acquisition of knowledge has been widely seen have also highlighted the situatedness of knowl-
as emancipatory, holding, at least potentially, edge: how knowledge is always constructed from
prospects of freedom from social and natural a position somewhere within society. This view is
constraints. This viewpoint was quite explicitly contrasted with the objectivist position of many
articulated in the European Enlightenment of modernist epistemologies that situated the
the 17th and 18th centuries and can be seen to researcher as ideally being some disembodied
infuse the metanarratives that have informed viewer surveying a world from which he or she
many of the philosophical perspectives that have, had become detached. Not only was this posi-
as noted earlier, been processed through geogra- tioning criticized as being impossible to realize,
phy through the course of the 20th century. but in the 1990s, a series of other, explicitly situ-
However, a key strand of the postmodern cri- ated positionings came to be advanced, including
tique of grand narratives has been to question, calls to view things “from below,” “from the
and in some cases completely reject, Enlighten- margins,” “from the inside-out,” “from the
ment perspectives, not only highlighting that streets,” “from the borders or contact zones,”
acquisition of knowledge frequently does not and “from the in-between,” as well as through
seem to lead to emancipation from necessity and “traveling” and “nomadism.” As well as these
social control but also, in the work of people calls for particular spatialized epistemologies,
such as Jean-François Lyotard, Michael Fou- there were also more general calls for geographers
cault, and Jacques Derrida, su