Global Cities: Characteristics and Rankings
Global Cities: Characteristics and Rankings
INTRODUCTION
In this module, we will focus on the topic cities in a globalizing world wherein
globalization affects the rural and urban areas. We will discuss also why it is in cities
that global operations are centralized and where we can see most clearly the
phenomena associated with their activities, whether it be changes in structure of
employment, the formation of powerful partnerships, the development of monumental
real estate, the emergence of new forms of local government, the effects of organized
crime, the expansion of corruption, the fragmentation of informal networks or the
spatial isolation and social exclusion of certain population groups.
OBJECTIVES
4. Analyze the political, economic, cultural, and social factors underlying the global;
Discussion:
1.6. As you can see, this is quite a hodge-podge of items, many of which are
only tangentially related to globalization per se. In effect, many of them
seek to define cities only in term of global prominence rather than
functionally as related to the global economy. That’s certainly a valid way
to look at it, but it raises the point that we should probably clarify what we
are talking about when we talk about global cities.
1.7. To clarify our thinking, let’s look at how various ranking studies have
defined global city for their purposes.
1.7.1 One oft-cited such ranking was a 1999 research paper called A
Roster of World Cities. The authors, Jon Beaverstock, Richard G. Smith
and Peter J. Taylor, explicitly reference Sassen's work seeking to define
global cities in terms of advanced producer services.
1.7.2 Taking our cue from Sassen (1991,126) we treat world cities as
particular 'postindustrial production sites' where innovations in corporate
services and finance have been integral to the recent restructuring of the
world economy now widely known as globalization. The key point is that
many of these services are by no means so ubiquitous; for Sassen they
provide a limited number of the leading cities with a 'specific role in the
current phase of the world economy'. (p.126)
1.7.3 They took lists of firms in four specific service industries – accounting,
advertising, banking, and law – and determined where those firms
maintained branches and such around the world in order to determine the
importance of various cities as production nodes of these services. This
has some weaknesses in that it doesn’t necessarily distinguish whether
say a particular accounting firm is doing routine type work of the sort
accountants have always been doing, or so performing advanced work of
a type specific to globalization, but it at least tries to derive lists related to
the production of services.
2.1. The Institute for Urban Strategies at The Mori Memorial Foundation in
Tokyo published another study called “The Global Power City Index 2011.”
This report examined cities in terms of functions demanded by several
“actor” types: Manager, Researcher, Artist, Visitor, and Resident. The
functional areas were:
2.2. Another popular ranking is the Economist Intelligence Unit's Global City
Competitiveness Index. They rank cities on a number of domains:
2.3. Note that these were not all equal weighted. Economic strength is
paramount.
Yet another ranking comes from the Knight Frank/Citibank Wealth
Reports. This ranking is purely subjective and was based n surveying
wealth advisors as to which cities they felt would be most important to their
clients today and in the future based on four areas: Economic Activity,
Political Power, Knowledge and Influence, and Quality of Life.
It’s worth noting that Sassen contributed to various of these surveys.
2.4. Looking at the newer surveys versus the Roster if World Cities, it’s clear
that the game has changed. Rather than attempting to look at the specific
global economic functions, the global city game has to become effectively
a balanced scorecard attempt to determine, as I like to put it the world's
“biggest and baddest” cities.
2.5. There are quite a few differences in methodologies, which is inevitable. But
a few things jump out at me. First the focus on aggregate measures in
these surveys. For example: total GDP, total foreign population, number
of headquarters. There is remarkable lack of attention to dynamism of
headquarters. There is a remarkable lack of attention to dynamism variable
such as growth in various metrics, though the Economist survey include a
couple.
2.6. The focus on static totals versus dynamism tends to reward large,
developed world cities versus rapidly growing or emerging market cities.
In a sense, these ranking are biased in favor of important legacy cities.
2.7. It’s also interesting to see what was included vs. not included in quality of
life type ratings. For Example: items like censorship, media access, the
rule of law, and the environment are listed. But measures of upward social-
economic mobility or income inequality or not.
2.9. Looking at theses, I can’t help but think that the criteria were the product if
an iterative process where the results were refined over time. Thus in a
sense the outcomes were likely somewhat pre-determined. That’s not to
say that the game was rigged necessarily. In a sense, global city is like a
obscenity: we know one when we see it, but we don’t necessarily have a
widely agreed upon objective set of criteria to measure it by.
2.10. I sense that these ranking attempt to look at global cities in four basic ways:
2.11. There may potential be other ways to slice it as well. The facet that these
various ways of viewing cities can often overlap can confuse things I think.
For example, New York and London score highly on all of these. And there
are surely underlying reasons why they do. Yet trying to sum it all up into
one overall ranking or score, while making it easy to get press, can end up
obscuring nuance.
3. Global Demography
3.1. In the past 50 years, the world accelerated its transition out of long-term
demographic stability. As infant and child mortality rates fell, population
began to soar. In most countries, this growth led to falling fertility rates.
Although fertility has fallen, the population continues to increase because
of population momentum; it will eventually level off. In the meantime,
demographic change has created a “bulge” generation, which today
appears in many countries as a large working age population.
3.2. This cohort will eventually become a large elderly population, in both
developed and developing countries. Population growth has been the
subject of great debate among economist and demographers. New
evidence suggests that changes in the age structure of population – in
particular, a rising ratio of working-age to non-working-age individuals –
leads to the possibility of more rapid economic growth, via both accounting
and behavioral effects.
3.3. The experiences of east Asia, Ireland and sub-Saharan Africa all serve as
evidence of the effect of the demographic change on economic growth.
The overall implications of population growth for policy lie in the imperative
for investments in health and education, and for sound policies related to
labor, trade and retirement.
4. Global Migration
4.2. Thus, migration is often seen as permanent move rather than a complex
series of backward or onward movement. The data omit return or circular
migration as people who are registered in the same place as their place of
birth are “non-migrants” even though they may have spent considerable
time outside their place of birth. For example, it is estimated that about 40
per cent of English and Welsh migrants to the United States returned back
to their home countries between 1861 and 1913, between 40 and 50
percent of Italian migrants to the United States returned to Italy in the early
twentieth century, and rates of return of migrants from Argentina and Brazil
at the same time, particularly Italians, were similar. (Baines 1991; Nugent,
1992).
4.3. How many of these migrants moved back-and-forth is not known. In more
contemporary studies of internal migration in the developing world, a
circulation between villages and towns appears to exist rather than a
simple movement from rural to urban areas (Hugo,1982; Prothero and
Chapman, 1985; Skeldon, 1990)
Ang, J.M., Zeta, M.T., & Baya, J.W. (2018). The Contemporary World: A Text
Manual for the 21st Century Filipino Student. Mindshapers Co., Inc.
[Link]
[Link]
WP_14.pdf
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Skeldon_17.[Link]
Learning Centered and Outcome Based
Activity No. 16
“On Global Population and Mobility”
Name:________________________________ Course/Year:____________________
Direction(s): Travel Write: Write a travel essay on your favorite vacation place. (e.g.
Baguio, Siargao, Camsur, Balisin, El Nido, etc.)
________________________________
(Title)
Learning Centered and Outcome Based
Activity No. 17
“On Global Population and Mobility”
Name:______________________________ Course/Year:_______________
Direction (s): Picture Travel Blog – Take selfie on your most memorable travel
and write a blog on this unforgettable experience.
Learning Centered and Outcome Based
Activity No. 18
“On Global Population and Mobility”
Name:_________________________ Course/Year:____________________
Direction (s): Choose your favorite Global City (e.g. New York, Tokyo, London,
Paris, Barcelona, Seoul, etc.). Post a picture of this global city; write a
descriptive essay on this global city
_______________________________
(Title)
Learning Centered and Outcome Based
Activity No. 19
“On Global Population and Mobility”
Name:___________________________ Course/Year:___________________
Direction (s): Read the lectures on global demography and write a short
position paper on these topic.
______________________________
(Title)