VISUAL RHETORIC IN ENVIRONMENTAL DOCUMENTARIES

by

Claire Ahn

BEd The University of Alberta, 2002

MEd The University of British Columbia, 2013

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

in

THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES

(Language and Literacy Education)

THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

(VANCOUVER)

June 2018

© Claire Ahn, 2018

The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and
Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the dissertation entitled:

Visual rhetoric in environmental documentaries

submitted by Claire Ahn in partial fulfillment of the requirements for

the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

in Faculty of Education, Department of Language and Literacy Education

Examining Committee:

Teresa Dobson, Department of Language and Literacy Education

Co-supervisor

Kedrick James, Department of Language and Literacy Education

Co-supervisor

Carl Leggo, Department of Language and Literacy Education

Supervisory Committee Member

Margaret Early, Department of Language and Literacy Education

University Examiner

Michael Marker, Department of Educational Studies

University Examiner

ii
Abstract

Environmental issues are a growing, global concern. UNESCO (1997) notes the

significant role media has in appealing to audiences to act in sustainable ways. Cox (2013)

specifically remarks upon the powerful role images play in how viewers can perceive the

environment. As we contemplate how best to engage people in reflecting on what it means to

live in a sustainable fashion, it is important that we consider the merits of particular rhetorical

modes in environmental communication and how those approaches may engender concern or

hopelessness, engagement or disengagement. One form of environmental communication that

relies heavily on images, and that is growing in popularity, is documentary film.

My study examines visual rhetorical modes in environmental documentaries and the

types of impact they have on viewers. This study first identifies some dominant visual rhetorical

modes through an extensive literature review and discussion of a variety of environmental

documentary films. The resulting taxonomy of dominant visual rhetorical modes include:

apocalyptic, jeremiad, hopeful, environmental nostalgia, sublime, and environmental melodrama.

To explore how viewers react to visual rhetoric, eleven research participants were asked to view

a sixty-minute compilation of video clips from various environmental documentaries that

employed, to varying degrees, each of the dominant visual rhetorical modes. Using video

annotation software, participants were asked to comment at points they felt to be particular

striking or evocative. Follow-up interviews were conducted for clarification of participants’

annotations. The data collected and analyzed from participants’ annotations and transcribed

interviews revealed that viewers were disengaged with messages of ecological doom. The most

powerful rhetorical effect was observed when participants drew personal connections to content

of particular video clips, which raised their awareness about certain environmental issues.
iii
Lay Summary

Environmental issues are a growing global concern. UNESCO (1997) notes the

significant role media has in appealing to audiences to act in sustainable ways. Cox (2013) also

comments on the increase in environmental communication and, more specifically, the powerful

role images play in how viewers perceive the environment. One form of environmental

communication that is growing in popularity is the documentary film. This study identifies some

dominant visual rhetorical modes used in environmental documentaries and describes which

visual modes most affect the viewers’ awareness and willingness to act in sustainable ways.

iv
Preface

This dissertation is the original intellectual property of the author, Claire Ahn.

The photographs are the property of Claire Ahn, unless otherwise stated.

This study was approved by the University of British Columbia’s Behavioural Research Ethics

Board (UBC BREB Number: H16-00408).

v
Table of Contents

Abstract .........................................................................................................................................iii
Lay Summary................................................................................................................................iv
Preface.............................................................................................................................................v
Table of Contents ..........................................................................................................................vi
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................ix
List of Figures.................................................................................................................................x
Acknowledgements .....................................................................................................................xiii
Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................................................................1
Chapter 2: An Introduction to Environmental Communication ............................................13
2.1 Defining “nature” and “environment” ..............................................................................13
2.2 Silent Spring (1962) and An Inconvenient Truth (2006) ..................................................14
2.3 Environmental issues and perspectives ............................................................................16
2.4 Environmental documentaries and visual imagery...........................................................18
2.5 Literature review...............................................................................................................21
2.6 Research questions and dissertation overview .................................................................26
Chapter 3: The Documentary Film Genre ................................................................................28
3.1 Defining documentary ......................................................................................................28
3.2 “Reality” in documentary film..........................................................................................30
3.3 History of the documentary ..............................................................................................34
3.4 Documentary modes .........................................................................................................42
3.5 Environmental documentaries ..........................................................................................44
3.5.1 Classic nature documentaries ....................................................................................44
3.5.2 The companion environmental documentary ............................................................46
3.5.3 The eco-disaster documentary ...................................................................................48
Chapter 4: Rhetorical Genre Studies.........................................................................................51
4.1 Genre study: Literary approaches .....................................................................................52
4.2 Genre study: Linguistic approaches..................................................................................53
4.3 Rhetorical genre studies....................................................................................................54

vi
 4.4 Implications for environmental documentaries ................................................................56
Chapter 5: Visual Rhetoric in Environmental Documentaries ...............................................61
5.1 Visual rhetoric and the rhetorical tradition .......................................................................62
5.2 The effect(s) of the visual .................................................................................................66
5.3 Visual rhetoric and environmental documentaries ...........................................................67
5.4 Visual rhetorical modes in environmental documentary films.........................................68
5.4.1 The apocalyptic mode................................................................................................68
5.4.2 The jeremiad mode ....................................................................................................69
5.4.3 The hopeful mode ......................................................................................................71
5.4.4 The environmental nostalgia and sublime modes......................................................71
5.4.5 The environmental melodrama mode ........................................................................73
Chapter 6: A Study with Viewers of Environmental Documentaries.....................................75
6.1 Participant recruitment......................................................................................................75
6.2 Procedure ..........................................................................................................................79
6.3 Environmental documentary clips ....................................................................................80
6.3.1 Chasing Ice (2012), Director Jeff Orlowski, 75 minutes...........................................84
6.3.2 Climate Change and the Optimistic Future (2015), GoPro, 4:31 minutes................85
6.3.3 Ashes and Snow (2005), Gregory Colbert, 63 minutes..............................................87
6.3.4 HUMAN (2015), Yann Arthus-Bertrand, 90 minutes ................................................89
6.3.5 Jumbo Wild (2015), Nick Waggoner, 52 minutes .....................................................90
6.3.6 Manufactured Landscapes (2007), Jennifer Baichwal, 86 minutes ..........................91
6.3.7 Our Daily Bread (2005), Nikolaus Geyrhalter, 92 minutes ......................................93
6.3.8 The 11th Hour (2007), Leila Conners and Nadia Conners, 95 minutes ....................94
6.3.9 The Antarctica Challenge: A Global Warning (2009), Mark Terry, 45 minutes ......95
6.3.10 The Cove (2009), Louie Psihoyos, 92 minutes ..........................................................97
6.3.11 The Fisherman’s Son (2015), Chris Malloy, 28:57 ...................................................98
Chapter 7: Data Analysis and Discussion................................................................................101
7.1 Thematic analysis ...........................................................................................................101
7.2 Approach to thematic analysis........................................................................................102
7.3 Analysis and discussion..................................................................................................108

vii
 7.3.1 Overview..................................................................................................................108
7.3.2 Disgust and disconnection: Jeremiad visual rhetorical mode..................................118
7.3.3 Ashes and Snow: Genre expectations ......................................................................129
7.4 Summary of findings ......................................................................................................137
Chapter 8: Conclusion...............................................................................................................141
8.1 Implications ....................................................................................................................141
8.2 Limitations......................................................................................................................143
8.3 Consideration for future studies......................................................................................144
8.4 Final thoughts .................................................................................................................145
References...................................................................................................................................150
Appendices..................................................................................................................................166
Appendix A Participant recruitment and consent form ...........................................................166
Appendix B Sample interview protocol guidelines .................................................................169

viii
List of Tables

Table 5.1 Terms and definitions of visual rhetorical modes in environmental documentaries. ....74

Table 6.1 Participant Overview .....................................................................................................78

Table 6.2 Environmental documentary films and shorts ...............................................................81

Table 7.1 Title of the documentary, length of clip and number of annotations per clip .............105

Table 7.2 Themes and descriptions of participant responses to visual rhetorical modes in the

video compilation. .......................................................................................................................107

Table 7.3 Example of Fran’s annotations ....................................................................................122

ix
List of Figures

Figure 1.1 Long Beach, near Tofino, British Columbia. .................................................................3

Figure 1.2 Bow River, near Banff, Alberta. ....................................................................................4
Figure 1.3 Sang Kap Ahn. South Korea. Personal archives. Used with permission. ......................5
Figure 1.4 Sang Kap Ahn. South Korea. Personal archives. Used with permission. ......................6
Figure 1.5 Claire Ahn. Photograph by Sang Kap Ahn. Used with permission. ..............................7
Figure 1.6 Screenshot of a scene from Chasing Ice (2012), 3:41....................................................9
Figure 2.1 NASA Google+ Hangout: ‘Earthrise’ A New Visualization - 45th Anniversary of
Apollo 8 Viewing Earth from Space (c) NASA Goddard Space Flight Centre from Greenbelt,
MD, USA, used under CC-BY-2.0................................................................................................19
Figure 3.1 Polar bear (urus maritimus) in the drift ice region north of Svalbard (c) Andreas
Weith, used under CC-BY-SA-4.0. ...............................................................................................32
Figure 3.2 Screenshot of a polar bear logo by advertising company Grey London. .....................33
Figure 3.3 The horse in motion 1878 (c) Eadweard Muybridge, digital archives of Library of
Congress. Used under Public Domain. ..........................................................................................35
Figure 3.4 Leopard seal. Photograph by Paul Nicklen and SeaLegacy (c). Used with permission.
.......................................................................................................................................................48
Figure 5.1 Dead tress. Unknown photographer, used under CC 1.0 Universal Public Domain....69
Figure 5.2 Screenshot of a scene from Manufactured Landscapes (2006), 24:00. .......................70
Figure 5.3 Jökulsárlón, Iceland. Photograph by Dr. Justin Ahn. Used with permission. An
example of the sublime visual rhetorical mode. ............................................................................72
Figure 6.1 Screenshot of a scene from Chasing Ice (2012), 4:07..................................................84
Figure 6.2 Screenshot of different landscape scenes from Climate Change and the Optimistic
Future (2015).................................................................................................................................86
Figure 6.3 Screenshot of a scene from Ashes and Snow (2005), 4:19...........................................87
Figure 6.4 Screenshot of a scene from HUMAN (2015), 7:18.......................................................89
Figure 6.5 Screenshot of a scene from Jumbo Wild (2015), 0:36..................................................91
Figure 6.6 Screenshot of a scene from Manufactured Landscapes (2006), 3:55. .........................92
Figure 6.7 Screenshot of a scene from Our Daily Bread (2005), 7:42..........................................94

x
Figure 6.8 Screenshots of scenes depicting jeremiad visual rhetoric from The 11th Hour (2007).
.......................................................................................................................................................95
Figure 6.9 Screenshot of a scene from The Antarctica Challenge: A Global Warning (2009),
0:21. ...............................................................................................................................................96
Figure 6.10 Screenshot of a scene from The Cove (2009), 60:07..................................................97
Figure 6.11 Screenshot of a scene from The Fisherman's Son (2015), 7:54. ................................99
Figure 7.1 Visualization of participant annotations in the entire video compilation. Red triangles
indicate unique annotations. ........................................................................................................104
Figure 7.2 Screenshot of a scene Laura responded to from Climate Change and the Optimistic
Future (2015)...............................................................................................................................109
Figure 7.3 Screenshots of the sequence of scenes Nicole commented on from The 11th Hour
(2007), 36:28................................................................................................................................111
Figure 7.4 Screenshot of a scene Martin responded to from Jumbo Wild (2007), 26:43. ...........112
Figure 7.5 Screenshot of a scene Fran responded to from The Fisherman's Son (2015), 59:25. 114
Figure 7.6 Screenshots of the scene(s) Lori responded to from Climate Change and the
Optimistic Future (2015), 2:59. ...................................................................................................116
Figure 7.7 Screenshot of a scene Betty responded to from Climate Change and the Optimistic
Future (2015)...............................................................................................................................116
Figure 7.8 Screenshot of a scene Brian responded to from HUMAN (2015), 18:13. ..................117
Figure 7.9 Screenshot of a scene Fran responded to from Our Daily Bread (2005), 31:42........119
Figure 7.10 Screenshot of a scene Betty and Finn referred to from Our Daily Bread (2005),
32:42. ...........................................................................................................................................121
Figure 7.11 Screenshot of a scene many participants responded to from The Cove (2009), 53:57.
.....................................................................................................................................................124
Figure 7.12 Screenshot of a scene Betty commented on from The Cove (2009), 54:36. ............127
Figure 7.13 Screenshot of a scene from Ashes and Snow (2015), 10:34.....................................130
Figure 7.14 Screenshot of a scene Fran commented on from Ashes and Snow (2015), 11:11....133
Figure 7.15 Screenshot of a scene Fran commented on from Ashes and Snow (2015), 12:02....133
Figure 7.16 Screenshot of a scene Finn referred to from Ashes and Snow (2015), 7:56.............135
Figure 7.17 Screenshot of a scene Peter commented on from Ashes and Snow (2015), 12:29. ..136

xi
Figure 8.1 Polar bear. Photograph by Cristina Mittermeier and SeaLegacy (c). Used with
permission....................................................................................................................................145
Figure 8.2 Seoraksan National Park, South Korea. .....................................................................148

xii
Acknowledgements

I extend my thanks to my supervisory committee for their ongoing support, guidance and
patience. To Dr. Teresa Dobson. I am eternally grateful for your mentorship. Thank you for
pushing me to become the researcher-educator that I have become.

Dr. Kedrick James—I am thankful to have had you as my Master’s advisor and now as my co-
advisor. It has been an incredible journey! Your encouragement of my research and other areas
of academia have been invaluable. I am forever grateful.

Dr. Carl Leggo—I am thankful for the lessons I learned as a graduate student from you: to find
my voice in my writing, to dare to be creative, to take risks, and to embrace slow scholarship. I
am also indebted for the many opportunities I have had to work with you on various academic
pursuits. Thank you.

To my family—my mother and my father—for supporting my sudden career change, for

encouraging me, for believing in me. To my brother, Dr. Justin Ahn, for his support, but also
reminding me that life is short and to not sweat the small stuff.

I would like to thank the Social Sciences and Humanities Research of Canada Doctoral
Fellowship and UBC’s Jean MacDonald Graduate Fellowship for their generous support.

To the Department of Language and Literacy Education for all your support on so many different
levels. Thank you to Dr. Anthony Paré whose door is always open. To the office staff: thank you
for your patience and assistance. Special thanks to Christopher Fernandez for taking the time to
just chat, especially on those days when I really needed it. An extended thank you to Dr. Patsy
Duff and Dr. Steven Talmy. If I had not taken your classes when I did, I do not know where I
would be right now.

Thank you to all my friends, colleagues and peers—near and far—who have been such an
integral part of this journey through provisions of strength, support, inspiring conversations, and
sage advice. Special thanks to: Christine Bridge, Ernesto Peña, Natalia Balyasnikova, Anar
Rajabali, and Abby Wener Herlin.

xiii
Chapter 1: Introduction

This dissertation explores questions about visual rhetoric and viewer response to visual

rhetoric in environmental documentaries. Here I offer a prelude to the work that provides a sense

of how I came to the topic and my positioning as researcher-educator.

My inspiration for this study emerged from my interest in and passion for film—not just

as a viewer, but also as an educator. My Master’s thesis focused on the pedagogical value of

teaching narrative film in secondary English classrooms. I argued for critical analysis of film;

specifically, how inviting students to examine single shots or montages can help develop visual

literacy skills and hone the traditional analytical skills curricular documents and educators deem

significant. I wished to extend my work and expertise with film in my doctoral studies, but

initially struggled to narrow the topic.

An increasing global interest as I commenced my doctoral studies was, and continues to

be, environmentalism: How do people learn about the environment? What influences their

environmental attitudes? What are the best mechanisms for promoting environmentalism? In the

context of a study group on this subject guided by one of my advisors, I became particularly

interested in the role film might play in relation to these questions. I prepared a literature review

and watched many environmental documentaries. I also enrolled in two environmental education

classes. In both classes, however, I felt like an imposter. I did not identify as an

“environmentalist” and I questioned my authenticity in researching the influence of

environmental documentary film. It was not until I had two serendipitous experiences that I

finally felt a connection to my topic.

1
Thinking about the past . . .

In A Sand County Almanac and Sketches Here and There, Aldo Leopold (1949) reflects

on a hunting excursion and vividly recounts a significant moment in his life:

I reached the old wolf in time to watch a fierce green fire dying in her eyes. I realized

then, and have known ever since, that there was something new to me in those eyes—

something known only to her and to the mountain. I was young then, and full of trigger-

itch; I thought that because fewer wolves meant more deer, that no wolves would mean

hunters’ paradise. But after seeing the green fire die, I sensed that neither the wolf nor the

mountain agree with such a view. (para. 5)

According to Knapp (2005), people develop a deeper awareness of the environment through their

experiences: “it is a way to ‘re-member’ participants who feel dismembered from the physical

context of their immediate worlds and for them to ‘remember’ earlier positive contacts with

nature” (p. 278). Environmental scholars and activists (e.g., Carson, 2012; Leopold, 1949; Sobel,

1998) argue that to motivate people to protect the environment they must be connected, or re-

connected, to a specific locale. For Leopold, it was the event of witnessing the “fierce green fire”

dying out of the wolf’s eyes. I too had a similarly significant moment.

My re-connective experience to a local environment was during an intensely reflexive

moment staring out at the ocean in Long Beach near Tofino, British Columbia.

2
Figure 1.1 Long Beach, near Tofino, British Columbia.

During that moment smelling the salt air and feeling the cool wind against my skin, I realized it

had been a very long time since I had been in a natural environment. It was the silence that got

me. The peace. I could feel my body disentangling and releasing tensions. I could not believe

how relaxed I felt, how I did not want to move from that spot. And the view: endless water

rolling in waves onto a beach in a natural rhythm, blue sky with wisps of white clouds reflected

in the clear water. I had never seen something so beautifully calming. I realized I had been

neglecting the wondrous natural world that existed at my very doorstep. It was also at this

moment that I began to reflect on my own connection to nature. What was my place of

connection? Where and with whom did this connection start? Through much contemplation and

reflection I realized much of my connection to nature was because of my father.

In his youth, my father was an avid mountain climber in South Korea. He told stories of

his adventures, of times when he stood on the edge of a mountain looking out at the vast

landscape that was his home; stories of succumbing to extreme frostbite while climbing through

the snow to build shelters and scaling up frozen waterfalls; warm recollections of befriending

climbers from other countries; tranquil memories of just breathing in the forest air and escaping

3
the busy city life. My father has a great kinship with the mountains. Even to this day, in his early

seventies, when he sees pictures of mountains, clips or movies about a certain mountain range,

he is mesmerized and begins to tell stories of his mountaineering youth. My father, a man of few

words, cannot stop talking when it comes to his connection to the mountains.

At the ripe age of one, while I was still wobbling around trying to maintain my balance

on two feet, my parents took me camping. And, every year, for as long as I can remember, my

family and I went camping in and around the Rocky Mountains in Alberta. I remember looking

forward to the first camping trip of the year (always on the May long weekend) and looking

forward to more travels as the summer months approached. Because of my father and my

camping experiences, my favourite places are Banff and Canmore, Alberta, where I feel the

Rocky Mountains are revealed in their greatest majesty.

Figure 1.2 Bow River, near Banff, Alberta.

I had not thought about these moments in a very long time until I sat on Long Beach. I was

saddened to have neglected this very important part of my past. I wondered at what point I had

lost my sense of wonder, curiosity, and willingness to be outdoors, to connect with nature and be

4
immersed in the grandeur of the mountains. Perhaps it was a coincidence, or serendipity, that this

reflective moment and my visit to Long Beach occurred on a May long weekend. I quickly jotted

some of these thoughts in my notebook, the words forming together naturally as a poem.

The Past:

My father.
Lover of music,
bands like:
Dave Clark 5
The Beatles
The Rolling Stones.
Producer of music,
a quiet lyricist,
whose songs
are still sung
over many campfires
at dusk
in forests
nestled in the mountains
of South Korea.

Adventurous mountaineer:
trekking through tough terrain,
fingers and toes
searching,
g r a s p i n g
for crevices
in the mountain walls.

Figure 1.3 Sang Kap Ahn. South Korea. Personal archives. Used with permission.

5
Stories of
tactfully scaling
frozen waterfalls;
digging in the snow,
making shelters to

survive.

Photos of him
sitting
on the
edge
of a mountain,
calm,
tranquil,
in his element,
overlooking the vast
and wondrous
beauty of nature.

Figure 1.4 Sang Kap Ahn. South Korea. Personal archives. Used with permission.

This is what I know

to be true
about my father:
one who is in love
with the mountains,
of being outdoors,
hiking, climbing,
breathing in the air,
and feeling free.
6
My Past:
I was a wee little one,
too young to be left alone,
with a pink barrette in my hair,
red flannel shirt,
dark jeans rolled up into
tiny bundles.
Pictures of me,
hoisted on my father’s back,
my mother along side us,
walking through forests,
exposed to fresh air,
camping with
good food and
friends who
became more like family.

My father’s
interests
and love for
nature
was planted in me,
and germinated into a
young seedling.

Yet . . .

Figure 1.5 Claire Ahn. Photograph by Sang Kap Ahn. Used with permission.

7
My present:
Where has this
relationship with nature
gone?
I wonder now . . .

Where has my
fearlessness and
wonder
resided?
Perhaps to the
deep,
dark
crevices of the mountains,
where to remember and
become
re-membered,
I must once again,
go back to that
place
where I
frolicked freely,
questioned curiously,
and enjoyed
the calm
the peace
the wondrousness of it all.

The connection …

After this reflective moment at Long Beach, I was still grappling with many questions,

and with narrowing the focus for my study. As I continued with coursework, I was also in the

midst of watching environmental documentaries. They all seemed the same to me. They all

followed a similar format: introduction of the problem, the backstory leading up to the problem,

how to solve the problem, or what will happen if the problem is not solved. But amongst the

repetitious cycle, there was one documentary that really struck me, that challenged me to think

about the environment and my role in and impact on this world. The documentary was Chasing

Ice (Aronson & Orlowski, 2012).

8
 I was immediately drawn in and mesmerized by the imagery. This was the first

environmental documentary I had come across that focused on images and offered little human

narration or music. I immediately connected to the images of the ice: the stunning time-lapse

photography and video recordings of massive glaciers covering an immense area of land and

reaching heights as tall as or even taller than skyscrapers.

[Figure 1.6 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Chasing Ice (2012) showing an image of a glacier. Original source: Aronson, J. (Producer) &

Orlowksi, J. (Director). (2012). Chasing ice [Documentary]. United States: Exposure.]

Figure 1.6 Screenshot of a scene from Chasing Ice (2012), 3:41.

I was in awe and curious as to how this documentary was able to draw me in with such visual

imagery. This documentary left me speechless, in wonder at the beauty of nature, and

contemplating the consequences of what might be lost. I thought back to my moment at Long

Beach, of my experiences camping in the mountains, of my father, and what it would mean if we

remained complacent about the current state of the environment. I was devastated. Everything

clicked. To have personally experienced a profound moment of change was just the beginning. If

I could have such a powerful, evocative reaction to the images in an environmental documentary,

what kind of responses might such visuals evoke in others? What kinds of reactions do people

have to certain kinds of images, and are they then inclined to act in more sustainable ways after

witnessing them? As more and more people receive information about the environment through

media, what will happen if they are no longer engaged by what they see? Might seeing too many

images of destruction of the natural environment lead to desensitization? Is it only fear of loss—

9
not regret for damage done—that changes the way we act and urges us toward sustainable

living?

A realization . . .

These two moments near the beginning of my doctoral journey made a significant impact

not only on my study, but also on my life. I have started to become much more conscious of the

waste I throw away and of what I can and cannot recycle. I now make an effort to bring my own

mug and pack my lunches in glass containers. I realize the impact I have on my own

microcosmic world and how my actions can make a mark on the larger world. To preserve the

natural places I hold so dear to my heart, I need to do something. We all need to do something,

and we should start doing it today.

At this time early in my doctoral work, I also learned about my feeling of connection to

animals. For example, when I was reviewing documentary clips for inclusion in my study, I

came across video footage uploaded by a research team from the Department of Oceanography at

Texas A&M University. They encountered a large sea turtle near Costa Rica that had a ten to

twelve centimeter straw lodged up its nostril. This eight-minute video is excruciating to watch:

as the team attempts to help the turtle, viewers can see the turtle squeezing its eyes, apparently in

extreme pain as blood starts to drip down its nose. Tears were welling up in my eyes. I could not

watch, and so I forwarded the video to the end to find out if the team was successful in removing

the straw. They were. Still tears form in my eyes when I recall the visual of the turtle in pain

because of a small piece of plastic that was not disposed of properly. From this video, other

documentaries, and my classes, I have a newfound appreciation for animals—all animals, and

especially birds.

10
I was

afraid

of the unknown,
of birds staring at me
with their
beady
little
eyes.
Black circles,
judging me,
ready to swoop down
and attack me,
to validate
the evilness of birds.

But now,
I have come to realize that
all creatures, no matter how
small or
scary or
strange
are similar to me.
Have the same
desires and
needs
as
me.

That
we are the same,
Crows, ravens and I.

I have gained a
respect
for crows,
who mate for life,
who have
an astounding memory,
(probably better than my own)
who protect,
and who fiercely defend.

When will we realize,

we are the same,
we need each other
to survive . . .

11
 These personal epiphanies caused me to realize what I could bring, aside from my

expertise in film education, to a study about environmental film in education. I am reminded of

South African environmental activist, Wangari Maathai, who in the documentary Dirt! The

Movie (Benenson, Rosow & Dailly, 2009) tells the story of a hummingbird. There is a forest fire.

All the animals are watching helplessly at the edge of the fire except for the hummingbird. This

hummingbird fills its beak at a stream, flies back and drops a tiny bead of water onto the fire. It

does this over and over again while the bigger animals watch. They say to the hummingbird:

“What do you think you can do? You are too little. This fire is too big! Your wings are too little!

And your beak is so small!” Without being discouraged, the little hummingbird turns to the

animals and says: “I am doing the best that I can.” It is with my own passion and expertise in

media, film, visual literacy and visual rhetoric that I am able to contribute to research concerning

environmental issues by exploring how visual rhetorical modes in environmental documentaries

affect viewers’ awareness and understanding of environmental issues.

12
Chapter 2: An Introduction to Environmental Communication

As noted earlier, this thesis is about visual rhetoric in environmental documentaries. In

this chapter I define terms, offer an introduction to key influences and debates in environmental

education, and then undertake a detailed literature review. The purpose of the overview section

that discusses two influential texts—Silent Spring (1962) and An Inconvenient Truth (2006)—is

to provide context in regards to environmental communication and audience reception.

Subsequently, I acknowledge opposing perspectives about environmental issues and situate the

focus of this dissertation in respect to such issues. A discussion of the role of images in

environmental documentaries then leads to a literature review on this topic. The chapter

concludes with the research questions.

2.1 Defining “nature” and “environment”

Terms such as “nature” and “environment,” which will be used in this dissertation, are

complex. Within the context of environmental research, one could argue “nature” and

“environment” have been used interchangeably to the point that they are almost viewed as

synonymous (Clark, 2011). Clark (2011) observes: “in the limited sense of places unaffected by

human activity there is no ‘nature’ as such left on the planet, but there are various

‘environments’ some more pristine than others” (p. 6). The way in which some describe nature

or environment as being “pristine,” as Clark does here, is also complicated. In fact, according to

Luke (1997), “nature” is “no longer a vast realm of unknown, unmanageable, or uncontrollable

wild nonhuman activity … nature is turning into ‘Denature’. Much of the earth is a ‘built

environment’, a ‘planned habitat’, or ‘managed range’ (p. 195). Williams (1993) further attests

that “nature” is perhaps one of the “most complex word[s] in the [English] language” (p. 176). I

would add that the same holds true for “environment.” While acknowledging the complexities of
13
the terms “nature” and “environment,” for the purposes of this study I define “nature” as being

“the phenomena of the physical world, collectively, including plants, animals, the landscape, and

other features and products of the earth, as opposed to humans or human creations” (Nature,

n.d.). I define “environment” as “the surroundings or conditions in which a person, animal, or

plant lives or operates” (Environment, n.d.).

2.2 Silent Spring (1962) and An Inconvenient Truth (2006)

Environmental issues continue be a global concern, and information on the subject is

distributed through various forms of media such as print, film, and television. Some of these

texts can have a profound effect on viewers. Historically, two influential texts that raised

awareness about how environmental issues may impact people were Rachel Carson’s (1962)

book Silent Spring and the documentary An Inconvenient Truth (Bender & Guggenheim, 2006).

Silent Spring informs readers of the dangers of the chemicals used in pesticides—danger

both to the environment and to people. Carson’s (1962) book was immensely popular in the

1960s, and is still considered a key text because it engages readers with content that is relevant

even fifty years later. The book informs people about chemicals used in pesticides and their

effect on soil, water, people, and other organisms. However, rather than relying on scientific

jargon, Carson writes the book as a narrative. The book, while factual, reads like a novel. It

demonstrates how Carson’s “use of imagery and emotion is almost perfectly judged” (Radford,

2011, para. 6), and how she is able to let the text present itself, allowing readers to draw their

own opinions and conclusions. This may have been one of the reasons Silent Spring was so well

received and why it raised people’s awareness about the use of synthetic pesticides, such as

dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT) (Radford, 2011). This awareness, and the resulting

outcry against the use of DDT, helped establish the US Environmental Protection Agency in
14
1970, which banned DDT in the US in 1972 (Paull, 2013). Silent Spring was and continues to be

an influential text, and may have been one of the first to introduce the various symbiotic

relationships between the land and pesticides, and the long-lasting effects of the latter. Silent

Spring is considered to be “one of the most effective books ever written” (Radford, 2011, para.

11). In terms of its impact on environmental activism:

If you had to choose one text by one person as the cornerstone of the conservation

movement, the signal for politically savvy environmental activism, and the beacon of

worldwide lay awareness of ecological systems, Silent Spring would be most people’s

clear choice. Its impact was immediate, far-reaching and ultimately life-enhancing.

(Radford, 2011, para. 3)

After his term ended in 2001, Al Gore, former Vice President of the United States and avid

environmentalist, commenced a lecture tour on the topic of climate change. These lectures

became the basis for the documentary, An Inconvenient Truth (Bender & Guggenheim, 2006).

The director, David Guggenheim, showcases some of Gore’s lectures. Although it is not without

criticism, one might argue this documentary helped to move environmental issues from complex

ideas to providing accessible explanations of information around climate change. Gore is able to

deliver his argument

without being patronizing, boring or dry. He mixes in jokes . . . to keep you going

between the beautiful but terrifying pictures of melting glaciers and disappearing forests.

And the science is laid out flawlessly . . . [he] lays out the evidence piece by

comprehensible piece to build a conclusion that’s hard to fault. (O’Hara, 2006, para. 3)

The documentary combines the use of science with elements of Gore’s personal narrative. An

Inconvenient Truth also informs audiences of how people have caused environmental
15
devastation, while at the same time showing how people can also be a part of the solution. This

documentary moved environmental issues from complex scientific perspectives and toward

being about moral responsibility. It invited viewers to be part of the conversation to contribute to

possible solutions (Johnston, 2013). The documentary “stands as a prototype of activist

filmmaking” (Hachard, 2014, para. 3). An Inconvenient Truth, much like Carson’s (1962) Silent

Spring, had a “much greater impact on public opinion and public awareness of global climate

change than any scientific paper or report” (Cook, 2016, para. 4).

Both of these texts had a major impact on people regarding particular environmental

issues in part because they framed the issues in a powerful persuasive manner. Rhetoric about

environmental issues can have a profound effect as demonstrated by Silent Spring and An

Inconvenient Truth.

2.3 Environmental issues and perspectives

In 2015, over 190 nations gathered to discuss and ratify the Paris Agreement on climate

change at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The

world’s first universal climate change agreement outlines the commitment between participating

countries to limit the increase in the average global temperature to less than two degrees Celsius,

to provide aid to developing nations to combat climate change, to reduce greenhouse gasses, and

to be carbon neutral by the year 2050 (Walters, 2015). But, as scientists and international leaders

lean towards building a more promising environmental future, informing most people about

these issues and encouraging them to act in more eco-conscious ways is a particular challenge.

It is difficult to educate about environmental issues because there are a great number of

issues to consider, and they are often abstract and difficult to understand. Further, there are many

different perspectives that people must consider. Globally, most political leaders and scientists
16
are working towards solutions to combat many different environmental issues. However, much

scepticism and abundant counter-arguments still exist. Robert Muller, a physics professor at

Stanford University, was doubtful about results from various studies examining climate change.

This motivated him to conduct his own studies, which resulted in a reversal of his beliefs

(Muller, 2012). At the same time, however, he stated: “I still find that much, if not most, of what

is attributed to climate change is speculative, exaggerated or just plain wrong. I’ve analyzed

some of the most alarmist claims, and my scepticism about them hasn’t changed” (Muller, 2012,

para. 8). Nevertheless, Muller (2012) did believe humans were the cause of climate change, and

acknowledged the need to find solutions.

When the documentary film Gasland (Fox, 2010) was released, it raised people’s

awareness about hydraulic fracturing (Bogdan Vasi, 2018). But there was an equal amount of

protest against the documentary and support for hydraulic fracturing. In 2012, some US natural

gas corporations banded together to fund the documentary Truthland (Energy In Depth, 2012).

Truthland centres on a teacher who was sceptical about the claims made in Gasland. It follows

her on a quest to answer questions, such as allegations made about secret chemicals in water

supplies. Truthland claims to reveal correct information about hydraulic fracturing, and about

how the process is not harmful to people or to the environment.

Fracknation (Alberstat & McAleer, 2013) was also released to rebuke the ideas presented

in Gasland. The inspiration for this documentary came from a moment when journalist (and

producer of Fracknation) Phelim McAleer confronted Josh Fox, director of Gasland, about a

scene in Fox’s documentary. The scene depicts a farmer running water from the kitchen tap and

lighting it on fire. According to Fox (2010), this scene helps demonstrate the high quantity of

methane in the water, caused by hydraulic fracturing. McAleer, conversely, claims that high
17
levels of methane gas existed in water supplies before the introduction of hydraulic fracturing.

McAleer created a documentary countering Fox’s perspective. Like Truthland, Fracknation also

provides a more positive outlook on the benefits of hydraulic fracturing. McAleer, in partnership

with another journalist, Ann McElhinney, also directed a film, Not Evil, Just Wrong (2009), that

denies climate change as a response to An Inconvenient Truth (Bender & Guggenheim, 2006).

There are numerous examples of people and of texts countering claims related to various

environmental issues. For the purpose of this study, I focus solely on those documentaries calling

attention to, and trying to combat, our environmental issues and problems. However, it is

important to acknowledge that there are multiple perspectives to any issue, and people are

constantly receiving varying and often contradictory information about the environment through

the media.

2.4 Environmental documentaries and visual imagery

Over two decades ago, UNESCO (1997) noted the significant role media has in appealing

to audiences to act in sustainable ways. More recently, Cox (2013) observed the increase in

environmental communication depicting a sense of urgency and, more specifically, the powerful

role images play in how viewers perceive the environment. Environmental communication

“helps construct or compose representations of nature and environmental problems as subject for

our understanding” (Cox 2013, p. 19). Environmental issues are social-symbolic constructions of

the environment whereby the environment becomes “something we know, at least partly, through

language and other symbols” (Cox 2013, p. 62).

Among these symbols, images can have a very powerful rhetorical effect because they

can represent complex ideas that may be otherwise difficult to understand (Gold & Revill, 2004).

According to Kitchell (2012), the “consciousness changer” with regards to the use of images in
18
promoting environmental awareness was one of the first photographs of Earth from space. The

juxtaposition of the blue and green Earth against the grey moon helped viewers realize the

importance of protecting the Earth (Kitchell, 2012).

Figure 2.1 NASA Google+ Hangout: ‘Earthrise’ A New Visualization - 45th Anniversary of Apollo 8 Viewing
Earth from Space (c) NASA Goddard Space Flight Centre from Greenbelt, MD, USA, used under CC-BY-
2.0.

This image of Earth from space, later titled “Earthrise,” became one of the most “influential

photographs ever taken” (NASA, 2012, para. 19). The employment of images to represent

complex issues is designed “to awaken public consciousness over misuse of the environment and

shape … communications to create and reinforce that message” (Gold & Revill, 2004, p. 3). The

selective use and representational patterns of certain images, resulting in a collection of pictures

frequently used in many forms of environmental communication, suggests a higher degree of

appeal of particular images over others (Gold & Revill, 2004).

19
 One form of environmental communication that is growing in popularity is the

documentary film. Historically, the documentary has been used to educate people about various

issues and events, and will be discussed further in Chapter 3. The documentary genre seems to

have endured and, in recent years, seems to have “increased its popularity, redefining itself as a

type of connector or creative hub among vast fields of media activity” (Kara & Marcus, 2016, p.

1). Advancements in technology have directly influenced the kinds of documentaries filmmakers

are able to produce, which continuously alters and advances the genre (Kara & Marcus, 2016;

Nichols, 2016).

All documentaries are rhetorical because they address audiences with a specific point of

view (Murray & Heumann, 2014) and offer the “best available means of persuasion in a given

situation” (Hackley, 2012, p. 4). Environmental documentaries implement a variety of rhetorical

modes, such as oral narration and the use of music, which also act persuasively on audiences

(Cox, 2013). This study, however, will focus on how documentary images impact viewers, with

attention to the complexities of how a viewer’s prior experiences and predispositions

contextualize their interpretation of and/or reaction to what they are viewing.

The purposeful use of certain kinds of visuals in environmental documentaries helps

shape people’s perceptions and understanding of environmental issues (Cox, 2013). Given the

significance of such perspectives and the growth of documentary media as an important source

of information, the ways in which people respond to visual rhetorical modes in environmental

documentaries deserves scholarly attention. Yet, there appears to be a lack of detailed analysis of

visual rhetoric in relation to how documentary genres promote and sustain environmental

awareness, as the following literature review of studies exploring various forms of environmental

communication demonstrates.
20
2.5 Literature review

Many studies explore how different forms of media communicate environmental issues

(e.g., Bell, 1994; Boykoff, 2007; Brüggemann & Engesser, 2017; Carmichael & Brulle, 2016;

Carmichael, Brulle & Huxster, 2017; Lowe, 2006; Nissani, 1999; Swain, 2012; Weingart, Engels

& Pansegrau, 2000). The collection of chapters in Climate Change and the Media (2009), for

example, explores ways in which various forms of media worldwide convey issues of climate

change. Some studies reported on how different media outlets (e.g., newspaper, television news)

in the US have been unsuccessful in effectively reporting on climate change (Boykoff, 2007;

Swain, 2012) because the media “often frames climate change mitigation as a dynamic and

contested issue within intersecting realms of policy, science and the public” (Swain, 2012, p.

162). Consequently, many people are likely to disconnect from media coverage of environmental

issues that are heavily framed within a scientific, political or business perspective (Nissani, 1999;

Swain, 2012). Other research has revealed viewers tend to disassociate with news coverage of

environmental issues because of inconsistencies in reporting (Bell, 1994; Nissani, 1999; Swain,

2012) and a lack of balanced news coverage (Boykoff, 2007). The commonality among these

studies and others exploring audience reception with regards to a specific form of media is a

focus on oral and written rhetoric, with apparently less attention to the visual.

That said, some studies do examine visual rhetoric. Nissani (1999), for example,

examined visual rhetoric and perception of the greenhouse effect; however, this study focused

solely on print images. DiFrancesco and Young (2010) conducted a content analysis of images

used in two national Canadian newspapers, The Globe and Mail and The National Post. They

examined the combination of image and text, arguing that “images alone . . . fail to tell the whole

story” (p. 524). Visuals used in environmental communication can have a powerful, persuasive
21
impact on viewers (Cox, 2013). According to Swain (2012), images “tend to be more compelling

than logic or explanation within a media text” (p. 169), and they often “link to individuals’

everyday emotions and concerns in the context of climate change issues” (p. 187). The use of

visuals is essential in raising awareness about environmental issues because they can reduce

“complexity by providing interpretative frames or narratives that selectively blend fact and

emotion . . . which suggests that visual imagery potentially has a strong role in public

understanding of climate change” (DiFrancesco & Young, 2010, p. 518, emphasis in original).

For example, Smith and Joffe (2012) asked participants to report their thoughts or feelings about

global warming and found that participants’ first thoughts were in keeping with the dominant

images depicted in the British Press, such as “melting ice caps, stranded polar bears, and flooded

landscapes” (p. 18).

Other studies focus on visual media as a stand-alone method of communication. One

study, for example, examined the covers of Time magazine from 1923 to 2011 and explored how

environmental issues were visualized and how frequently this occurred (Meisner & Takahashi,

2013). They found the number of covers related to environmental issues increased within the last

decade of their study. However, Meisner and Takahashi (2013) also found that while it appears

as though Time recognized the importance of environmental issues, the arguments included in

the magazine were weak, offered few solutions to readers, and employed, what the authors

believed, to be disengaging visual imagery. Other studies examined visuals used by activists in

their campaigns (Cozen, 2013) or explored images used to legitimize the production of fossil

fuels (Takach, 2013). Ventura, Frisio, Ferrazzi, and Siletti (2016) acknowledge the limited

number of studies exploring visual communication. They conducted a study examining the kinds

of pictures resulting from a Google search on genetically modified organisms, analyzing the
22
images shown and in what order they appeared. They found that the results on the first page of a

Google search often yielded more fearful information. Peeples (2013) focused on visual

representation of the toxin Agent Orange in news and popular media during and after the

Vietnam War, and Barnett (2015) examined visual rhetoric of “toxic portraits” (p. 405). Linder

(2006) investigated visual representations of climate change in advertising. Remillard (2011)

examined a photographic essay of the Canadian oil sands in National Geographic Magazine,

focussing on how environmental risk is communicated through visuals and the tensions between

the notions of nature-as-sublime and nature-as-resource. After an analysis of the images,

Remillard (2011) argues that people’s awareness and motivations to act might not be affected by

images associated with environmental risk. While examining static images, these studies do not

specifically explore the different kinds of visual rhetorical modes, or investigate participants’

responses.

Some studies do consider participants’ responses. Covi and Kain (2016) conducted a

study with participants regarding their understanding of sea-level rise risk in the regional and

local documentation of several coastal cities in the US. Many of the documents in the study were

in print form and images were comprised of graphs and maps that most participants found

difficult to read and comprehend. The print images used in this study could be categorized as

scientific in nature (e.g., illustrations, charts, graphs, maps). Sarge, VanDyke, King, and White

(2015) explored visual framing of hydraulic fracturing, participants’ understanding of the

process, and whether or not they supported the practice. As noted earlier, Smith and Joffe (2012)

asked participants to record their thoughts and feelings about global warming, but Smith and

Joffe did not specifically examine the different kinds of rhetoric used and how participants

reacted to different visual rhetorical modes. In contrast, O’Neill and Nicholson-Cole (2009)
23
explored how still images depicting terrifying scenes of destruction of natural environments

affected participants with regards to how they personally connected to the images, and whether

or not participants were motivated to act in more eco-conscious ways. This study found that

participants generally did not find frightening images to be persuasive; rather, these images left

the participants feeling “fearful, depressed, scared or distressed at the thought of climate change”

(O’Neill & Nicholson-Cole, 2009, p. 369). Many studies in the field of environmental

communication have examined the use of images, but they often focused on still images and on

the analysis of the images instead of exploring viewer response. There is a need for research to

explore how viewers respond to moving images and visual rhetorical modes (Lowe, 2006;

O’Neill & Nicholson-Cole, 2009; Smith & Joffe, 2012).

One area of research within environmental communication that is lacking involves

examination of images used in environmental documentaries. Aaltonen (2014) examined three

environmental documentaries: An Inconvenient Truth, the 2006 documentary discussed earlier

that follows former presidential candidate Al Gore’s efforts to raise people’s awareness of

environmental issues; Not Evil, Just Wrong, a 2009 documentary denying the issues of global

warming; and Recipes for Disaster, a 2008 documentary that follows the director and his family

living without using oil for a year. Aaltonen (2014) conducted a thorough rhetorical analysis

based on Aristotle’s notion of rhetoric by examining the use of logos (logic, argumentation),

pathos (emotional appeal) and ethos (ethics, or credibility). However, the study focused on

verbal rhetoric and did not examine other rhetorical modes. Nosal, Keenan, Hastings and Gneezy

(2016) explored the representation of sharks in documentaries and investigated how viewers

responded to the use of music. Yet, again, there was limited discussion of the impact of visual

images. Some have explored how Hollywood films portray environmental issues (Murray &
24
Heumann, 2014; Starosielski, 2013), but did not specifically explore visual rhetoric. Others

explored environmental documentary films, but did not explicitly examine the role of visual

rhetoric either (Ladino, 2013; Murray & Heumann, 2014; Starosielski, 2013; Vivanco, 2013).

Very few of the studies noted here considered participant responses.

While discussed in more detail in the following chapters, little of the literature on

environmental communication situates the research within a rhetorical genre studies (RGS)

framework. Scholars in the field of RGS recognize the impact of textual regularities (such as the

use of visual rhetorical modes) on patterns of human activity (Freedman & Artemeva, 2008;

Freedman & Medway, 1994; Paré & Smart, 1994; Schryer, 1994). RGS recognizes “genre” as a

form of social action (Miller, 1984), and examines how particular genres and their

representational patterns can affect people. In the case of this study, examining environmental

documentaries through a RGS lens will contribute to an understanding of how the documentary

genre can create meaning and influence viewers. McLuhan (1964) notes how “the ‘medium is

the message’ because it is the medium that shapes and controls the scale and form of human

association and action” (p. 24). Bazerman (2010) also notes how genres help to shape people’s

thoughts and habits of communication. Documentaries have the ability to “help sensitize

consumers of documentaries to the ways in which celluloid rhetoric works upon and through

particular cultures . . . ‘massaging’ the consumer’s sensibilities and even altering thought

patterns” (Gronbeck, 1978, p. 140). In using the term “massage” here, Gronbeck is drawing on

Fiore and McLuhan (1967), who wrote about how media “massages” consumer sensibilities.

Although the platforms for documentary production and mobilization have radically changed in

the forty years since Gronbeck made this observation, the notion of how rhetoric “massages”

(McLuhan, 1964) consumer sensibilities remains a vital point of consideration.

25
 The documentary is a genre that can communicate environmental issues to viewers

(Janpol & Dilts, 2016). The documentary “has become a popular and significant vehicle for

communication scholars analyzing media, visual rhetoric and implications for culture and

pedagogy” (Janpol & Dilts, 2016, p. 91). Yet, the analysis often lacks focus on audience

reception. More investigation of visual rhetorical modes in environmental documentaries would

be of benefit, especially at a time when documentaries are gaining momentum and environmental

messages are reaching larger audiences. With a view to addressing this gap in the research, my

study discusses predominant visual rhetorical modes used in environmental documentary films

and investigates participant responses to different visual rhetorical modes.

2.6 Research questions and dissertation overview

Given the growing importance and popularity of environmental documentaries and their

reliance on using images to convey messages to audiences, this study seeks to answer the

following two questions:

1. What are dominant visual rhetorical modes evident in environmental documentaries?

2. Which visual rhetorical modes in environmental documentaries most affect viewers’

perceptions, attitudes, and understanding of environmental issues?

To begin exploring these research questions, Chapter 3 examines the documentary genre by

offering a definition and also troubles the notion of “the real” in documentaries by addressing the

theoretical perspectives of Christian Metz (1974, 1977) and Jean Baudrillard (1994). It then

provides an overview of the history of documentary and discusses ways in which documentary

films may be categorized. Chapter 4 provides an overview of rhetorical genre studies to ground

the exploration of the impact of environmental documentaries on viewers. Chapter 5 provides a

brief history of rhetoric with a focus on the notion of visual rhetoric, and provides an overview of
26
the dominant visual rhetorical modes in environmental documentaries. Chapter 6 describes the

methods and data collected, leading to data analysis and discussion in Chapter 7. The final

chapter offers a conclusion and consideration for future studies.

27
Chapter 3: The Documentary Film Genre

This chapter aims to address in part the first research question, “What are dominant

visual rhetorical modes evident in environmental documentaries?” I first offer a definition of

documentary and then provide an overview of the history of documentary film. The overview

also references television documentary and discusses technological inventions. The chapter ends

with a summary of six documentary modes and three predominant environmental documentary

modes.

3.1 Defining documentary

The documentary genre has changed over time due to a variety of different issues and

technological advancements. Nichols (2010) suggests this fluidity should be accepted “as cause

for celebration. It makes for a dynamic, evolving form. Fluid, fuzzy boundaries are testimony to

growth and vitality” (p. 143). According to Nichols (1991, 2012), there are many factors to

consider that contribute to the fluidity of the documentary, such as filmmakers’ interests and

intentions influencing the production of the documentary, which may also include motivations of

sponsors and funding bodies. There is also the role of audiences to consider.

John Grierson coined the term documentary, which he defined as being the “creative

treatment of actuality” (Hardy, 1966, p. 13). This definition has endured because it is so flexible

(Aufderheide, 2007). Grierson’s definition not only acknowledges the choices filmmakers have

when creating their documentaries, but also the challenge they face in balancing between

creativity and documentation. There is a tension in Grierson’s definition between the ideas of

“creativity” and “actuality.” While some welcome creative additions, others, such as Grierson,

believe in filming reality (Barnouw, 1993).

28
 There is regularly a tension about notions of reality and truth in documentary film. Many

have noted that the documentary, which is often associated with reality, is nevertheless a

representation that cannot be truly objective. A documentary film is merely a representation of

reality (Metz, 1974), and any representation may be contested, a point to which I return later.

Aufderheide (2007) notes, “documentaries are about real life; they are not real life” (p. 2,

emphasis in original). Further, documentary films are forms of art that rely on directors to “make

specific choices when crafting the film, utilizing techniques such as framing, voiceovers, music,

lighting and panning [to] capture, shape, manipulate and construct meaning” (Hackley, 2012, p.

4). In this regard, Aufderheide (2007) observes that no film is without manipulation, and that all

aspects of a film—no matter the genre, the choice of topic, or the editing process—are

manipulations. Thus, a simple definition of a documentary could also be: a film that “tells a story

about real life, with claims to truthfulness” (p. 2). Nichols (2010) extends Aufderheide’s

definition by providing specific details:

Documentary film speaks about situations and events involving real people (social actors)

who present themselves to us as themselves in stories that convey a plausible proposal

about, or perspective on, the lives, situations, and events portrayed. The distinct point of

view of the filmmaker shapes this story into a way of seeing the world directly rather than

into a fictional allegory. (p. 14)

Nichols’ definition appears to be the most specific and accurate, and is well-suited to

environmental documentaries.

Many definitions distinguish documentaries as being evidence based. The status of

documentary films as forms of evidence has legitimated them as sources of knowledge

29
(Aufderheide, 2007; Nichols, 1991). There remains, however, a need to trouble notions of reality

and truth in such genres.

3.2 “Reality” in documentary film

People may be drawn to documentary genres because of their apparent portrayal of

“reality” or “truth.” When viewing and processing information in a documentary, viewers

participate in “procedures of rhetorical engagement” (Nichols, 1991, p. 26), and one factor to

consider includes realism. Nichols (2010) argues that viewers’ assumptions about the “reality” of

documentaries rely heavily on the indexicality of the image. That is, the way in which “its

appearance is shaped or determined by what it records” (p. 34). The structure of a documentary,

Nichols suggests, contributes to its connection to reality. Specifically, a documentary relies on

evidentiary editing, which “organizes cuts within a scene to present the impression of a single,

convincing argument” (Nichols, 1991, p. 19). Some documentaries tend to rely on oral

conventions because these are believed by some to convey the significance of an issue more

effectively (Nichols, 2010). But, images in documentary films have an equal, if not more

powerful, impact. As Nichols (2017) notes, documentaries that have been produced and

distributed more recently rely heavily on visuals to “flesh out our sense of the world,” (p. 28) and

to connect viewers to the subject matter.

Yet, ongoing criticism about the documentary genre asks whether visual representations

are faithful representations of the world outside the documentary film. To elaborate on this

persuasive rhetorical feature of the documentary genre, I will draw on the theoretical works of

Christian Metz (1974, 1977) and Jean Baudrillard (1994).

A documentary film is merely a representation or, as Metz (1974) notes, an impression of

reality. The genre of film, according to Metz (1974), provides a feeling of experiencing reality
30
because of the way it appeals to a sense of belief and the way it provides “accents of true

evidence, using the argument, that ‘It is so’” (p. 4). This impression of reality is achieved in two

ways: through the object perceived and the perception of the object (Metz, 1974). That is, an

accurate reproduction of an object provides viewers with clues about reality, and the act of

perception allows viewers to realize or make the object real (Metz, 1974). These two factors are

intertwined and a persuasive reproduction causes an “affective and perceptual participation to be

awakened in the spectator, which in turn, give[s] reality to the copy” (Metz, 1974, p. 7).

Some have argued that impressions of life and the natural world, for example, are more

vivid in film because of movement. Metz (1974) refers to Edgar Morin, who notes that it is

the combination of the reality of motion and the appearance of form [that] gives us the

feeling of concrete life and the perception of objective reality. Forms lend their objective

structure to movement and movement gives body to the forms. (p. 7, emphasis in

original)

Motion contributes indirectly to the impression of reality by giving objects dimension, but it also

creates a sense of reality (Metz, 1974). Viewers may have a sense of being disconnected from the

world when viewing a film, and must then make a connection to an object or an event to

accomplish a transference of reality (Metz 1974). Thus, according to Metz (1977), images in film

belong to an order of reality, and are recognized as originating in the outside world. Yet, it is not

the visual and auditory elements—“cinema’s signifiers” according to Metz (1977, p. 730)—that

are real, but the characters and actions that are represented. For the purpose of this study, the

cinema’s signifiers, or the documentary signifiers, represent environmental concerns and issues.

In environmental documentaries images are used in part to educate viewers and possibly

persuade them to adopt a particular perspective.

31
 Baudrillard (1994) argues viewers’ perceptions of an image evolve over four different

stages, eventually becoming a simulation—more specifically, a simulacrum—which is a

representation of a person or thing. The four stages of the evolution of an image mentioned by

Baudrillard (1994) are as follows: “it is the reflection of a profound reality; it masks and

denatures a profound reality; it masks the absence of a profound reality; it has no relation to

reality whatsoever: it is its own pure simulacrum” (p. 6). To follow Baudrillard’s line of

reasoning, a photograph of a polar bear on an ice floe, for example, is an actual depiction of the

animal attributed to a particular photographer.

Figure 3.1 Polar bear (urus maritimus) in the drift ice region north of Svalbard (c) Andreas Weith, used
under CC-BY-SA-4.0.

Camera framing immediately removes the larger context of the image. And, over time, with

multiple viewings, the context of the original image may be entirely lost. That is, the image of a

polar bear on an ice floe becomes a poor representation of the actual polar bear and its habitat.

32
The absence of context goes unnoticed as the image of the polar bear loses its relation to reality

and comes to exist independently as a token. Baudrillard’s stages of an image can be seen in

research such as Kawashima’s (2002) study of media representation of whales. The whale,

according to this work, has become a “fictitious character living primarily in our imagination” (p.

2). The polar bear is similar, I would argue, and the image of the polar bear has come to have a

strong association with climate change. Grey London, an advertising group in London, England,

approached the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) to change its logo from the familiar black and

white panda to a polar bear (Richards, 2016).

[Figure 3.2 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It showed a logo of a polar bear for

the World Wildlife Fund proposed by the advertising company Grey London,. Original source:

Richards, K (2016). Grey London wants to change the WWF logo from a panda to a

disappearing polar bear. Adweek. Last retrieved September 15, 2017 from:

http://www.adweek.com/creativity/grey-london-wants-change-wwf-logo-panda-disappearing-

polar-bear-175070/ ]

Figure 3.2 Screenshot of a polar bear logo by advertising company Grey London.

A spokesperson from Grey London remarked that changing WWF’s logo to a polar bear would

be more persuasive because they believe the polar bear to be “an animal synonymous with

climate change, and the inclusion (or lack) of its habitat reflects this very modern and pressing

threat better” (para. 4). Climate change cannot be easily explained or seen. Images of polar bears,

both in still photography and moving images, have been used repeatedly in environmental visual

rhetoric because they have a lasting effect.

33
 As noted earlier, Smith and Joffe’s (2012) study found that participants’ thoughts and

feelings about global warming were triggered by images that were most dominant in the British

press such as “melting ice caps, stranded polar bears and flooded landscapes” (p. 18). The visual

image has a tremendous impact on people’s perception of and understanding about

environmental issues (Cox, 2013) and offers opportunities to educate and influence people’s

behaviour (Lester & Cottle, 2009). Repeated use of images representing both natural phenomena

and phenomena engineered by humankind in documentaries can significantly affect viewers’

perception of environmental issues.

3.3 History of the documentary

The history of the documentary is complex. While the discussion below is structured to

follow a timeline, the development of the documentary has not been linear. Further, it should

also be noted that the history of the documentary outlined below is based upon a predominantly

Western perspective, mostly centering on countries in North America, UK, and Europe because

these are the places where most documentary films began (McLane, 2012). I draw mostly upon

Erik Barnouw’s (1993) book Documentary: A History of Non-Fiction Film because his text

offers a most comprehensive overview of documentary history that is relevant to this

dissertation. Also, many scholars in the field of documentary film and history (e.g., Aufderheide,

2007; McLane, 2012; Nichols, 2010 and more) refer to Barnouw’s text and some have regarded

him as a noted scholar in the field of documentary history.

Although many inventors of cinematic technologies included those who produced or

were interested in traditional Hollywood films, some of the early innovators in cinema were

scientists who wanted to document events and actions, and it was in their work “the documentary

film had prenatal stirrings” (Barnouw, 1993, p. 3). Eadweard Muybridge, a British photographer,
34
was commissioned by a horse breeder to conduct experiments to improve the speed and gait of

horses. Muybridge introduced motion with images by presenting photos of the horses in quick

succession and at various speeds in a way that simulated a horse galloping. Muybridge

“foreshadowed a crucial aspect of the documentary film: its ability to open our eyes to worlds

available to us but, for one reason or another, not perceived” (Barnouw, 1993, p. 3).

Figure 3.3 The horse in motion 1878 (c) Eadweard Muybridge, digital archives of Library of Congress. Used
under Public Domain.

Louis Lumière was able to bring the documentary genre to the forefront (Barnouw, 1993;

McLane, 2012). Lumière’s cinematograph was hand-cranked, lightweight, and carried in a

suitcase that doubled as a projector and printing machine. The portability of Lumière’s camera

allowed “the world outdoors to become its habitat” and “it was an ideal instrument for catching

life on the run” (Barnouw, 1993, p. 6). Lumière focused on documenting live action. One of his

first documentaries was a 45-second film, Workers Leaving the Factory (1895). Lumière’s short

documentaries were able to bring new perspectives to audiences; one of his most well known

documentaries was The Arrival of a Train (1896). This short 15-second documentary shows a

35
typical every-day occurrence of a train arriving into a station and passengers getting on and off

the train. When this documentary was shown in theatres, it caused panic among viewers: they

screamed and scrambled out of their seats because they believed the train was actually moving

towards them. Witnessing the moving image was a new experience for viewers: “the use of

movement from a distance toward the viewer, and the surprising depth of field in the sequence,

offered audiences an experience quite foreign to the theatre” (Barnouw, 1993, p. 8).

Robert Flaherty’s renowned film, Nanook of the North (1922), was one of the first

documentaries to expose viewers to a new genre: the explorer documentary (Barnouw, 1993) or

the ethnographic documentary (Aufderheide, 2007) or the travel documentary (McLane, 2012).

The ethnographic documentary invites audiences to learn about other cultures, which often

focused on different customs (Aufderheide, 2007). Flaherty developed an interest in capturing

other cultures on film as a way of providing a different perspective. According to Grierson

(1976), Flaherty believed “that the story must be taken from the location and that it should be the

essential story of the location” (p. 22). Many scenes in Flaherty’s Nanook of the North, however,

were staged. Flaherty directed the actor playing Nanook inappropriately, as an Inuit who was

ignorant, who clumsily tried to bite a gramophone record, and who participated in traditional

hunts for walrus with spears, which was no longer customary of the Inuit people (Aufderheide,

2007). Some may define Flaherty’s approach to documentary filmmaking as cinéma vérité, a

movement of filmmaking that emerged in the 1950s. In this method, the director combines an

event or setting with staged actions and events (Aufderheide, 2007). This, according to many

documentary filmmakers (i.e., Jean Rouch, Dziga Vertov, Robert Flaherty), is necessary to

depict further information for audiences (Aufderheide, 2007). Today, cinéma vérité is used in

many different forms of documentaries, including reality television shows.

36
 Some documentary filmmakers were compelled to record events close to home. Films

that focused on local places paved the way for advocacy documentaries (Aufderheide, 2007;

Barnouw, 1993), as well as what McLane (2012) refers to as “interest films,” which often

featured political figures and ceremonies. The advocacy documentary often focuses on political

issues raised by individuals or an organization promoting a certain perspective (Auferdheide,

2007). One advocacy documentarian was John Grierson, who later founded the National Film

Board of Canada. Grierson pushed for representing issues relevant to people of local

communities. In this respect, his films focused on “the drama of the doorstep” (Barnouw, 1993,

p. 85). Closely aligned with advocacy documentaries are government propaganda documentaries

(Aufderheide, 2017) or what Barnouw (1993) refers to as “bugler” documentaries because they

are intended to rally people as a bugle call might rally troops. These documentaries are

supported, produced, and distributed by government organizations. Propaganda documentaries

were more widely used as a mode of communication to influence people before, during, and after

World War II (Aufderheide, 2017). One example is Frank Capra’s documentary series Why We

Fight (1942 – 1945). Capra’s series relied on footage from Nazi Germany in order to recruit

soldiers and to serve as a reminder to the soldiers of “why we are fighting and the principles for

which we are fighting” (Barnouw, 1993, p. 157). Other filmmakers such as Humphrey Jennings

of Britain drew attention to a different side of the war. Jennings’ films focused on the human

spirit, its resilient endurance and survival, and drew upon nostalgic images.

World War II, not surprisingly given its position as a global event concurrent with and

serving the rise of broadcast media (Horten, 2002), was a catalyst for the development of

documentary forms (McLane, 2012). Documentaries from this period are sometimes difficult to

categorize given the complexity of the social context. Consider Triumph of the Will, directed by
37
Leni Riefenstahl (1935), which documented Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party Congress in

Nuremberg. One of the most powerful images is a high-angle shot of Hitler walking through a

massive formation of his army, presumably his Sturmabteilung (SA) and Schutzstaffel (SS)

troops. Riefenstahl’s documentary could be viewed as a form of propaganda. The footage in

Triumph of the Will was used widely by Hitler and the Nazi party, and was also implemented in

Capra’s Why We Fight series because it served as a powerful reminder to the American people of

why the allies were at war. However, Riefenstahl contested that her documentary was not

propaganda, that she was not a Nazi, that she had no choice but to produce the documentary for

Hitler, and that, despite the circumstances, she tried to create a beautiful work of art

(Aufderheide, 2017). Riefenstahl’s documentary is an example that demonstrates the blurry

boundaries among documentary modes. Ultimately, classification invariably depends in large

part on reception and social context: different audiences evidently may view a singular film or

video as serving different ends.

Social documentaries were produced during the war to remind people of the importance

of winning the war, but were also prevalent after the war, at which point they tended to focus on

topics of rebuilding nation (McLane, 2012). As the war drew to an end, unused and newly

discovered footage from the homes of Nazi officers provided material for prosecutor

documentaries. These documentaries offered evidence of Nazi war crimes and were used, for

example, at the Nuremberg Trials, where “wide use of photographic evidence was apparently

without precedent” (Barnouw, 1993, p. 175). After World War II, documentaries related to the

war offered documentation of wartime events. Resnais’ (1955) film, Night and Fog, for example,

was one of the first to provide a post-war documentation of concentration camps (Barnouw,

1993). These may be viewed as some of the first historical documentaries, films that provide a
38
narrative of a particular event or a biography. Historical documentaries serve to preserve

memory, but also maintain memories of events. Aufderheide (2007) notes that historical

documentaries are a means to archive stories, to provide opportunities to challenge public

knowledge of historical events through personal accounts, and to revive or remind people of

certain events, such as the Holocaust. Poetic documentaries also became an influential medium

of inspiration after the war (Barnouw, 1993). Documentaries such as Arne Sucksdorff’s (1941) A

Summer’s Tale, depicting idyllic natural environments, became popular.

The promoter-as-documentarian, or sponsored documentaries, emerged as corporate

funding became prevalent in countries such as the US and the UK (McLane, 2012). One of the

most celebrated promotional documentaries was Louisiana Story (Flaherty, 1948). Standard Oil

from New Jersey commissioned Flaherty to make a documentary about oil exploration. Flaherty

had to negotiate the tensions between his respect for the natural settings and his responsibilities

to the company. Flaherty’s solution was to focus on the wilderness and de-emphasize the impact

of oil extraction. This message is most apparent in a scene showing a boy and his pet raccoon

playing on the equipment used to extract oil, attempting to demonstrate that industry and the

natural environment can co-exist (Barnouw, 1993; McLane, 2012). The film’s message, “have no

fear, the wilderness is safe, became in subsequent years the recurring theme of countless oil

sponsored films and television commercials. They exemplified a political trend in business-

sponsored films” (Barnouw, 1993, pp. 218-219). While Flaherty may have created Louisiana

Story as a documentary, the combined effect of scenes of the natural bayou and Standard Oil’s

script resulted in a docu-fiction. As noted above, Flaherty was known to manipulate the action in

front of the camera. Still, the message in Flaherty’s film pioneered the way in which some

39
documentaries today attempt to communicate similar messages of a positive relationship

between industry and the natural environment.

Around the 1960s, documentary filmmakers started exploring the role of the observer-as-

documentarian. This represented a shift from employing actors to an approach in keeping with

journalistic interviewing in order to elicit the perspectives of individuals in situ, a method that

previously had been largely avoided or neglected in documentary filmmaking (Barnouw, 1993).

Documentarians also began confronting individuals in order to provoke action, resulting in the

emergence of the “catalyst-as-documentarist” (that is, a film-maker focused on raising social and

ethical issues), which in turn led to the development of “guerrilla documentaries.” During the

Vietnam War, guerrilla documentaries focused on criticizing administrative shortcomings. For

example, the NFB film The Sad Song of Yellow Skin (Daly & Rubbo, 1972) “picture[ed] the

disruption of Vietnamese life more vividly than anything else seen on American television”

(Barnouw, 1993, p. 279). Today, understanding of the guerrilla documentary has shifted: such

films now cover a larger range of topics, document live events, and are often produced on very

low-budgets.

Barnouw’s (1993) notions of the observer, catalyst and guerrilla-style documentaries are

also evident in “public-affairs documentaries.” For some time, documentaries were mostly

shown in theatres as films, but from the 1950s to the 1980s, television became the primary

source of communication in wealthier nations (Aufderheide, 2007). Television facilitated the

emergence of public-affairs documentaries, which included an onset of investigative journalism

programs, some of which are still viewed today. (For example, in Canada these include Canadian

Broadcasting Corporations’ Fifth Estate or Canadian Television Network’s W5. In the US these

include Columbia Broadcasting System’s 60 Minutes or American Broadcasting Company’s

40
20/20.)

I would also like to acknowledge the impact of changing communication technologies in

mobilizing the documentary form. At the time of writing this thesis, primarily 2017, many

documentaries were distributed both as television series or films. Further, the increase in

popularity of video sharing sites such as YouTube and video streaming sites such as Netflix

alongside standard broadcast media made it possible for people to view documentaries on a

variety of different platforms. This made it easier to distribute documentaries to a worldwide

audience (McLane, 2012). Further, the camera itself underwent many transformations in the

century prior to this study (e.g., increasing portability, a shift from analog to digital, drone

mounting enabling unique perspectives, and so on). Although a detailed discussion of such

changes is beyond the scope of this study, it is interesting to consider how advances in camera

technology greatly influenced the nature of documentary filmmaking through history.

The portability of Lumière’s cinematograph, for example, made it possible for

documentary filmmakers to go to different places, but the equipment was cumbersome. The

advent of the 35mm film in the early 1900s improved portability, but the filming process was

still difficult because directors had to carefully plan the filming of scenes. It was also difficult to

record ambient sounds (Aufderheide, 2007). As such, many documentaries recorded with 35 mm

cameras were silent films. While filming Nanook of the North (1922), the equipment Flaherty

carried included “75 000 feet of film, a Haulberg electric light plant and projector, and two

Akley [35 mm] cameras and a printing machine so [he] could make prints of the film” (Flaherty,

1922, p. 554). For Flaherty, the prints were a way to edit the film on location. Flaherty also had

to ensure the 35mm cameras were properly cleaned to avoid chemical build-up that might impact

the quality of the image. Over time, cameras have become increasingly portable and of such
41
quality that directors are able to shoot events on location with greater ease. Further, it is possible

to record both action and sound at the same time, to preview recorded images, and to include

colour in film.

Ultimately, advances in technology and digital innovations have greatly impacted the

ways in which documentaries are made and viewed. As noted above, a history of the technology

related to documentary filmmaking is extensive and beyond the scope of this dissertation.

Readers seeking more detail on this topic may look to McLane’s book, A New History of

Documentary Film (2012), which explores advancements and approaches to filmmaking. More

recently, Kahans’s edited volume, The Documentary Film Reader: History, Theory, Criticism

(2016), provides a vast collection of essays including historical overviews of approaches and

technologies for documentary filmmaking.

3.4 Documentary modes

According to Nichols (2010), the evolving documentary genre has developed into six

main documentary modes: expository, poetic, participatory, performative, observational, and

reflexive. The expository mode is likely most used. The most prominent quality of this mode is

how it directly addresses audiences through the use of voice-overs as a means to provide

perspective or continue an argument. Images are occasionally separate from commentaries and

are often used to illustrate a point. This traditional type of documentary attempts to build a sense

of credibility using a professional commentator who can contribute intelligently to the issue and

who, when necessary, can explain visual evidence.

In contrast, the poetic mode offers viewers an abstract representation of an issue through

symbolic approaches as a means to encourage an affective response. Much of the interpretation

is left open. Often, poetic documentaries rely heavily on visuals, and “the form and mood carry
42
as much expressive weight as the content” (Duvall, 2017, p. 13). Some poetic documentaries

remove voice-over narration and rely only on music soundtracks or natural sounds (Duvall,

2017). Other poetic documentaries include voice-overs, but the narrative is used to complement

the mood rather than to offer evidence.

The participatory mode allows a director to engage and interact with participants, and

often focuses the director’s point of view. Similarly, the performative mode works to bring

“emotional intensities of the embodied experience and knowledge to the fore rather than attempt

to do something tangible” (Nichols, 2010, p. 203). A performative mode allows directors to

provide a voice to issues that are personal to them, such as their own personal experiences and/or

opinions related to a particular issue. These opinions are often quite visible in the documentary.

Many of Michael Moore’s documentaries (e.g., Fahrenheit 9/11, Bowling for Columbine, Sicko,

Where to Invade Next) might be classified as performative because he positions himself as the

protagonist and makes his personal perspectives clear in the majority of his documentary films. It

is often through his narrative and visible interactions and interviews with social actors that

Moore addresses audiences. The main difference between participatory and performative modes

is that a performative documentary emphasizes the director’s point of view, the director is very

visible, and the director often focuses on emotional affect. That said, documentary modes are

fluid, and one documentary often incorporates more than one mode. Michael Moore’s

documentaries, for example, employ both the performative and participatory modes.

The observational mode in documentary films is synonymous with an ethnographic

research mode, where audiences are invited to observe the lived experiences of others, including

non-human subjects. This mode is seen in many environmental documentaries such as Being

Caribou (2005), in which the filmmakers document the migration patterns of caribou in Northern
43
Canada as a means to understand the animals in order to protect them. The observational mode

focuses less on sharing a particular rhetorical stance with viewers and more on providing a

glimpse into the lived experiences of the subjects in the documentary.

The reflexive mode is the least common. It establishes a negotiation between the

filmmaker and viewers by questioning the form or topic of the film. An example would be

Surname Viet Given Name Nam (Trinh, 1989), a documentary in which interviews are used to

share people’s experiences since the Vietnam War. Half way through the film, viewers learn the

interviews have been staged. Thus, the reflexive mode encourages viewers to be critical thinkers

by actively criticizing the form and the subject of the media they are witnessing (Nichols, 2010).

3.5 Environmental documentaries

Environmental documentaries employ the six documentary modes described above, but

also employ other modes that make it easier for documentarians to showcase different topics and

issues specific to the environment. These include, but are not limited to classic nature,

companion species, and eco-disaster documentaries, which will be discussed below in more

detail with brief historical connections.

3.5.1 Classic nature documentaries

Classic nature documentaries focus on one or more animal species and on a particular

topic, such as the relationship between an animal and its geographical location. Bousé (2000)

outlines several characteristics of a classic nature documentary, which include a focus on an

animal and its habitat, often complemented with a dramatic narrative. There is little connection

to science and politics, and avoidance of all controversial issues. Classic nature documentaries

often have no historical referent so the film can remain timeless insofar as that is possible

(Bousé, 2000).
44
 Representation of events occurring in natural environments is a major focal point of

classic nature films, and documentarians go to great lengths to hide most, if not all, aspects of

production. For example, Disney’s True-Life Adventures (1948-1960) “purposefully excluded

any human presence, [and] offered an untouched and timeless envisioning of nature” (Molloy,

2013, p. 169). Walt Disney himself proclaimed, “nature writes the screenplays, we add the words

for the narrator to say” (as cited in Molloy, 2013, p. 169). Classic nature documentarians are thus

perceived as invisible recorders: they film the activities of animals as they occur and “generate a

close symbolic, aesthetic, and popular association with documentary film” (Vivanco, 2013, p.

112).

In the early twentieth century, short wildlife films were often shown in theatres prior to

feature presentations. They also helped to fulfill “a government requirement for ‘public interest’

programming on commercial television in the U.S., a factor that drove wildlife film production”

(Vivanco, 2013, p. 113). In the 1960s, when the government requirement was dropped, wildlife

films were distributed as public television broadcasts, which over time spawned the creation of

conglomerate stations such as The Discovery Channel in the US. Meantime, in Canada, the

government continued to fund public service announcements such as The Hinterland Who’s Who

series. Advancements in filming technology combined with the popularity of television resulted

in growing public interest in environmental documentaries (Vivanco, 2013). Documentarians

were able to capture footage during expeditions to new geographical locations and invite viewers

into the lives and habitats of various species. Herbert Fonting’s documentaries of Antarctica, for

example, helped solidify “pre-existing ideas of penguins, primarily as peculiar and humorous

creatures” (Vivanco, 2013, p. 115). The classic-nature documentary focuses on the

personification of animals, “relies on the attribution of agency to nature,” and codes “animals as
45
stereotyped characters whilst the narrator’s didactic voiceover frames the stories” (Molloy, 2013,

p. 169). This type of narrative is utilized in many environmental documentaries. Personification

helps viewers identify with and develop empathy towards animals (and, I would add, plants)

without the use of scientific jargon (Vivanco, 2013). However, some critique the “speciesist”

gaze (discrimination or prejudice on the basis of species) because it “reduces animal behaviour to

a caricature of human behaviour, providing erroneous information about how real animals live in

the world” (Ladino, 2013, p. 131). One of the main concerns about personified narrative is that

there is “little evidence that cinematic [animals] will be anything more than humans”

(Starosielski, 2013, p. 119). Further, people may believe the portrayal of animal behaviours on

screen and expect to witness the same behaviour off-screen. This is what Bahk (2010) refers to

as perceived realism, an effect that “facilitates the viewer’s conception of the world as being

similar to its dramatic representations” (p. 3).

3.5.2 The companion environmental documentary

While classic nature documentaries often employ personified narratives and show nature

devoid of human interference, other documentaries examine the bond between humans and

animals. Ladino (2013) examines the ways in which some nature documentaries adopt Donna

Haraway’s (2008) idea of companion species. These types of documentary films blur the

boundary between the wild and the domestic, and focus on relationships between humans and the

natural world as a partnership (Ladino, 2013). This “allows human and nonhuman animals to co-

inhabit the cinematic space; shows nonhuman animals watching back; minimizes (or

destabilizes) human language; and includes zoomorphic footage and commentary that remind

46
human viewers of our own animality” (Ladino, 2013, p. 131).1 (These traits, I suggest, could also

be applied to documentaries about non-animal entities.) Viewers of companion-species films

may become active participants as the camera provides an alternative gaze that allows them to

revise their ideas of nature (Ladino, 2013). This type of companion documentary relies heavily

on images to demonstrate that “the only way to the ‘there’ in which the animals reside is to find

them ‘here,’ in us and of us, as part of a plurality” (Wolfe, 2003, p. 203).

Paul Nicklen (2011), a photographer and co-founder of SeaLegacy, talks about the

erasure of boundaries between human and animal in his TED Talk, Tales of Icebound

Wonderlands.2 Nicklen notes how leopard seals are perceived as being ferocious, which may

generate less compassion for the animal among viewers. The way in which some people perceive

certain animals or species as dangerous or as pests is referred to as self-validating reduction

(Weston, 1996). Nicklen (2011) counters the stereotypical view of the leopard seal in his talk by

showing how a seal he encountered demonstrated human-like characteristics. The leopard seal

showed concern for Nicklen by warding off other potentially dangerous predators, offering

Nicklen penguins as food, and huffing in annoyance because Nicklen was not accepting or eating

the food.

1 Ladino’s (2013) reference to “zoomorphic” refers to the notion of applying animal characteristics to human
behaviour.
2 SeaLegacy is an organization devoted to promoting awareness of and protecting various different natural

environments and species. Primarily it focuses on protecting the sea. The main method of communication is through
visual storytelling.
47
Figure 3.4 Leopard seal. Photograph by Paul Nicklen and SeaLegacy (c). Used with permission.

3.5.3 The eco-disaster documentary

Eco-disaster environmental documentaries feature natural or human disasters. Specifically, these

types of films focus on environmental externalities that have become global concerns. The term

“externalities” is derived from economics and refers to the effect of a choice or action by one

party on the wellbeing of others uninvolved in the particular choice or action (Murray &

Heumann, 2014). Externalities affecting the environment are usually negative and can include

effects such as air and water pollution, soil contamination, etc. In other words, “environmental

externalities have a global effect negatively impacting water, air and the quality of human and

non-human life” (Murray & Heumann, 2014, p. xvi).

An example of an eco-disaster documentary film is Gasland (Fox, 2010), which explores

the effects of hydraulic fracturing. Josh Fox, the writer and director, receives a letter from a

natural gas company requesting to lease his land to drill for natural gas using the process of

hydraulic fracturing. The film follows Fox’s journey to different areas of the US as he interviews

people most affected by hydraulic fracturing and gathers samples in an attempt to demonstrate

48
the overall destructive effect. A noteworthy scene, which is mentioned earlier in this thesis,

shows a man putting a lighter to the water running out of a tap. The water bursts into flame.

Eco-disaster documentaries borrow from other documentary modes, such as the

expository mode. They blur the line between performative and participatory modes. Gasland is a

documentary that is personal to Fox; he is seen and heard throughout the documentary, a trait of

the performative mode. About an hour into the film, there is a quick montage of individuals

listing their chronic health conditions and symptoms with pain and sadness. In one scene, Lewis

Meeks, a landowner affected by hydraulic fracturing states:

I think it’s criminal. What would happen if I took some chemicals and took them to the

big boss of EnCana and dumped them in his well? They’d have me in a pen so fast my

head would spin. But look. They come out here and do whatever they want to. And they

don’t even have to report and tell us what they’re putting in there. (Fox, 2010, 39:16 –

39:33)

Both examples may draw viewers closer to the issue as they witness passionate testimonials by

ordinary people. The film challenges viewers to stir interest, to act and, ultimately, to challenge

and shape policy. For example, after reflecting on the importance of the land to him and his

family history, John Fenton, a cattle farmer affected by hydraulic fracturing, states:

This is happening everywhere. That’s the biggest thing I want people to know. You’re

not alone if this is happening to you because I’m in the same boat you are. And what we

need to do is we need to get together and we need to stand up and we need to speak with

a unified voice and we need to stand up to these [people]. (Fox, 2010, 44:33 – 44:48)

At the end of the documentary, Fox (2010) states: “I don’t know what’s going to happen . . . but I

guess in a large part that’s up to you . . . the story is not going away any time soon. Gasland
49
might stretch further than my backyard and into yours” (60:38:24 – 60:39:00). The participatory

nature of this documentary allows viewers to engage with the topic by inviting them to witness

and to listen to people’s stories and testimonials.

The discussion and analysis above demonstrate the documentary genre’s potential to

influence viewers’ perspectives and actions. Recognizing environmental documentaries as a

form of social action (Miller, 1984) can help inform how particular films such as Gasland (Fox,

2010) might stimulate awareness about an issue and persuade individuals to act, which will be

discussed in the next chapter.

50
Chapter 4: Rhetorical Genre Studies

Genre studies are concerned with categorizing and examining textual regularities

(Bawarshi & Reiff, 2010; Freedman & Artemeva, 2008; Freedman & Medway, 1994), as well as

looking beyond categorizations to examine the connection between textual regularities and

patterns of human activity (Freedman & Artemeva, 2008; Freedman & Medway, 1994; Paré &

Smart, 1994; Schryer, 1994). An overview of the history of documentaries demonstrates how the

genre has developed and progressed over time due to people’s interests, motivations, and

reactions to social and environmental issues; it demonstrates the “complex interplay between

texts and their social contexts” (Freedman & Medway, 1994, p. 2). Genres have become a way

“of recognizing, responding to, acting meaningfully and consequentially within, and helping to

reproduce recurrent situations” (Bawarshi & Reiff, 2010, p. 3).

This perspective of genres is applicable to this exploration of environmental

documentaries because it offers opportunities to examine how people understand an

environmental issue and possibly act in meaningful ways in response to a sometimes-formulaic

genre. Placing a focus on rhetoric in genre studies allows one to “reanalyze and rethink the

social, cultural, political purposes of previously taken-for-granted genres” (Freedman &

Medway, 1994, p. 2). Following Miller (1984), recognizing genre as a form of social action

allows researchers to understand what people are learning from and how people are reacting to a

particular genre. In relation to documentaries, considering genre as a form of social action

enables exploration of how genre impacts audiences and, in the case of this study, how it might

engender an awareness to act in sustainable ways. Before exploring rhetorical genre studies, it is

useful to briefly outline traditional approaches to the study of genre. For the first sections, I will

draw mostly upon Bawarshi and Raiff’s (2010) book Genre: An Introduction to History, Theory,
51
Research and Pedagogy because it provides an extensive and analytic overview of the various

approaches to genre studies. This chapter will outline some literary and linguistic approaches to

genre study, explore rhetorical genre study (RGS), and demonstrate how RGS is a suitable

framework for this study.

4.1 Genre study: Literary approaches

A neoclassical approach to genre study provides systematic and inclusive rules for

classifying and defining texts rather than, say, examining “how genres emerge from and are

codified by users within actual contexts of use” (Bawarshi & Reiff, 2010, p. 15). A structuralist

approach recognizes how a particular genre may shape one’s perception of literary actions,

representations, and identifications and “acknowledges the power of genre to shape textual

interpretation and production” (p. 19). Some scholars view texts as not belonging to a genre but

more as participating in one or more genres, to the extent that every “textual performance

repeats, mixes, stretches and potentially reconstitutes the genre(s) it participates in” (Bawarshi &

Reiff, 2010, p. 21). Genres, according to this approach, are viewed as continuously reconstituted

through various textual performances and as having the ability to “re-mark” themselves (p. 21).

Other approaches to the study of genre emphasize the importance of the performance of

the reader, as seen in reader response views of genre studies. Scholars recognize the significance

of readers’ background knowledge and its impact on meaning making. Frow (2006) notes “genre

is not a property of a text but is a function of reading. Genre is a category we impute to text and

under different circumstances this imputation may change” (p. 102, emphasis in original).

Finally, a cultural studies approach examines “the dynamic relationship between genres, literary

texts, and socio-culture… the ways genres organize, generate, normalize and help reproduce

literary as well as non-literary social actions in dynamic, ongoing, culturally defined and
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defining ways” (Bawarshi & Reiff, 2010, p. 23). This approach recognizes the relationship

between what a reader chooses and how this choice is influenced by particular social practices

(Frow, 2006). It is through an individual’s interaction with and knowledge about specific social

practices, awareness of the “rules of use and relevance” (p. 140), that readers (and viewers) gain

an understanding that enables them to respond to different genres. As Frow (2006) notes:

Genre theory is, and should be, about the ways in which different structures of meaning

and truth are produced in and by the various kinds of writing, talking, painting, filming,

and acting by which the universe of discourse is structured. (p. 10)

4.2 Genre study: Linguistic approaches

Linguistic approaches to genre studies include three categories: systemic functional

linguistics (SFL), corpus linguistics, and English for specific purposes (ESP). Scholars in the

field of SFL regard language as a structure that is inherently linked to social function and

context. They argue that language is organized within a culture to serve specific social purposes.

A corpus linguistic approach examines texts in two different typologies: deductive and inductive

(Bawarshi & Reiff, 2010). Deductive texts are divided into categories of genre, to help “identify

universal archetypes in order to classify and describe relations between literary texts” (Bawarshi

& Reiff, 2010, p. 37). Inductive texts examine textual patterns and variations. Bawarshi and

Reiff (2010) note that people may identify or distinguish genres following Prototype Theory. In

this case, “people categorize objects according to a prototypical image they have conditioned in

their minds by socio-cultural factors” (p. 39). Prototype Theory suggests that people recognize

and “define text membership within genres on the basis of how closely their structure and

linguistic patterns relate to the genre prototype” (p. 39).

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 In contrast, the ESP approach views genres as dynamic and intertextual, and recognizes

the need to understand how genres interact with each other, following what Swales (2004) refers

to as “genre chains” (p.18). This approach bridges linguistic and rhetorical traditions by

examining both linguistic and communicative features of language. It allows for, as Swales

(1990) adds, “assessing rhetorical purposes, in unpacking information structures and in

accounting for syntactic and lexical choices” (p. 3). A genre prototype, in this approach, is

dependent upon its communicative purpose; it is the motivation behind the genre that “shapes the

schematic structure of the discourse and influences and constrains choice of content and style”

(p. 58). This view of genre focuses on the relationship between text and context, viewing genres

as dynamic—having the ability to evolve, develop and even decay (Miller, 1984).

A rhetorical genre studies framework can illuminate the relationship between genre and

social contexts. What follows is a discussion of the rhetorical approach to genre studies and how

it can provide a deeper understanding of how viewers are affected by environmental

documentaries.

4.3 Rhetorical genre studies

Within a rhetorical approach, genres are described as being “inherently dynamic

rhetorical structures that can be manipulated according to the conditions of use,” having the

ability to vary and also be responsive to the reader (Bawarshi & Reiff, 2010, p. 477). The

development of Rhetorical Genre Studies (RGS) started with Miller’s (1984) positioning and

definition of genre as a form of social action. The focus of analysis within this approach is to

examine “the roles that genres play in how individuals experience, co-construct, and enact social

practices and sites of activity” (Bawarshi & Reiff, 2010, p. 59). Freedman (1994) notes how

genres also connect to each other, what she refers to as “uptake” (p. 46). Uptake examines when,
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where, and why genres are used, as well as how a genre is used in a particular situation. These

types of repeated social contexts, or genres, “enable us to create typified relationships between

utterances as we organize and enact complex forms of social interactions” (Bawarshi & Reiff,

2010, p. 83).

Rhetoric, in an RGS approach, is connected to context; it is the circumstances of a

situation that draws a particular response (Bitzer, 1968; Miller, 1984). That is, “the rhetor’s

intentions to act in certain ways, at certain times, using certain types of discourse [are] largely

determined by the kinds of situations for which they were perceived as fitting” (Bawarshi &

Reiff, 2010, p. 64). The term “rhetoric” in this instance applies to what Burke (1951) refers to as

a method of identification: how an individual identifies with another person or character or issue,

an “‘unconscious’ factor of appeal” (p. 203). Genres have become “habitual rhetorical forms and

strategies” that have come “to shape the ways we recognize and are inclined to act within

situations,” and contain “rhetorical conventions can predispose future audience expectations”

(Bawarshi & Reiff, 2010, p. 62).

Genres, in an RGS approach, are considered to be “stylistic and substantive” (Bawarshi

& Reiff, 2010, p.65), but genres are also considered to be a combination of different forms, or a

constellation. According to Campbell and Jamieson (1978), “these forms in isolation appear in

other discourses. What is distinctive about the acts in a genre is the recurrence of the forms

together in constellation” (p. 20, emphasis in original). This in turn creates a specific and

repeated rhetorical effect (Bawarshi & Reiff, 2010).

Drawing on Campbell and Jamieson, Miller (1984) examines and defines genres “as

typified rhetorical actions based in recurrent situations” (p. 31), and positions genres as

functioning between forms of life (social situations) and forms of discourse or familiar symbolic
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acts. Bazerman (1994) also recognizes that “the typifications [of a situation] give writers

symbolic means to make sense of things; in turn those means of sense-making help set the stage

and frame possible action” (p. 19). Miller (1984) contests that “an understanding of genre can

help account for the way we encounter, interpret, react to and create particular texts” (p. 23).

Bazerman’s (1988) study of the progressive change of the experimental science article

demonstrates how the genre started as correspondence reports and later shifted to include a

specific style within the scientific community whose members were reading and writing the

articles. Genres are a powerful means to develop social order and social actions (Bawarshi &

Reiff, 2010). The progressive change documented by Bazerman in relation to the science article

is paralleled in the development of other genres, such as environmental documentaries.

4.4 Implications for environmental documentaries

While some may say that environmental movements have increased dramatically within

the last decades (Gold & Revill, 2004), motivations and popular movements to protect the

natural environment have been around for a long time. According to Pepper (2004), it is the

“critical understanding of socio-economic, political and cultural processes and structures that is

central in understanding environmental problems and establishing environmentally sustainable

development” (p. xiii). For example, John Muir was a strong proponent for preserving nature.

When governments started exploring natural areas for water-damning projects, as they did in the

Hetch Hetchy region of Yosemite National Park, Muir was fiercely opposed and fought a long

but unsuccessful battle against people like Gifford Pinchot, who argued that the resources were

available for people’s needs. Nonetheless, Muir’s efforts gave room for others to pursue his

fights and later were successful in providing protective status to other natural areas. Similarly

Aldo Leopold’s (1949) more personal experience of seeing the “fierce green fire” leave the eyes
56
of a wolf he shot developed his connection with the natural environment. Later, he became

known for developing the notion of land ethic: experiencing, respecting and preserving local

environments. Rachel Carson, as noted earlier, was heavily concerned about the use of

pesticides, which resulted in her iconic book Silent Spring (1962). The stories of these pioneers

of environmental movements demonstrate how social context and life events may impact actions

and promote the development of particular genres.

The RGS framework allows for focus on non-literary forms (Freedman & Artemeva,

2008). It allows for the examination of how syntax and semiotics affect viewers. Further, an RGS

framework allows for consideration of context: not just the relationship between text and context,

but for examination of genre “as traces of social, political and rhetorical actions implicit in [the

texts]” (Freedman & Artemeva, 2008, p. 2). In other words, within an RGS approach, “genres

play a key role in reproducing the very situation to which they respond” (p. 2).

While traditional RGS approaches focus on studies in written and spoken language, this

approach is also suitable for the examination of other forms of texts, such as documentary film,

that make extensive use of visuals in addition to written or spoken language. An RGS framework

recognizes that texts evolve in relation to context and depending on the social and/or political

forces. An RGS framework also provides opportunities to highlight and explore the “historical

evolution of genres, the creation of specific genres in response to evolving socio-cultural,

ideological and political circumstances, and the acquisition of genres by novices to new

communities of discourse” (Freedman & Artemeva, 2008, p. 2). Over the years, documentarians

have drawn attention to the working conditions of fishermen in England, contrasted idyllic

forests and the events of war, and revealed the rising power of a political figure. The genre has

not remained rigid; while the structure of the documentary remains relatively static, it adapts
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according to a number of contextual elements including time, circumstances, motivation of the

director and technological advancements. According to Schryer (1994), genres are “stabilized for

now” (p. 107) in that they provide familiar structures and guidelines, but are also adaptable

depending on the circumstances.

Miller’s (1984) call for viewing genres as a form of social action offers invaluable insight

in relation to the potential rhetorical power of the environmental documentary. Specifically,

framing this study through a RGS lens will contribute to an understanding of how viewers create

meaning and how they might be influenced to act in sustainable ways. Scholars in genre studies

also recognize the importance of viewers’ previous experiences and how those experiences can

impact meaning making (Frow, 2006). This idea is also one of the key components of reader

response theory. Rosenblatt (1969) suggests readers (viewers in this case) are engaged in a

relationship with the text, they engage in a transaction. Hall (1973) and Iser (1974) also

recognize the significant role of readers, and articulate how meaning is created between viewers

and texts. As Berger (1978) observes,

for Iser, the joy and excitement of reading lies in the process of trying to remove

indeterminacy, to fill in gaps, while simultaneously becoming aware of other possibilities

through the attempt to exclude them … Iser analyzes the ‘unwritten’ text and its potential

realizations. (p. 148, emphasis in original)

The “unwritten” to which Iser alludes here is also a significant feature of filmmaking, and brings

to mind Lev Kuleshov’s and Sergei Eisenstein’s theories of montage. Kuleshov (1974) explored

how audiences react to what they view on screen, and determined that the shots override the

actual performance: that viewers seek to fill perceived gaps between cuts and in doing so

interject their own unique understandings. Extending from Kuleshov’s ideas, Eisenstein (1942)
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discovered that a montage, for example, requires viewers to create meaning. Further, with film

viewers are not always creating meaning based entirely on previous knowledge, but also

“through the examination of what is created when seemingly random images are pressed together

on a visual plane” (Begin, 2006, p.1120-1121). As Eisenstein (1942) notes, the question is how

“two film pieces of any kind, placed together, inevitably combine into a new concept, a new

quality arising out of that juxtaposition” (p. 4).

As noted above, the RGS approach examines the impact of social context on text. In the

contemporary moment, environmental issues are of high concern. However, corporate media

often either remains silent so as not to frighten viewers (Duvall, 2017) or relies heavily on

business or political rhetoric that results in viewers not listening or even caring (Boykoff, 2007;

Nissani, 1999; Swain, 2012). Nevertheless, in recent decades there has been a significant

increase in the production and distribution of environmental documentary films (Duvall, 2017).

Duvall (2017) attributes the increased accessibility of environmental documentaries to “the

miniaturization of professional quality video production technology, and [to] the expanding

diversity of windows of distribution” (p. 2). Viewers watch documentaries out of a desire to

learn, which then can have an impact on their actions or raise their awareness about an issue

(Duvall, 2017; Nichols, 2010). Further, notes Duvall (2017), the “documentary film enjoys a

privileged status as a mediated representation of reality compared to fiction films” (p. 8).

The form or textual regularities of environmental documentaries must be considered in

relation to social context because it is these “patterns of arrangement which are given a rhetorical

force by their habitual use and codifiability” (Gronbeck, 1978, p. 140). Further, rhetorical forms

are “socially learned and hence represent conventionalized patterns-for-thought,” which have the

power to create meaning and “to affect beliefs, attitudes, and values because they arise out of
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social reality” (p. 140). For the purpose of this study, an RGS approach provides opportunities

for an in-depth exploration of the kinds of visual rhetoric (textual regularities) implemented, and

an investigation into how viewers respond to different visual rhetorical modes. Chapter 5

provides a more detailed discussion of visual rhetoric in environmental documentaries.

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Chapter 5: Visual Rhetoric in Environmental Documentaries

The opening montage of the environmental documentary Chasing Ice (Aronson &

Orlowski, 2012) shows a series of catastrophic images: Mighty floodwaters causing a house to

fall into the water and be swept away. A digital map of Texas covered in flame icons indicating

the number of consecutive fires burning out of control. A video capturing the power of a tornado

ripping through a field, debris flying everywhere. Powerful waves and high waters of hurricane

Irene. The results of weather-related damages on homes and neighbourhoods. Cracked, dry earth

due to a severe drought. Raging wild fires in various areas throughout the world. These visuals

are interspersed with images and narratives of news reports, interviews, debates about climate

change and, as some believe, the conspiracy of it all. The screen fades to black.

Some of the images in the opening scenes of Chasing Ice are similar to the recurring

images Gold and Revill (2004) discovered are used in advertisements related to environmental

issues:

 Factory chimneys belching out plumes of smoke.

 Industrial effluent spewing into rivers from corroded pipes.
 Trees dying from the effects of acid rain.
 Cars snarled up on urban motorways and emitting exhaust fumes.
 Unarmed protesters in small, vulnerable vessels confronting huge whaling vessels.
 Seal pups on the ice floes being clubbed to death by hunters.
 Oil-coated seabirds floundering on blackened beaches.
 Children staring at the carcass of a dead dolphin, washed up on a beach after an incident
involving toxic chemicals. (p. 3)
Such scenes imply an impending ecological doom and also attribute human behaviour as the

cause of the current state of the environment. These images, among others, are used in many

forms of environmental communication such as documentary film. The more frequently similar
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images are used to convey environmental issues such as climate change, observe Gold and Revill

(2004), the more profound their effect. Visuals are a powerful tool for environmental activists

because they provide a means to inform people about complex issues that are often difficult to

visualize and understand (Cox, 2013; O’Neill & Nicholson-Cole, 2009). The images used in an

environmental documentary film can help

communicate and simplify information, making messages memorable, condensing

complex information, communicating concepts instantly, and providing a basis for

personal thoughts and social interactions that contribute to people’s awareness and

opinions about particular issues. (O’Neill & Nicholson- Cole, 2009, p. 357)

How do messages become so memorable that they not only invite audiences to understand

environmental issues but also raise awareness and persuade them to act in more sustainable

ways? The following sections explore visual rhetoric and the persuasive power of images.

5.1 Visual rhetoric and the rhetorical tradition

The term visual rhetoric is diversely understood. Studies of visual rhetoric may include

the study of print texts, visual semiotics in media, architecture and interior design of buildings,

and so on (Goggin, 2004). Each case in the exploration of rhetoric—verbal or visual—is unique

and involves different perspectives. For the purpose of this thesis, “visual” refers to “visual

imagery” (Foss, 2005, p. 141) as well as “the cultural practices of seeing and looking” (Olson,

Finnegan, & Hope, 2008, p. 3). “Rhetoric” can be viewed as a method of communication (Foss,

2005) and more specifically “persuasive symbols and actions” (Olson et al., 2008, p. 3). “Visual

rhetoric” thus can be defined as “those symbolic actions enacted primarily through visual means

made meaningful through culturally derived ways of looking and seeing and endeavouring to

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influence diverse publics” (Olson et al., 2008, p. 3). In other words, visual rhetoric refers to the

ways in which images mediate information and meaning making.

Some rhetoricians have attended to verbal rhetoric over visual rhetoric (Helmers & Hill,

2004; Hill, 2004; Olson et al., 2008). This emphasis on logocentric approaches is likely inspired

by classic literature on rhetoric (Blair, 2004). As Bonsiepe (1965) observes, rhetoric contains an

“aura of antiquity” (p. 37). Rhetoric was divided by the ancient Greeks into three areas—the

political, the legal, and the religious—because individuals from these areas used rhetoric to

address and influence people, to persuade them, to develop an opinion, or to evoke emotion

(Bonsiepe, 1965). Aristotle viewed rhetoric as a mode of persuasion and viewed persuasion as “a

sort of demonstration, since we are most fully persuaded when we consider a thing to have been

demonstrated” (Bizzell & Herzberg, 1990, p. 152). Here, Aristotle’s notion of “demonstration”

refers to an enthymeme, which is the part of an argument that is intentionally unstated, allowing

audience members to become active participants and come to their own conclusions (Bizzell &

Herzberg, 1990; Blair, 2004). In order to persuade audiences, Aristotle notes three modes of

appeal at the rhetor’s disposal: logos, an appeal to reason; pathos, an appeal to emotions; ethos,

an appeal to ethics (Ehses & Lupton, 1988).

Aristotle’s approach to rhetoric focuses on and assumes the rhetor’s medium of

persuasion is words (Blair, 2004). Over the past two decades, the inclusion of visuals in

rhetorical studies has seen criticism (Foss, 2005). It was not until the 1990s, when Mitchell

(1994) referred to the visual turn, that the examination of visuals in rhetorical studies started to

become more commonplace. The visual turn highlighted “that symbolic action entails visual

representation in the inseparable and complex verbal, visual, and perceptual acts of making

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meaning” (Blakesley, 2004, p. 112). In 2005, Foss noted the focus on visual images in rhetorical

studies had been increasing primarily because of

the pervasiveness of the visual image and its impact on contemporary culture. Images in

the form of advertisements, television, film … constitute a major part of the rhetorical

environment, and such images now have the significance for contemporary culture that

speeches once did. (p. 142)

Earlier, media scholars such as Bolter (2001) also pointed out that the emergence of digital

technologies for knowledge mobilization such as the Internet has resulted in reading

environments that are increasingly multimodal, giving rise to new and hybrid genres, and calling

for different ways of reading. In the Second Edition of Writing Space: Computers, Hypertext and

the Remediation of Print, Bolter includes a chapter on “The Breakout of the Visual.” He remarks

that although print texts can and regularly do offer images, verbal text often “contains and

constrains” those images. Hypermedia spaces such as the Internet, in contrast, regularly give

priority to images (Bolter, 2001). In this sense, hypermedia is participating in a remediation of

writing spaces toward a focus on visual rhetoric. Indeed, it is in large part the rise of such digital

reading environments that encouraged the New London Group (1996) to promote a paradigm

shift in literacy studies to favour “multiliteracies” over “literacy” as a descriptor for the complex

task of making sense of and producing contemporary multimodal texts. The New London Group

observed that texts are deictic, and that there are a “burgeoning variety of text forms associated

with information and multimedia technologies” (p. 61). This in turn, has an impact on the ways

in which people communicate and understand information, which can greatly affect personal and

social lives (e.g., Leu, Kinzer, Coiro, Castek, and Henry). Greater attention to image analysis in

the field of rhetoric appears to correspond roughly with this paradigm shift in literacy studies and
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the study of digital culture in the humanities. Foss (2005) also observes including visuals in

rhetorical study provides understanding of human experiences not always accessible through

study of verbal language. Human experiences, argues Foss (2005), are often “spatially oriented,

nonlinear, multidimensional and dynamic” (p. 143).

Many scholars in the field of visual rhetoric acknowledge that to understand the

persuasive power of images we must examine rhetorical perspective (Foss, 2004, 2005; Olson,

Finnegan, & Hope, 2008) because “verbal rhetoric paves the way to visual rhetoric” (Bonsiepe,

1965, p. 38). That is, there is fluidity between the two forms (Goggin, 2004). For example, some

have preferred to examine the relationship between audiences and products. They suggest

understanding the creator’s intent is difficult and irrelevant. Once the “artifact is created, it

stands independent of its creator’s intention” (Foss, 2004, p. 308). The ability of film to

influence audiences to focus on one object (or idea) over another—referred to by Burke (1966)

as a terministic screen—is a powerful rhetorical device.

Aristotle’s notion of an enthymeme is also evident in many visual forms. Film producers

regularly create “visual enthymemes, thus drawing the viewer to participate in completing the

construction of the argument” (Blair, 2004, p. 59). A visual enthymeme is a form of visual

rhetoric (Blair, 2004; Foss, 2004, 2005). The three modes of appeal mentioned earlier—logic,

ethos and pathos—are also evident in visuals. In environmental documentaries, for example, the

use of pictorial or animated graphs and charts indicating, say, the Earth’s rise in temperature

appeals to logic, and interviews with professionals or famous people well known for advocating

a cause, such as Al Gore in An Inconvenient Truth (Bender & Guggenheim, 2006), invokes a

level of trust and appeals to the mode of ethos. Pathos, appealing to emotion, is a common and

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powerful form of visual rhetoric. Examples of appeals to pathos in environmental documentaries

might include images of injured or unwell animals and humans.

5.2 The effect(s) of the visual

Focusing on visuals begs the question, as Hill (2004) posits, “How exactly do images

persuade? How do images work to influence the beliefs, attitudes, opinions—and sometimes

actions—of those who view them?” (p. 25). One way is through the notion of presence, which

refers to “the extent to which an object or concept is foremost in the consciousness of the

audience members” (Hill, 2004, p. 28). Hill (2004) argues that residual presence is linked to

visual perception because an image can provide evidence and “be present.” Images such as

photographs or those used in documentary films are viewed as reflections of an event or of

people (Barthes, 1981). As previously noted in Chapter 3, this is what Nichols (2010) refers to as

the indexical quality of the image, the ways in which an image “bears a strict correspondence to

what it refers to” (p. 34). According to this line of thought, the so-called reality of the image

draws a desire to know (Hill, 2004; Nichols, 2010) and an emotional response from the viewer,

which makes it more persuasive (Hill, 2004). As noted earlier, while we may question binary

constructs that pit “fiction” against “reality,” it is clear that images are presented as evidence in

documentary film, and this positioning of image-as-evidence is persuasive.

The effect of an image also depends on its vividness. Many researchers suggest that

images are likely to provoke an emotional response and this in part is what makes visual rhetoric

so effective (DiFrancesco & Young, 2010; Hansen & Machin, 2013; Hill, 2004; Joffe, 2008;

Olson et al., 2008; O’Neill & Nicholson-Cole, 2009; Smith & Joffe, 2012). That said, based on

an exploration of studies in psychology, Hill (2004) suggests that some visuals are more vivid

than others: Statistics presented on graphs are less vivid, for example, have more codified
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abstraction and less of a presence, and are thus less rhetorically effective than moving images

reflecting experiences viewers may be able to relate to. Joffe (2008) adds that vividness leads to

the salience effect—the ways in which an image stands out and is remembered: “vivid visuals

leave a rich and strong memory trace where less vivid information would fade. This establishes

the salience of what is portrayed” (p. 85). Further, a higher level of vividness coupled with

repetitious viewings of the same or similar image also has a more persuasive effect (Cox, 2013;

Hansen & Machin, 2013; Helmers & Hill, 2004; Hill, 2004) and can result in images being more

memorable (Helmers & Hill, 2004; Joffe, 2008; Smith & Joffe, 2012; O’Neill & Nicholson-Cole,

2009). Moving images do have the capacity to portray abstract values or ideas that can elicit

complex emotions that are difficult to represent linguistically (Hill, 2004). Ultimately, images

may help people to understand and connect to complex ideas such as climate change because

they are vivid and salient (O’Neill & Nicholson-Cole, 2009). Access to relevant images, argue

Lester and Cottle (2009), raises awareness about environmental issues.

5.3 Visual rhetoric and environmental documentaries

Rhetoric has a constitutive action in that “the purposeful use of language . . . helps to

shape our perception of the world itself” (Cox, 2013, p. 63). In a study with thirty participants

with a range of backgrounds and experiences, O’Neill and Nicholson-Cole (2009) discovered the

use of fear rhetoric is not effective in engaging audiences with issues of climate change. Images

associated with fear rhetoric are seen in the description of the opening montage of Chasing Ice

(Aronson & Orlowski, 2012), as well as in numerous other environmental documentaries such as

An Inconvenient Truth (Bender & Guggenheim, 2006) and The 11th Hour (DiCaprio, Conners &

Conners 2007). They found, instead, nonthreatening images connecting to a viewer’s local

environment have a greater impact (O’Neill and Nicholson-Cole, 2009). They suggest the
67
rhetoric of fear should be used with caution “to avoid causing denial, apathy, avoidance, and

negative associations that may come as a result of coping with unpleasant feelings evoked”

(O’Neill and Nicholson-Cole, 2009, p. 376). Sobel (1998) also observes that focusing on the

beauty of nature rather than problems can instil a connection with viewers and prevent feelings

of “ecophobia —a fear of ecological problems and the natural world” (para. 5). James Balog,

featured in the documentary Chasing Ice, also suggests engaging people about climate change

with nonthreatening images.

5.4 Visual rhetorical modes in environmental documentary films

Within visual rhetoric there are a number of rhetorical modes, each with identifying

characteristics. As is always the case with such classifications, these are not independent of each

other. This section provides a list of visual rhetorical modes appearing in different genres of

environmental communication, including environmental documentary films. The modes are not

independent of each other; also, most documentaries utilize more than one visual rhetorical

mode.

5.4.1 The apocalyptic mode

The most obvious and frequently used visual rhetorical mode in environmental

documentaries is the apocalyptic mode. This mode utilizes images (see Figure 5.1 below as an

example) containing messages of impending ecological crisis and depicting catastrophic effects

(Cox, 2013). Apocalyptic visual rhetoric often induces a sense of fear among viewers.

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Figure 5.1 Dead tress. Unknown photographer, used under CC 1.0 Universal Public Domain.

Cox (2013) asks, “how do you raise awareness of future, serious effects from climate change

without relying on visions of apocalypse?” (p. 66). For some viewers, apocalyptic rhetoric can

re-ignite awareness or perhaps even motivate a change in behaviour (Lowe, 2006). And yet, little

is known about the effectiveness of this mode in producing long-term changes in behaviour.

Lowe (2006) notes how the apocalyptic mode is often overused and may result in people feeling

hopeless or apathetic about issues. The apocalyptic mode has the potential to make viewers feel

“change is impossible, rendering them and us as powerless” (Lowe, 2006, p. 6).

5.4.2 The jeremiad mode

The jeremiad mode is similar—a key difference being that it attributes faulty human

behaviour as the cause of environmental crisis (Cox, 2013; Rosteck & Frentz, 2009). “Jeremiad”

is a late-eighteenth century term alluding to the “Lamentations of Jeremiah” (n.d) and referring

to a “long, mournful complaint,” often in relation to moral decay (Jeremiad, n.d). The jeremiad

mode is often coupled with the apocalyptic mode, warning of future consequences if people do

not change their ways. It often focuses on human exploitation of natural environments, and

69
attributes human behaviour as the cause of environmental crisis (Murray & Heumann, 2014).

Images reflecting this mode include depictions of the end result of people’s wasteful habits, such

as mounds of garbage piles, pollutants in sewer systems, and smokestacks spewing air pollutants.

Documentaries such as Manufactured Landscapes (Baichwal, 2006) show images of how

places in various parts of the world have been impacted due to human-caused changes to the

landscape. This film relies on visuals with very little commentary. It follows photographer

Edward Burtynsky, who states the purpose of his work is “to look at the industrial landscape as a

way of defining who we are and our relationship to the planet” (Baichwal, 2006, 6:50). Images in

the film, such as one of an elderly Chinese woman sitting beside an electronic waste heap located

just on her doorstep, may encourage viewers to question the impact of manufactured landscapes

on people’s livelihoods.

[Figure 5.2 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Manufactured Landscapes (2006). It showed an elderly woman sitting in front of her home

beside electronic waste. Original source: Baichwal, J. (Producer & Director) (2006).

Manufactured landscapes [Documentary]. Canada: Foundry Films & National Film Board of

Canada.]

Figure 5.2 Screenshot of a scene from Manufactured Landscapes (2006), 24:00.

By focusing on Burtynsky’s work, director Jennifer Baichwal was able to produce a

documentary that relied more heavily on jeremiad visual rhetoric to inform audiences about

human impacts on the environment and on each other.

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5.4.3 The hopeful mode

Occasionally, documentaries employing apocalyptic or jeremiad visual rhetoric also

employ a hopeful rhetorical mode. About an hour into the documentary, The 11th Hour

(DiCaprio, Conners & Conners, 2007) offers viewers optimistic images of solar panels, as well

as eco-friendly solutions such as photosynthetic buildings, wind turbines, and animations of

carbon-neutral cities. It should be noted that hopeful rhetoric appears to be more prominent in

current environmental documentaries and is used more often in the context of verbal rhetoric

(e.g., the narrator speaks about progress, plausible solutions, etc.).

5.4.4 The environmental nostalgia and sublime modes

The environmental nostalgia mode is often used, presumably to evoke an emotive

response. This mode points to a “remembered Earth … [that] draws on the power of nostalgia to

skilfully frame global warming as a problem we share, but can solve together” (Murray &

Heumann, 2007, p. 4). Environmental nostalgia serves to highlight a natural local environment,

and to consider the loss of landscapes. As Aldo Leopold (1949) advocated, it is important to

reflect on and develop an affinity for a local place. In addition, the sublime visual rhetorical

mode is also used to develop an awareness of a particularly magnificent landscape or object in

nature; by extension, it may aid in the development of a personal connection to the area (Cox,

2013).

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Figure 5.3 Jökulsárlón, Iceland. Photograph by Dr. Justin Ahn. Used with permission. An example of the
sublime visual rhetorical mode.

Some critics of environmental nostalgia view this mode as limiting “because the past

evoked by a nostalgic view is not only unobtainable but also cast in an unrealistic innocence”

(Murray & Heumann, 2014, p. 74). Nevertheless, using eco-memories can actually be a powerful

persuasive tool. Murray and Heumann’s (2007) examination of An Inconvenient Truth (Bender

& Guggenheim, 2006) demonstrates how images associated with Al Gore’s ecological past—his

childhood farm along a river, vast landscapes, family members enjoying the outdoors—can

affect viewers because of the way they draw “on environmental nostalgia, a nostalgia we share

for a better, cleaner world” (p. 1). The authors do note, however, that the effectiveness of the

eco-memory mode is most successful in influencing viewers when it is coupled with evidence.

Other films, such as Benjamin Paull’s Gateway: The Enbridge Northern Gateway Pipeline

(2013), include little evidence. Instead, the documentary draws heavily on images to convey the

72
potential of losing the landscapes witnessed in the documentary. Paull (2013) achieves this effect

by portraying a series of sublime panoramic views briefly narrated by an aboriginal elder near

the end of the documentary; the elder simply states: “enjoy it as much as you can, while it lasts”

(13:50).

5.4.5 The environmental melodrama mode

The environmental melodrama rhetorical mode typically sensationalizes social actors to

draw an emotive response among viewers while also placing “the inaccuracy of scientific

language on display and highlight[ing] its potential blindspots” (Schwarze, 2006, p. 251).

Environmental melodrama often avoids scientific jargon and focuses on an individual event or

person. This rhetorical mode can emphasize the effect of environmental disasters on people’s

homes and health and can also highlight the effects on animal and plant life. Often environmental

melodrama occurs in the context of spoken segments, such as when interviewees recount their

experiences during a natural disaster or talk about the effects of toxic chemicals on their health.

Sometimes, the message is strengthened by imagery. For example, in Gasland (Fox, 2010), cattle

farmer John Fenton reflects on a time when he and his wife enjoyed the land before it was

covered with natural gas wells. An image just prior to this interview shows a jarring

juxtaposition of a massive industrial well in the middle of a vast landscape under a cloudy sky.

Fenton states: “it’s amazing that what took Mother Nature millions of years to build can be

destroyed in a few hours with a piece of heavy machinery” (Fox, 2010, 46:26). Scenes depicting

social actors talking help to show their reactions to their experiences. There are also times when

environmental melodrama is portrayed through images. For example, in an environmental

documentary mentioned earlier, Manufactured Landscapes (Baichwal, 2006), the director

focuses on elderly women in China who have to live and work within an electronic waste dump.
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These types of images can invite viewers to reflect on how people’s livelihoods are affected.

Table 5.1 summarizes the visual rhetorical modes that appear to be most prevalent in the

literature and environmental documentaries I reviewed. These visual rhetorical modes served as

a guide for choosing documentary clips for this study, which will be discussed in the next

chapter.

Table 5.1 Terms and definitions of visual rhetorical modes in environmental

documentaries.

Visual Rhetorical Mode Definition

Apocalyptic Images implying an impending ecological crisis and

depicting catastrophic effects.
Jeremiad Images attributing human behaviour as the cause of
environmental crises.
Hopeful Positive images providing eco-friendly solutions.
Environmental Nostalgia Images of natural environments used to evoke an emotive
response in relation to loss or potential loss of the same.
Sublime Images used to develop awareness of a particularly
magnificent landscape, natural object or creature, and by
extension to aid the development of personal connection
with the same.

Environmental Melodrama Sensationalizing social actors as a means to draw emotive

responses.

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Chapter 6: A Study with Viewers of Environmental Documentaries

To answer my second research question about which visual rhetorical modes most affect

viewers’ perceptions, attitudes, and understanding of environmental issues, I conducted a

qualitative study with viewers of environmental documentaries. This chapter outlines participant

recruitment procedures and data collection procedures; it also provides an overview and brief

analysis of the environmental documentaries participants viewed.

6.1 Participant recruitment

I recruited students enrolled in two sections of a University of British Columbia (UBC)

course titled LLED 361: Literacy Practices and Assessment, which was offered from May to

June 2016. This course is a requirement for all secondary teacher candidates in the Teacher

Education Program at UBC. This course challenges students to think about how knowledge is

transferred across different modalities and how multimodal genres affect learning and meaning

making. Students examine how to work with multiple literacies and how to create connections

between particular genres and citizenship. Also, part of the focus of LLED 361 is on

understanding the impact of multimodal genres, including how moving images affect viewer

perception. Students in the LLED 361 course were ideal participants for this study because they

came from a diverse range of disciplinary backgrounds.

The lead instructor for the two sections of LLED 361 was Dr. Kedrick James. In keeping

with third-party recruitment protocol, he was not in the classroom when I introduced the study

and he did not know which students volunteered to participate. In accordance with UBC policy,

the study adhered in all respects to the guidelines of the Canadian Tri-Council Policy Statement:

Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (Government of Canada, 2014). The UBC

Behavioural Ethics Review Board study approval number for this research is H16-00408.
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 Initially, I also considered recruiting participants enrolled in LLED 210: Introduction to

Analyzing Meanings of Images in Texts. This course is an elective in the UBC-Ritsumeikan

Program, which offers students from Japan a one-year program in English in one of two options:

the academic exchange program and the global citizenship program. LLED 210 focuses on

teaching students the skills to analyze images. Initially, I felt including participants from the

Ritsumeikan program would increase the diversity of the participant group and would provide

insight into potential cultural differences in understanding environmental issues. However, as I

proceeded with the study I realized the question of cultural differences was beyond the scope of a

single thesis and I honed my research questions accordingly.

To recruit participants from the two sections of LLED 361, I ran two separate, ninety-

minute workshops in June 2016 on media and environmental literacy. Seventy-two students

(thirty-six from each class) took part in the workshop. Students took part in the workshop

regardless of whether they were participating in the study. Workshop activities were designed in

collaboration with Dr. James to integrate seamlessly with the course content. They were not

graded.

During the workshop, I showed two clips from the environmental documentary Chasing

Ice (Aronson & Orlowski, 2012). The first clip was from the opening two-minute sequence

showing images of droughts, floods, fires, and the like. At the end of the clip the scene fades to

black and transitions to a new scene showing images of the ocean and glaciers. It also shows the

protagonist, James Balog, taking photographs of chunks of ice in the water. This second two-

minute scene acts as the prologue for the documentary. It ends with a transition displaying the

title of the documentary before fading to black. I chose these two clips because they rely

primarily on visual imagery; as well, when juxtaposed, the scenes show a stark contrast between
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two different visual rhetorical modes. The first clip combines apocalyptic and jeremiad rhetoric,

which is juxtaposed with the second clip employing sublime visual rhetoric.

After viewing the clip, I engaged students in a discussion about their reactions and

responses: how did the video make them feel? Did it raise their awareness of environmental

issues? I then showed them how to use an application that enables users to annotate videos, the

Collaborative Learning Annotation System (CLAS). The program is openly available to all UBC

students. Of benefit for the purpose of this study is that it has privacy settings so that I could

ensure student-participants would see only their own comments. Although collaborative video

annotation has many benefits in generating rich discussion, I wished to study personal response

and did not want individuals to be drawn to particular moments in the compilation solely on the

basis of observing the annotations of others at a particular time stamp.

Each class participated in an exercise of viewing and responding to one short clip of

about two minutes on CLAS. The clip was taken from the end of an environmental

“documentary short” (a documentary of less than forty minutes), Gateway: The Enbridge

Northern Gateway Pipeline (Paull, 2013). Students were asked to stop the clip at any moment

they found striking or evocative, and to provide a response. After this exercise, I engaged the

class in a large group discussion about media literacy and the merits of using video annotation

software to examine rhetoric in visual media.

I introduced the study in the remaining thirty minutes. To do this, I handed out consent

forms (see Appendix A), explained the study in more detail, read the consent form aloud, and

answered questions. The classes were informed they had one week to decide if they wanted to

volunteer for the study; however, all of those who were interested in volunteering signed the

consent form immediately. A total of eleven participants volunteered for this study. Table 6.1,
77
below, provides a summary of each participant. Names are pseudonyms. Most of my participants

were long-term residents of cities in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia, Canada. The data

offers a Western Canadian, middle-class perspective. Opportunities to explore other perspectives

will be discussed in Chapter 8.

Table 6.1 Participant Overview

Name Teaching Specialization

Betty Drama
Brian Technology Education
Finn English
Fran English/Home Economics
Laura Food and Nutrition
Lori Biological Sciences
Martin Technology Education
Nicole English
Peter Technology Education
Samantha French
York English

I acknowledge here my position as researcher-educator in the context of this study. A few

months prior to conducting my study, I taught a course to a group of secondary teacher

candidates: LLED 360: Classroom Discourse and English Language Learners. Many of my

former students were also enrolled in Dr. James’ LLED 361 classes. My professional

relationship with some of these students may have affected their decision to participate in my

study: out of the eleven who volunteered, six were my former students.

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6.2 Procedure

Volunteers for this study were asked to view and respond to a sixty-minute compilation

that included eleven clips from documentary films and shorts. The purpose of including a variety

of short clips was to expose participants to a greater number of documentaries and a wider

variety of visual rhetorical modes. The compilation (described in more detail in Section 6.3) was

available on UBC’s video annotation software, CLAS, which enabled participants to complete

the viewing when convenient so that they would not feel pressured in viewing and responding by

time constraints or by my presence.

Volunteers were instructed to provide annotations at points in the compilation they felt to

be particularly striking or evocative. Participants were given no parameters as to how to respond

or as to how long responses should be. I drew this approach from reader-response researchers

Miall and Kuiken (2001), who asked participants to choose striking or evocative passages from

literary selections, inviting them “to concurrently describe any and all aspects of their reading

experience: thoughts, feelings, interpretations, evolutions, memories and so on” (p. 13). This

approach allows for revelation of “the temporally unfolding experience of a text rather than its

consummating interpretation” (Miall & Kuiken, 2001, p. 239).

Volunteers were invited to view the compilation and make annotations within two weeks.

Most of the participants were able to complete the tasks within this timeline; four took an extra

week. After all participants completed their annotations, I reviewed the comments and wrote

relevant questions to be used as a guide during the interview (see Appendix B for an example of

interview protocol guidelines). After an initial examination of the collected data, I arranged to

meet with each participant to conduct semi-structured one-on-one interviews. These interviews

79
occurred within a week after I received participants’ responses. Semi-structured one-on-one

interviews provided participants the opportunity to clarify and elaborate on their responses.

I asked participants to review their comments in preparation for the interview, and to

bring their laptops. During the interview, participants were encouraged to review their comments

and to re-watch clips. I hoped for elaboration and clarification, as noted above, and therefore

each interview script included unique questions tailored to individual annotations. The interviews

were audio-recorded and, depending on the interest of the participants in expanding on their

annotations, took up to 30 minutes. All participants completed the annotations and the

interviews.

6.3 Environmental documentary clips

Table 6.2 provides a list of documentary shorts and clips in the video compilation, in the

order they appeared. For the purposes of this study, a “documentary short” is less than forty

minutes in length, a “documentary feature” is more than forty minutes in length, and a

“documentary clip” is an excerpted fragment of a longer film. Following Table 6.2 is a brief

overview of each of the environmental documentaries and an explanation of why they were

chosen.

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Table 6.2 Environmental documentary films and shorts

Title, Year, Type Total Clipped Time from Director Country

Run Time Feature (Produced)
(minutes) Documentary &
Total Time
Chasing Ice (2012) 75 60:04:91 – 60:07:31 Jeff US
Orlowski
Documentary Feature Total – 2:40

Climate Change and the 4:31 Total: 4:30 GoPro US

Optimistic Future Original
(2015) Productions

Documentary Short
Ashes and Snow (2005)3 63 0:00:00 – 0:06:55 Gregory US
Colbert
Documentary Feature Total: 6:554

HUMAN (2015) 90 7:04 – 8:30 Yann France

27:07 – 28:07 Arthus-
Documentary Feature 43:54 – 45:04 Bertrand
(Volume I: Extended 58: 39 – 60:00:26
Version)
Total: 5:37
Jumbo Wild (2015) 52 Total – 7:49 5 Nick Canada
Waggoner
Documentary Feature
Manufactured 86 2:22 – 5:466 Jennifer Canada
Landscapes (2006) Baichwal
Total – 3:24
Documentary Feature

3 An explanation for why this title is here, and not at the start is provided below.
4 Clip taken from promotional video. Detailed explanation provided below.
5 Total clip taken from a preview. Detailed explanation provided below.
6 Total clip taken from a preview. Detailed explanation provided below.

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 Title, Year, Type Total Clipped Time from Director Country
Run Time Feature (Produced)
(minutes) Documentary &
Total Time

Our Daily Bread (2005) 92 5:43 – 9:43 Nikolaus Germany

Geyrhalter
Documentary Feature Total – 4:00

The 11th Hour (2007) 95 0:00 – 1:30 Leila US

60:07:47 – 60:17:04 Conners &
Documentary Feature Nadia
Total – 10:46 Conners

The Antarctica 45 0:00 – 5:45 Mark Terry Canada

Challenge: A Global
Warning (2009) Total – 5:45

Documentary Feature

The Cove (2009) 92 60: 17:14 – Louie US

60:20:53 Psihoyos
Documentary Feature
Total – 3:39

The Fisherman’s Son 28:57 0:00 – 7:54 Chris US

(2015) Malloy
Total – 7:54
Documentary Short

My choice of clips was guided by two key factors. First, I wanted the clips to include

examples of the predominant visual rhetorical modes discussed in the previous chapter:

apocalyptic, jeremiad, hope, environmental nostalgia, sublime, and environmental melodrama.

Some of the clips include narration and/or music, while some include only sounds from the

environment in question. Second, I wanted to include different documentary modes discussed in

Chapter 3, such as the eco-disaster and the expository modes.

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 Numerous environmental documentaries are publicly available. Some are feature-length

films that have been showcased at film festivals and in theatres. Others are documentary shorts

that provide quick insight into an environmental issue. Some of these documentaries are

produced by professional filmmakers, while others are produced by amateurs. The

documentaries I chose address a wide range of globally significant environmental issues.

Initially, I wanted to select more documentaries by amateurs; however, while such

documentaries are interesting and valuable, they did not provide a sufficient variety of visual

rhetorical modes to support the investigation of my research questions. As such, I chose to focus

on documentaries produced by professionals. A study of the work of amateurs is a topic I hope to

explore in the future.

To limit the selection and keep the topics relatively current, I chose environmental

documentaries that were produced in the ten-year period between 2005 and 2015. With the

exception of one documentary short included in its entirety, Climate Change and the Optimistic

Future (GoPro, 2015), the entire video compilation is comprised of clips from documentary

feature films and clips from documentary shorts. I recognize that clipping decontextualizes

content and is likely to modify audience response. Although it is not ideal, clipping was

necessary to enable the inclusion of the variety of modes discussed above within a manageable

length.

Given this study was conducted at an English-speaking university in Canada, I selected

documentaries I knew my participant group would be most likely to encounter: those produced in

recent years and easily available via video sharing sites such as YouTube. I also primarily

selected documentaries in English. A valid critique of this collection is that the perspective is

skewed along the lines of commodification of culture, exoticism, and neocolonialism. This, in
83
fact, is a critique that has been made of documentary film generally (e.g., Aitken & Deprez,

2017; Smaill, 2016, Starosielski, 2013; Vivanco, 2013). For the purpose of this thesis my aim

was to examine participant response to the sorts of documentaries they would be likely to

encounter through standard Internet searches. I view this collection as a small sample of the same

evidencing a wide variety of rhetorical modes. What follows is a brief overview and analysis of

the documentary clips chosen for this study.

6.3.1 Chasing Ice (2012), Director Jeff Orlowski, 75 minutes

Chasing Ice (Aronson & Orlowski, 2012) follows renowned photographer and researcher

James Balog’s journey to the Ilulissat Glacier in Greenland. Orlowski is the founder of Exposure

Labs, a film production company that aims to produce socially relevant films. According to the

website, their goal is to allow “audiences to better understand the reality and intricacy of the

subject” and “to use film and art as tools to shift understanding and to make a difference”

(Exposure Labs, n.d., para. 2). A geographer and geomorphologist, Balog started as a

photographer and has since become well-known for his work in National Geographic. He is also

the founder of the Extreme Ice Survey (EIS), which is “an innovative, long-term photography

program that integrates art and science to give a ‘visual voice’ to the planet’s changing

ecosystem” (Extreme Ice Survey, 2014, para. 1).

[Figure 6.1 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of the opening

title scene from Chasing Ice (2012). Original source: Aronson, J. (Producer) & Orlowski, J.

(Director). (2012). Chasing ice [Documentary]. United States: Exposure.]

Figure 6.1 Screenshot of a scene from Chasing Ice (2012), 4:07.

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 Chasing Ice follows Balog as he and his EIS team prepare for an expedition to the

Ilulissat Glacier to use time-lapse photography to document the changes in the glacier. Orlowski

provides a mere glimpse into what Balog and the EIS team were able to capture: the largest

calving of a glacier ever recorded that lasted for seventy-five minutes and caused about five

kilometers of ice to spill into the ocean. The visual scenes in this documentary “are consistently

breathtaking, and accumulate real power” (McCahill, 2012, para. 1). According to Kaminski

(2014), Balog uses striking and evocative visuals “to jolt viewers into awareness as quickly as

possible” (para. 13). Balog argues that when it comes to issues of climate change, people do not

“want to hear about more statistical studies, more computer models, [or] more projections. What

they need is a believable, understandable piece of visual evidence, something that grabs them in

the gut” (Orlowski, 2012, 9:47-10:07).

The segment from Chasing Ice I chose for this study includes part of the largest-recorded

calving event, and would be categorized as sublime rhetoric. This scene is shot at a flat angle

(eye level) and the camera zooms in as different parts of the ice break off into the ocean. As it

zooms out, the panoramic shot captures the magnitude of the glacier and shows the glacier

shifting as pieces of it plunge into the ocean. The only auditory element in this scene is the sound

made by the movement of the ice as it breaks and crashes thunderously into the ocean. In the last

minute of the clip, an EIS engineer briefly describes what the viewer just witnessed. I debated

whether or not I should stop the clip before the narration started; however, I chose to leave it in

to help provide some context for participants.

6.3.2 Climate Change and the Optimistic Future (2015), GoPro, 4:31 minutes

This documentary short features Richer Muller, a professor of physics at the University

of California (I discuss his perspectives earlier, in Chapter 2). In early 2000, Muller was sceptical
85
about the conclusions drawn from climate change studies. His scepticism led him and his

daughter to start the Berkeley Earth Surface Temperature project. Through their work on the

project, Muller (2012) came to realize “global warming was real and that prior estimates of the

rate of warming were correct” (para. 1). He asserts, “humans are almost entirely the cause” (para.

1-2). From his extensive research on the Earth Surface Temperature project, Muller co-founded

Berkeley Earth, a website that provides access to his and his team’s research and findings on

varying topics of climate change. The documentary short is peppered with voiceovers of Muller

talking about climate change issues and the impact people have had on global warming.

However, as the title of this documentary short implies, Muller (2015) is “enormously optimistic

about the future” (2:53). Muller himself is only shown for a total of approximately twenty-five

seconds; the majority of the clip relies on images depicting various human-made and natural

landscapes, as seen in.

[Figure 6.2 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It juxtaposed two screenshots of two

scenes from Climate Change and the Optimistic Future (2015): one of a factory setting and the

other of a mountain landscape. Original source: Climate change and the optimistic future

[Documentary]. (2015). United States: GoPro. Retrieved September 15, 2015 from:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sT6jtTtsG_M&t=210s ]

Figure 6.2 Screenshot of different landscape scenes from Climate Change and the Optimistic Future (2015).

These images include aerial shots of mountain ranges and of oceans. There are also some

scenes depicting evidence of human development such as highways and factories. The majority

of the shots appear to be in real time, although time-lapse is used to show cars driving faster on

86
the highway or the passage of the moon at night. Overall, the documentary short alternates

between panoramas of natural environments and human-made environments. I chose to include

this documentary short because it mostly focuses on images of different landscapes. It is also one

of the few environmental documentaries that convey a sense of hope and optimism about the

future; I was interested to learn if participants would deem such an approach effective.

6.3.3 Ashes and Snow (2005), Gregory Colbert, 63 minutes

Colbert’s Ashes and Snow is described as “an immersive experience of nature that

combines photographic artworks, films and soundscapes” (“Gregory Colbert,” 2016,

bibliography para. 1). Ashes and Snow explores the intimate relationship between people and

animals through sepia-tone images, and complemented by music. The clip invites viewers to

witness people interacting with animals such as leopards, orangutans, elephants, and whales. For

the filming process, Colbert notes he allowed the animals to roam freely during shoots and only

directed the human actors to “go inside themselves and trust the animals” (Glover, 2002, para.

11).

[Figure 6.3 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Ashes and Snow (2005) that showed a person sitting in water surrounded by five elephants.

Original source: Colbert, G. (Producer & Director). (2005). Ashes and snow [Documentary].

United States: Flying Elephants Productions.]

Figure 6.3 Screenshot of a scene from Ashes and Snow (2005), 4:19.

The clip, shot mostly at a flat angle, zooms in on interactions between animals and

people, such as an orangutan and a woman holding hands, or a person sitting amongst elephants.

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Other times, extreme long shots show an interaction such as the scene of Colbert swimming with

a whale. The sepia-tone contributes to a feeling of nostalgia. According to Glover (2002), the

colour tone provides “a sense of timelessness; they could have been taken now or 100 years ago”

(para. 11). The clip is also filmed in slow motion, which reinforces the feeling of nostalgia. The

images Colbert utilizes are described as stunning (Houpt, 2002), and as having a peaceful poetic

simplicity while being awe-inspiring at the same time (Glover, 2002).

I found the clip of Ashes and Snow on a video sharing site where it is part of a two-part

eleven-minute video highlighting Colbert’s work. I chose to use this version because it was more

accessible lengthwise. It uses similar footage to the feature film, but provides short glimpses into

a variety of scenes. At the time I made the compilation, I inadvertently named the clip Flying

Elephants, which is the name of the production company and which is the title the film is

indexed by on YouTube. I did not discover the error until after my participants had viewed and

responded to the video.

Ashes and Snow was premiered as part of an “exhibition of 200 large photographs and

slow-moving film in the vaulting Nomadic Museum” (Smith, 2005). Colbert’s film is referred to

as “a poetic narrative rather than a documentary” (IMDb, Ashes and Snow, n.d.). One might

categorize Ashes and Snow as a poetic documentary, as it relies on metaphoric representation of

an issue through vivid images (Duvall, 2017). Or, one might argue Ashes and Snow is not a

documentary at all because, according to the definition Nichols (2010) provides (see Chapter 3),

it does not provide plausible representations of situations or events. In this regard, Ashes and

Snow may perhaps best be viewed as an art film. According to Bordwell (2008), “Art cinema,

defines itself explicitly against the classical narrative mode, and especially against the cause-

effect linkage of events” (p. 152). In the context of the video compilation for this study, I
88
included a clip of this film because the visual rhetoric is uniquely striking. That is to say, the

inclusion of this clip is a genre-bending ploy of my own: accepting hybridity of form and genre

as a feature of contemporary visual rhetoric, the clip belongs in this compilation because it is

about human interaction with the natural environment rather than because it can be categorized

as an “environmental documentary,” per se.

6.3.4 HUMAN (2015), Yann Arthus-Bertrand, 90 minutes

HUMAN (2015), directed by Yann Arthus-Bertrand, takes viewers on a journey around

the world. This film took Arthus-Bertrand three years to complete as he travelled to sixty

countries and interviewed thousands of people to record first-hand accounts to a variety of

questions that are raw, evocative, and inspiring. Inter-cut with these stories are mostly aerial

shots of the Earth.

There are different versions of this documentary. The shorter theatrical version, which

was featured at the 2016 Vancouver International Film Festival, is approximately two hours

long. There is also an extended version on YouTube that divides the film into three volumes of

about ninety minutes each. I decided to use clips from the first extended volume found online.

HUMAN alternates between images of people speaking and landscapes.

[Figure 6.4 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

HUMAN (2015) showing an aerial shot of a body of water, with flocks of birds flying above.

Original source: Arthus-Bertrand, Y. (Director) (2015). HUMAN [Documentary]. France:

GoodPlanet Foundation.]

Figure 6.4 Screenshot of a scene from HUMAN (2015), 7:18.

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In order to include a variety of images, I chose four different segments from the first extended

volume focussing on varying landscapes. I recognize editing and clipping affects the content and

the viewing experience. However, as noted earlier, I felt this was necessary in order to include a

greater range of visual rhetorical modes for this study. One part of the clip, for example, includes

a scene of people working in a garbage dump in the Dominican Republic. This scene added to

the variety of visual rhetorical modes for participants to view and to comment on. The scene

from the Dominican Republic is not shot in the same way as the majority of other scenes in the

documentary. It is shot at a flat angle and uses close-ups to focus on the garbage or on the

people. Otherwise, Arthus-Bertrand includes images such as sweeping aerial shots following a

flock of birds over a body of water (see Figure 6.4), or slow panning across a river.

6.3.5 Jumbo Wild (2015), Nick Waggoner, 52 minutes

The documentary Jumbo Wild is focused on the proposed development of the Jumbo

Glacier Resort in British Columbia. Director Nick Waggoner begins with the story of Oberto

Oberi, an Italian-born architect residing in Vancouver who plans to build a ski resort in an area

of spiritual significance to the local Indigenous people. The majority of the documentary focuses

on those who reject the proposal. These people mostly include local residents and the Ktunaxa

First Nations community.

I chose to include a clip from the seven-minute preview because it highlights a local

environment and situation thus increasing the likelihood that my participants would regard it as

personally relevant. The clip also adds variety to the video compilation because it includes what

might be defined as environmental nostalgia and sublime visual rhetoric. The clip opens with

sweeping aerial shots of the mountain region where the proposed ski resort is to be built (see

Figure 6.5).
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[Figure 6.5 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Jumbo Wild (2015) showing a panoramic shot of a mountain range. Original source: Ramras, Z.

(Producer) & Waggoner, N. (2015). (Director). Jumbo wild [Documentary]. Canada: Sweetgrass

Productions.]

Figure 6.5 Screenshot of a scene from Jumbo Wild (2015), 0:36.

The images are juxtaposed with recordings of a formal proceeding in which people argue for and

against the development. The rest of the clip features people recounting reasons why the region

is important to them. The verbal narrative is complemented by footage of forests and mountains,

people downhill skiing, news footage of protests, and grizzly bears.

6.3.6 Manufactured Landscapes (2006), Jennifer Baichwal, 86 minutes

Manufactured Landscapes features the work of Canadian photographer Edward

Burtynsky, known for its ambiguity and intense beauty, as well as for how it may provoke

viewers to consider the tensions between how we live and our impact on this world.

As Burtynsky (2013) explains:

These images are meant as metaphors of the dilemma of our modern existence; they

search for a dialogue between attraction and repulsion, seduction and fear. We are drawn

by desire—a chance at good living, yet we are consciously or unconsciously aware that

the world is suffering for our success. Our dependence on nature to provide the materials

for our consumption and our concern for the health of our planet sets us into an uneasy

contradiction. For me, these images function as reflecting pools of our times. (“Edward

Burtynsky, About,” n.d. para. 2)

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The director, Jennifer Baichwal, follows Burtynsky during one of his photographic journeys.

One might expect Burtynsky’s images to be revolting and to leave viewers disgusted about the

human impact on the world, yet, according to French (2008), the images “don’t have that tragic

sense of death we experience” (para. 2) and instead might leave viewers to ponder the

juxtaposition of the splendour and the ugliness of human development.

[Figure 6.6 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Manufactured Landscapes (2006) showing a person working in an electronic waste dump in

China. Original source: Baichwal, J. (Producer & Director) (2006). Manufactured landscapes

[Documentary]. Canada: Foundry Films & National Film Board of Canada.]

Figure 6.6 Screenshot of a scene from Manufactured Landscapes (2006), 3:55.

The majority of the film shows people working in long rows at menial tasks, workers in

an electronic waste (e-waste) dump salvaging parts (see Figure 6.6), or people disassembling

materials to access what can be re-used. I chose to include these scenes because they rely

primarily on visual imagery. During the filmed scenes there is no music or narration—only the

ambient soundscape of the factories, the clanking of metal, and so on. The montage of

photographs showing people living in and separating endless mounds of e-waste is set to music.

Burtynsky provides limited narration in some scenes. At the time of creating the video

compilation, I only had access to previews of the documentary on video sharing sites. The videos

contain segments of footage from the feature documentary. I chose to include this clip because it

uses a variety of combinations of the jeremiad, environmental melodrama and apocalyptic visual

rhetorical modes.

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6.3.7 Our Daily Bread (2005), Nikolaus Geyrhalter, 92 minutes

Our Daily Bread takes viewers on a visual journey showing how food is processed.

Austrian director Nikolaus Geyrhalter relies only on images and sounds from the environments

he is filming as he tours various slaughterhouses and factories where food is produced. He

describes the industry as “a closed system that people have extremely vague ideas about”

(Geyrhalter, 2005, para. 1). Geyrhalter does not conduct any interviews perhaps to ensure that

the scenes of industry are uninterrupted, thereby allowing viewers to be immersed in particular

situations and to form their own conclusions (Dargis, 2006). The only human voices come from

the casual conversation that occasionally occurs between workers. Geyrhalter does not include

any reference to names or locations of the factories, for he believes it does not matter where

these practices are taking place. In his words, if “things are made too easy” it

dulls our perception of the world. In this film a look behind the structures is permitted,

time is provided to take in sounds and images, and it’s possible to think about the world

where our basic foodstuffs are produced, which is normally ignored. (Burner, 2006, para.

3)

I chose to include a clip from this documentary because of its reliance on visuals over other

forms of knowledge representation, and because it employs a type of jeremiad visual rhetoric.

The clip I selected for the video compilation comes from a four-minute scene that occurs

near the beginning of the documentary. The scene opens in complete darkness, and then a series

of lights eventually flicker on, exposing a long, white hallway. A worker walks in, looks into the

window of what appears to be a storage room, opens the door, enters, and returns wheeling a

large trolley holding layers of trays. The scene transitions to a shot of factory trays filled with

baby chicks being moved along a conveyor belt while workers standing on either side of the belt
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inspect them. The chicks are seen at two different stages of inspection, during which they are

being shot out of a chute and onto a conveyor belt (see Figure 6.7). The scene ends with a worker

seemingly tagging the chicks.

[Figure 6.7 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Our Daily Bread (2005) showing chicks on a conveyor belt in a factory. Original source:

Geyrhalter, N. (Producer & Director). (2005). Our daily bread [Documentary]. Germany:

Nikolaus Geyrhalter Filmproduktion.]

Figure 6.7 Screenshot of a scene from Our Daily Bread (2005), 7:42.

Through this entire scene, audiences hear the sounds of machines, which drown out

occasional verbal exchanges between the workers. Despite this, the sound of the chicks chirping

is evident. Factory scenes can be gruesome; this scene, however, only depicts the beginning of a

factory farming process. For some viewers, many of the other scenes in the documentary might

be more difficult to view, such as ones that depict animal carcasses, animals being butchered,

and live chickens being beheaded. To be sensitive to my participants’ emotional well-being, in

accordance with ethical guidelines, I chose to limit inclusion of such clips in this study.

6.3.8 The 11th Hour (2007), Leila Conners and Nadia Conners, 95 minutes

Environmental activist Leonardo DiCaprio narrates parts of The 11th Hour, and also

produced the documentary. The 11th Hour features interviews with many specialists and

scientists to “explore how we’ve arrived at this moment—how we live, how we impact the

earth’s ecosystems, and what we can do to change our course” (11thHourFilm, 2017, para. 1).

The documentary focuses on the interviewees as they speak to specific issues, and is

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sometimes combined with a series of images. Occasionally, images are shown at a fast pace,

which may imply an urgent call to act now (Dargis, 2007). While the majority of the

documentary relies on apocalyptic and jeremiad rhetoric (see, for example, Figure 6.8), the last

ten minutes employ a hopeful rhetoric and convey a sense of optimism about the future, perhaps

to encourage people to act.

[Figure 6.8 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It showed, side-by-side, two

screenshots of two scenes from The 11th Hour (2007): one of factories and another of

floodwaters running through a neighbourhood. Original source: DiCaprio, L. (Producer) &

Conners, L., & Conners, N. (Directors). (2007). The 11th hour [Documentary]. United States:

Appian Way.]

Figure 6.8 Screenshots of scenes depicting jeremiad visual rhetoric from The 11th Hour (2007).

I chose to include two different clips from The 11th Hour. The first is a montage that uses

the apocalyptic and jeremiad visual rhetorical modes, which are achieved by the depiction of

floods, smoke stacks, droughts, and forest fires. I also chose to include a portion of the last ten

minutes of this documentary, which relies on hopeful rhetoric. The hopeful rhetoric is mostly

achieved through verbal narratives that offer people suggestions on how to make a change. I was

also interested in how participants would respond to the verbal rhetoric as opposed to the visual

rhetoric in this clip.

6.3.9 The Antarctica Challenge: A Global Warning (2009), Mark Terry, 45 minutes

The Antarctica Challenge: A Global Warning, written and directed by Mark Terry,

attempts to demonstrate how global warming affects Antarctica. The film centres on images of

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glaciers and Antarctica’s plant and animal life. These images are interspersed with Terry’s

narration, as well as interviews with scientists and environmental advocates. This film is visually

stunning, and provides information about how “the effects of global warming on Antarctica will

have dire, if not downright cataclysmic effects on virtually every other continent on earth”

(Heard, 2009, para. 2). Echoing some of the themes in Chasing Ice (Aronson & Orlowski, 2012),

this documentary also provides historical context and offers scientific information and analysis.

The visual scenes in The Antarctica Challenge: A Global Warning range from cityscapes to

interviewees to glaciers to organisms living on the land and in the sea.

[Figure 6.9 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

The Antarctica Challenge: A Global Warning (2009) showing the opening title credits of the

documentary. Original source: Terry, M. (2009). (Producer & Director). The Antarctica

challenge: A global warning [Documentary]. Canada: Polar Cap Productions.]

Figure 6.9 Screenshot of a scene from The Antarctica Challenge: A Global Warning (2009), 0:21.

Animation overlays of falling snow and melting ice are used in the opening credits (see

Figure 6.9), and the opening images are accompanied by an atonal soundscape. The documentary

transitions to a narrated montage of scenes showing particular characteristics of Antarctica,

including snow-covered mountains, penguins, seals, starfish, and glaciers. In the footage

depicting the glaciers, the camera zooms in on icicles and time-lapse is used to show ice melting.

The montage transitions to a scene featuring Dr. Julian Scott, a geophysicist, who explains what

happens when glaciers break off and disappear into the ocean. A five-minute clip from this

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opening segment is included in the video compilation. I chose this segment of the documentary

because it extends the content of Chasing Ice by providing a greater variety of images.

6.3.10 The Cove (2009), Louie Psihoyos, 92 minutes

The Cove, directed by Louie Psihoyos, examines the controversial fishing practice of

using sonar “to confuse dolphins and lead them into a cul-de-sac where they’re trapped and

killed” (Ebert, 2009, para. 2). The coastal Japanese village where this takes place is tight with

security and some of the footage was acquired illegally or using hidden cameras—Psihoyos is

transparent about this in the documentary. The Cove is based on the narrative of Richard

O’Barry, a dolphin trainer who captured and trained five dolphins for the television series

Flipper in the 1960s. Over time, he began to realize that the dolphins did not belong in an

aquarium, that they were stressed by having to perform and negatively affected by loud sounds,

such as applause. As a result of that realization, O’Barry committed himself to fighting the

captivity of dolphins.

[Figure 6.10 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

The Cove (2009) showing workers preparing for an illegal fishing expedition. Original source:

DePre Presmen, P. (Producer) & Psihoyos, L. (2009). (Director). The cove [Documentary].

United States: Diamond Doc Films.]

Figure 6.10 Screenshot of a scene from The Cove (2009), 60:07.

The documentary intersperses footage of Psihoyos and his team accessing the fishing

village with footage of conferences at which representatives from various countries meet to

establish regulations to prevent illegal fishing activities from occurring. Psihoyos and his team

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were able to acquire footage of a mass killing of dolphins by hiding special cameras inside fake

rocks (Ebert, 2009). I included the scene of the killing of the dolphins in the video compilation.

The scene lasts for about three minutes and there is no music or narration. The only sounds are

faint verbal exchanges between the workers and louder noises from the dolphins. Viewers are

able to see dolphins being trapped and can assume the dolphins are then killed because the water

in the cove progressively turns a deep red. This scene (which occurs near the end of the

documentary) is arguably one of the most disturbing scenes in the entire documentary and one of

the only scenes that rely mostly on visual imagery over other forms of expression. The use of the

jeremiad visual rhetorical mode in this clip from The Cove is unlike other clips included in the

compilation.

6.3.11 The Fisherman’s Son (2015), Chris Malloy, 28:57

The Fisherman’s Son (2015) is directed by Chris Malloy, professional surfer, filmmaker,

and environmental advocate. He tells the story of Ramón Navarro, a professional surfer from

Chile who is the son of a third-generation fisherman in a remote village three hours from

Santiago. The documentary follows Navarro as he works to protect his hometown of Punta de

Lobos—a coastal fishing village where he grew up surfing and where his family has fished for

generations—from corporate development. The film is a collaborative effort between Malloy,

Patagonia, and Save the Waves organization. The thirty-minute documentary short showcases

Navarro’s experience surfing and explains why Punta de Lobos is so important to him. The

narrative is accompanied by images of historical and current footage of the area, of Navarro and

his family fishing, and interviews with other renowned surfers attesting to Navarro’s character

and passion for the environment.

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[Figure 6.11 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

The Fisherman’s Son (2015) showing the protagonist, Ramón Navarro, on a beach preparing to

walk into the ocean. Original source: Malloy, C. (2015). (Director). The fisherman’s son

[Documentary]. United States: Farm League. Retrieved July 18, 2017 from

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0VMMrUzOhIk]

Figure 6.11 Screenshot of a scene from The Fisherman's Son (2015), 7:54.

I chose to include a clip from the first eight minutes of The Fisherman’s Son because it

provides a variety of images evidencing environmental nostalgic visual rhetoric. The

documentary is subtitled in English when Navarro or his family is speaking Spanish. Navarro

narrates the opening clip, which shows a re-enactment of Navarro as a child learning how to fish.

The scene transitions to present time and viewers see Navarro preparing for a dive and then

eventually bringing back a haul of fish for his family to prepare. Members of his family are

interviewed and his grandmother notes how, at one time, she and her family caught such

abundant amounts of sea bass—more than they could use. The remainder of the clip provides

some background information and footage from Navarro’s surfing career, but mostly focuses on

his efforts to protect Punta de Lobos.

The clips included for the video compilation thus include a variety of visual rhetorical

modes. Participants viewed this compilation on a video annotation platform, CLAS

(Collaborative Learning Annotation System). Participants were invited to add annotations at

moments they found striking or evocative. Participants could only view their own comments.

Later they clarified or elaborated their responses in interviews. Chapter 7 first provides an

overview of the approach used to analyze participant annotations and transcribed interviews.

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This is followed by analysis and discussion with a view to answering the second research

question: which visual rhetorical modes in environmental documentaries most affect viewers’

perceptions, attitudes, and understanding of environmental issues?

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Chapter 7: Data Analysis and Discussion

The following discussion provides an overview of data analysis steps and the approach to

thematic analysis. The chapter then interweaves a discussion of the analysis and findings, ending

with a summary of the findings.

7.1 Thematic analysis

The data sources for this study were the participants’ annotations on the video clips and

transcriptions of the semi-structured in-person interviews. I used a thematic approach to analyze

the data. Thematic analysis enables the exploration of patterns in texts without having

established a predetermined set of themes (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Creswell, 2014). This is an

“emergent” approach to analysis whereby multiple and diverse perspectives from participant

responses are revealed through a process of discovering reoccurring themes and uncovering

connections between themes and subthemes (Creswell, 2014).

Thematic analysis has been used in other environmental communication studies exploring

media representation of hydraulic fracturing in the UK (Jaspal & Nerlich, 2014) and in

examination of nuclear discourse in environmental communication (Kinsella, 2005).

Specifically, Jaspal and Nerlich (2014) used thematic analysis as a means to “clarify the structure

of social representations of fracking as a political and media issue, and the dominant rhetorical

strategies used to construct them” (p. 7).

I attempted to follow Creswell’s (2007, 2014) stages of thematic analysis (outlined

below), which have been used and adapted by other scholars (e.g., Braun & Clarke, 2006;

Huberman & Miles, 1994; Jaspal & Nerlich, 2014; Wolcott, 1994). The stages include:

organizing the data, reading and re-reading the data, coding, categorizing and refining codes,

describing codes, and reporting findings (Creswell, 2014). My process was highly iterative, in
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keeping with a “learn-by-doing” approach (Saldaña, 2009). Huberman and Miles (1994) also

note that there is no textbook approach to analyzing data, and that the process of analysis differs

from researcher to researcher. Some argue that thematic analysis lacks rigour due to reliance on

intuition, while others point to the lack of linearity in the process (Creswell, 2007). A thematic

analysis follows a pattern that may not always be linear, but instead “moves in analytic circles”

(Creswell, 2007, p. 150). The process is iterative, as noted above; qualitative researchers move

between and among the layers in what may be described as a spiral fashion (Creswell, 2007). For

example, one reads and re-reads (level one of the spiral), and may cycle at this stage for a while

before moving to the next stage of categorizing the data. One may go back to this level of the

spiral to review and re-visit themes as they emerge during the coding process.

My approach to thematic data analysis draws on Huberman and Miles (1994), who focus

on the relationship between themes. For this study, the approach of Huberman and Miles (1994)

can, for example, help examine similarities and differences among participants’ responses to the

same visual rhetorical mode. I also follow Wolcott (1994), who stresses the importance of

developing a description that reveals connections between academic literature and the data and,

as Huberman and Miles (1994) point out, helps identify potential gaps in the literature.

7.2 Approach to thematic analysis

As noted earlier, participants were invited to make annotations at points of the sixty-

minute video compilation they found striking or evocative using software that allowed their

writing to be linked to particular moments in the video. This exercise was not heavily structured:

respondents were invited simply to stop the video if they wished to add an annotation explaining

why they found given moments striking or evocative, and to write any thoughts that came to

mind. All told, the eleven participants produced 4,861 words of commentary in the form of video
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annotations. On average, participants each made five unique annotations, which ranged from 1 to

170 words in length. The number of unique comments per participant ranged from three to forty-

six, and some participants made multiple comments on several videos. Figure 7.1 and Table 7.1

provide a summary of participants’ annotations. Subsequently, I interviewed each participant to

allow for clarification or expansion of annotation commentary. These interviews were between

thirty and forty-five minutes in length and the interview transcripts total 62,838 words.

Using Creswell’s (2007, 2014) phased approach to thematic analysis, I began by

analyzing the annotations and followed that with analysis of the transcripts. The themes I

discovered through my examination of the annotations aided in the development of the coding

scheme I used for the transcribed interviews.

First, I familiarized and re-familiarized myself with the data. I initially conducted an

active reading, which Braun and Clarke (2006) describe as reading the data to search for themes

and patterns within the themes. I did this by highlighting passages of interest and making notes

along the margins of the annotations and in my notebook. Second, I used NVivo software for

qualitative data analysis as a tool to begin the coding process. Using NVivo, I categorized the

data by coding it into meaningful groupings based on an examination of “the frequent, dominant,

or significant themes inherent in [the] raw data” (Thomas, 2006, p. 238).

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Figure 7.1 Visualization of participant annotations in the entire video compilation. Red triangles indicate unique annotations.

Table 7.1 Title of the documentary, length of clip and number of annotations per clip.

Documentary Title Length of Clip Number of Annotations

1. Chasing Ice (2012) 2:40 6
2. Climate Change and the Optimistic Future (2015) 4:31 12
3. Ashes and Snow (2005) 6:52 22
4. HUMAN (2015) 5:20 18
5. Jumbo Wild (2015) 7:49 23
6. Manufactured Landscapes (2006) 3:24 7
7. Our Daily Bread (2005) 4:00 22
8. The 11th Hour (2007) 10:46 25
9. The Antarctica Challenge: A Global Warning (2009) 5:45 11
10. The Cove (2009) 3:39 9
11. The Fisherman’s Son (2015) 7:54 12

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Keeping my second research question in mind, I focused on how participants responded to what

they were viewing. As a guide, I asked the following questions:

1. To what are the participants responding?

2. How are participants responding to what they are viewing?
3. Do participants refer to or specifically address an environmental issue?
4. Is participant awareness and understanding of environmental issues evident?
5. What interesting or new thoughts and ideas have emerged?
6. What thoughts or ideas are consistent with current research?

A large number of themes emerged from this analysis. I then re-read the data and started

combining themes. After numerous cycles of reading and coding, I was able to narrow down the

codes to four key themes reflecting participants’ responses: emotive, moral, personal connection,

and cinematography.

I then proceeded with a second round of coding, again categorizing the data into more

meaningful groupings and common sub-themes. This entailed multiple cycles of reading, of

reviewing the sub-themes, and of narrowing themes into more refined subthemes. I initially

started this process using NVivo, but found this difficult; a limitation of the software in my view

is that it restricts the ways in which researchers can envision how the themes are interconnected.

I therefore printed out the annotations according to the four themes, cut out individual

annotations, and stuck them on a wall in their categories, using removable adhesive so I was able

to reposition the strips. I found this process much more useful because I could readily see

patterns emerging from the data. In repositioning the slips of paper, I interacted with the data

manually and was able to re-arrange, even re-code, themes.

I followed the same approach when analyzing the transcripts, but I started with the four

themes that had emerged from my analysis of the annotations. After multiple cycles of analysis, I

105
added the following two themes: disconnection and personal responsibility. Within the six main

themes, there are also sub-themes. The complete list and definitions (listed in no particular order)

are shown in Table 7.2. I would note that the themes and sub-themes are not necessarily mutually

exclusive: that is to say, multiple codes are at times applied to a single excerpt from the data.

Table 7.2 Themes and descriptions of participant responses to visual rhetorical modes in
the video compilation.

Themes Description

1. Emotive Response Refers to the participants’ expression of emotion(s) and/or

feeling(s) about what they are experiencing while they view a
scene and/or clip. This may be explicitly stated or implied.
Subthemes
Confusion Expression of a lack of clarity, lack of understanding, or
uncertainty about the viewing. Expression of desire to understand
the intent of what they are viewing.
Disgust Reference to or direct comment on feelings of revulsion.

Hopeful Reference to or direct comment on feelings of optimism.

Hopeless Reference to or direct comment on feelings of defeat or despair.

2. Moral Reference to or direct comment on the perceived rightness or

wrongness of the situation or about the moral compass of a
character.
Subthemes
Humanity Reference to or direct comment on the nature of humanity by
referring to a specific trait, such as greed.

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Themes Description

(Subthemes of
“Moral” theme
continued)

Humans & Animals Reference to or direct comment on people’s treatment of animals.

Humans & Nature Reference to or direct comment on people’s treatment of nature

and/or the impact humans have had on nature.

3. Personal Connection to participant’s life and/or personal experiences

Connection (work, education, personal preference).

Subthemes
Home Reference to or direct comment on current, future or past home.

4. Disconnection Reference to or direct comment on a sense of disconnection

between the video and a perceived reality of the situation.

5. Personal Reference to or direct comment on feelings of responsibility for

Responsibility negative impact on the environment; reference to or direct
comment on human responsibility and the need for humans to
contribute to solutions.

6. Cinematography Reference to or direct comment on cinematography, including the

use of visuals, transitions and proxemics, colour, montage, music,
narrative, and so on.

Subthemes
Juxtaposition Reference to or direct comment on visual symbolic juxtaposition
of images.

Awareness of Reference to or direct comment on awareness of being

Manipulation manipulated.

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7.3 Analysis and discussion

In the following section I first provide a brief overview of the analysis of the annotations

and interviews. The remainder of the discussion focuses on the themes of disgust, disconnection,

and confusion. These themes will be examined in the context of participant responses to the clips

from Our Daily Bread (Geyrhalter, 2005), The Cove (DePre, Pesmen & Psihoyos, 2009) and

Ashes and Snow (Colbert, 2005), respectively. I have chosen to focus the discussion on these

themes and clips because they speak most clearly to my research question. The chapter ends with

a summary of the findings.

7.3.1 Overview

Hope and hopelessness

My participants responded most positively to moments in the video offering plausible

solutions, including, for example, living a more sustainable lifestyle. This hopeful rhetoric is

common in environmental documentaries, but it is often expressed in verbal modes of

communication such as narration and interviews. One of my participants, Laura, wrote: “I really

appreciated his comment about the future. Too often discussions about global warming are very

gloomy and apocalyptic, which tends to cause the viewer to shy away” (Laura, personal

communication [video annotation], 5:40).7

[Figure 7.2 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Climate Change and the Optimistic Future (2015) showing ocean and beach. Original source:

7 Participant statements are unedited.

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Climate change and the optimistic future [Documentary]. (2015). United States: GoPro.

Retrieved September 15, 2015 from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sT6jtTtsG_M&t=210s]

Figure 7.2 Screenshot of a scene Laura responded to from Climate Change and the Optimistic Future (2015).

Laura specifically responded to the comments made by Robert Muller in Climate Change and

the Optimistic Future (2015). At the very end of the clip, Muller states, “I’m enormously

optimistic about the future, if you look at the world objectively, it’s a great future” (Muller,

2015, 5:36).8 Muller’s statements are heard as voice-overs accompanying panoramic shots of

different landscapes including mountains, ocean, and prairies. These images would be

categorized as sublime visual rhetorical mode as the images focus on particularly magnificent

landscapes.

In our follow-up interview, Laura talked about how the combination of the images and

the narration was effective in creating a sense of hope for her. She admitted this was the first

environmental documentary she had viewed that offered a positive or hopeful message. Laura

recalled that in her previous viewing experience the visual rhetoric in environmental

documentaries were normally “of catastrophic events or natural disasters and manmade

disasters” (Laura, personal communication [interview], July 5, 2016). Laura identified the

images she described as specifically being apocalyptic. She also stated, “I usually prefer not to

watch environmental documentaries because I feel that I always leave the documentary feeling

more hopeless, and so I tend to stay from that” (Laura, personal communication [interview], July

5, 2016). Laura’s comments are supported by research reporting people’s negative responses to

8 Timestamps following a specific clip or environmental documentary from here on in are in reference to the times
in the video compilation.
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apocalyptic rhetoric (Lowe, 2006; O’Neill & Nicholson-Cole, 2009). Betty made a similar

comment about the same clip, noting that what she saw offered “a positive message” and that

“phrases like those are effective” (Betty, personal communication [video annotation], 6:10). In

her interview, Betty discussed how positive messages of hope, or rhetoric that offers solutions,

are “digestible” and more plausible than rhetoric that claims the only solution is to “live off the

grid” (Betty, personal communication [interview], July 6, 2016).

Martin also wrote of hopeful rhetoric. In response to the clip from The 11th Hour

(DiCaprio, Conners & Conners, 2007), he commented: “I really like this video because it showed

us how we can help especially through technology” (Martin, personal communication [video

annotation], 45:46). The 11th Hour relies heavily on verbal rhetoric, and this is particularly

evident in the extract included in the video compilation. The clip starts with the combination of

visuals employing apocalyptic and jeremiad modes, but as the organizational leaders and

scientists explain working solutions to various problems, the visuals become hopeful in nature.

This hopeful visual rhetoric is conveyed, for example, through images depicting how technology

has contributed to developing solutions such as solar panels and wind turbines. During his

interview, Martin clearly voiced his liking for this clip because, for him, it helped demonstrate

how people are developing solutions: it is not simply a “concept,” he said, “they’re thinking,

there’s progress … there’s hope for the future” (Martin, personal communication [interview],

July 5, 2016).9 My participants’ comments reflecting hopelessness in the face of apocalyptic

rhetoric and optimism in the face of hopeful rhetoric are supported by current research. For

example, Lowe (2006) shows that the apocalyptic mode can be effective, but it is often overused

9 Ellipses in participant statements reflect a break in text.

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in environmental documentaries and results in people feeling anxious or hopeless. Scholars

suggest apocalyptic rhetoric should be used with caution to avoid negative responses (O’Neill &

Nicholson-Cole, 2009), and to prevent further fears of ecological problems (Sobel, 1998).

It was interesting to note how positive or hopeful feelings were evoked mostly by verbal

rhetoric. Martin provided a general comment about the video, noting: “my favourite one was the

one that talked about how future science can help us and gave a positive look of the future”

(Martin, personal communication [video annotation], 60:00). During the interview he supported

his choice again by stating, “the strongest one would be about the scientists talking” (Martin,

personal communication, [interview], July 5, 2016). Martin was referring to how, for him in this

instance, verbal rhetoric was most effective.

Nicole also made a comment about the solutions offered in the clip from The 11th Hour

(DiCaprio, Conners & Conners, 2007): “what a beautiful idea … reusing everything!” (Nicole,

personal communication [video annotation], 36:28). In this instance, Nicole was referring to

comments made by Lester Brown, the founder of the Earth Policy Institute, who states: “instead

of a throwaway economy, it will be a reused economy where everything is reused” (36:28). The

narration is paired with animation demonstrating how water might be reused.

[Figure 7.3 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a sequence of

scenes from The 11th Hour (2007) showing an animated scene of how water might be reused.

Original source: DiCaprio, L. (Producer) & Conners, L., & Conners, N. (Directors). (2007). The

11th hour [Documentary]. United States: Appian Way.]

Figure 7.3 Screenshots of the sequence of scenes Nicole commented on from The 11th Hour (2007), 36:28.

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Nicole observed: “I connect a lot with words. I connect more with words than I do with just

images” (Nicole, personal communication [interview], July 20, 2016). The annotations and

comments made by Laura, Betty, Martin, and Nicole all demonstrated that verbal rhetoric

influenced them in considering environmental issues, which is a common representational

pattern in environmental documentaries. Specifically, in the case of Martin and Nicole, analysis

demonstrated that hopeful rhetorical mode was most influential when delivered in verbal

explanations and narratives.

Personal connection

It was evident that some of the images evoked strong reactions from many of my

participants. In reference to the opening scene depicting vast mountain ranges in Jumbo Wild

(Ramras & Waggoner, 2015), Lori explained: “as an outdoor enthusiast, the message was sold as

soon as the panorama came up at the start” (Lori, personal communication [video annotation],

20:31). Similarly, Betty observed, “this is part of the world I feel personally connected to, I care

and the images feel like home” (Betty, personal communication [video annotation], 22:38).

[Figure 7.4 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Jumbo Wild (2007) showing a panoramic view of a mountain range. Original source: Ramras, Z.

(Producer) & Waggoner, N. (2015). (Director). Jumbo wild [Documentary]. Canada: Sweetgrass

Productions.]

Figure 7.4 Screenshot of a scene Martin responded to from Jumbo Wild (2007), 26:43.

Martin also reacted positively when he commented on the “beautiful views.” He said the clip “hit

a nerve because I like the outdoors and love to go to places like that in total isolation and seeing

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that this could possibly be taken away really doesn’t sit well with me” (Martin, personal

communication [video annotation], 26:43). During his follow-up interview, Martin again noted

how this clip “hits me at home pretty hard just because . . . if I see that being taken away, I’m

going to be quite upset if I don’t get to share that with like the kids of the future, generations. . .

some things should just be left alone” (Martin, personal communication [interview], July 5,

2016).

Martin’s personal experience of being outdoors influenced his desire to protect places

that are important to him. This was further emphasized when he connected the topic of this clip

to his experiences as a camp counsellor: “they were thinking of building a mine near by, and if

that were to happen, all that water, all of a sudden would probably get polluted, because it takes

one spill to destroy everything” (Martin, personal communication [interview], July 5, 2016).

Martin’s desire to be outdoors and his work experiences at an outdoor camp affected his

response to the clip from Jumbo Wild apparently because he was able to make a personal

connection. He understood the development of a ski resort in a natural environmental has

potential risks. Martin was troubled by the fact that if he does not work to protect natural

landscapes that these natural areas will soon disappear. In this instance, Martin, Lori and Betty

reacted more to environmental nostalgia and sublime visual rhetoric. The combination of these

modes often focuses on images of vast landscapes, on memories, and on encouraging reflection

on natural environments. In the case of Martin, connection to a specific place and previous

experiences raised his awareness of a specific environmental issue. This finding is supported by

other studies, which suggest images that connect to a local or familiar place can better engage or

persuade viewers (Covi & Kain, 2016; O’Neill and Nicholson-Cole, 2009).

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 Fran commented on the clip from The Fisherman’s Son (Malloy, 2015) and talked about

how it reminded her of her childhood in Australia. She talked about how her father used to fish,

and how the same values portrayed in the clip (family connections, and protecting the natural

landscape) were ones with which she had grown up and continued to value.

[Figure 7.5 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

The Fisherman’s Son (2015) showing a person surfing in the ocean. Original source: Malloy, C.

(2015). (Director). The fisherman’s son [Documentary]. United States: Farm League. Retrieved

July 18, 2017 from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0VMMrUzOhIk]

Figure 7.5 Screenshot of a scene Fran responded to from The Fisherman's Son (2015), 59:25.

Conversely, in response to fishermen killing dolphins in The Cove (DePre Pesmen & Psihoyos,

2009), Fran was clearly revolted. I asked Fran about her response in our interview. Fran spoke

candidly about a time when she was a child and witnessed a porpoise being killed. In her words:

they had cut the head off and took the head and left the whole body on the beach, of our

local beach . . . it was so revolting, and it was super hot, so you can imagine the stench.

But even then as a kid I remember seeing it was just the head taken. I was like “what the

heck?” (Fran, personal communication [interview], July 11, 2016)

While most of my participants gave positive examples of personal connections, Fran’s personal

experiences influenced her negative reaction in The Cove (Psihoyos, 2009).

Findings demonstrating a personal connection to a memory, an experience, or an event

are reflected in environmental theories such as those proposed by Aldo Leopold (1949), Rachel

Carson (1962), and David Sobel (1998), who note that to influence or enact some kind of

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change, people must make a personal connection to a place. People often need to “remember and

be re-membered” (Knapp, 2005, p. 278), to recognize the importance of a local area, which then

might extend to an awareness of larger, global issues. As Betty noted at the end of her

annotations, “I think an environmentalist film’s message is more effective when the film is about

a place where you live or a place you have a personal connection to” (Betty, personal

communication [video annotation], 60:00). The data suggested that it was not just a local place

that made a significant impact, but also personal experiences within a local place. Martin and

Fran both had personal experiences that helped them identify with the images and issues

portrayed in the clips. In addition, Lori and Martin identified with issues in the clips in ways that

suggested their personal experiences of the outdoors played a role in their response. Thus far, my

findings suggest environmental nostalgia, sublime, and jeremiad visual rhetoric evoked some

level of personal connection—whether positive or negative—and raised awareness about

particular environmental issues.

Personal responsibility

Many of my participants’ responses alluded to the importance of responsibility. After

viewing the opening scenes of Climate Change and the Optimistic Future (2015), Lori

commented: “the flashback between the city (where most people live) and the melting ice links

what is remote to personal responsibility” (Lori, personal communication [video annotation],

2:59). Here, Lori was responding to the juxtaposition of sublime and jeremiad visual rhetoric.

[Figure 7.6 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Climate Change and the Optimistic Future (2015) showing one image of a glacier, and another

of a cityscape. Original source: Climate change and the optimistic future [Documentary]. (2015).
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United States: GoPro. Retrieved September 15, 2015 from

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sT6jtTtsG_M&t=210s]

Figure 7.6 Screenshots of the scene(s) Lori responded to from Climate Change and the Optimistic Future
(2015), 2:59.

During her interview, Lori stated that it appeared as though the documentarian was “tying the

two images together” to show “we’re actually interconnected and we’re responsible for taking

care of not just our city but also of the wilderness” (Lori, personal communication [interview],

July 13, 2016). Lori used the term “links” and phrases such as “tying the two images together,”

implying viewers must construct meaning by finding the connection themselves: an example of a

visual enthymeme. This is suggestive of notions in keeping with Iser’s (1974) “unwritten” (e.g.,

narrative gaps), as well as Kuleshov’s (1974) discovery that the arrangement of the shots is

persuasive because viewers make causal links. Lori’s comments demonstrated her understanding

of the strategic placement of images.

While Lori commented on humanity in general, Betty provided a more personal response

to the end of the same clip: “I can’t believe that a species (humans) could make such an impact

on such a huge otherwise stable planet. So sad. I feel bad! I feel like I personally have made a

huge mess for everyone” (Betty, personal communication [video annotation], 5:30).

[Figure 7.7 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Climate Change and the Optimistic Future (2015) showing a landscape including fields and

mountains in the background. Original source: Climate change and the optimistic future

[Documentary]. (2015). United States: GoPro. Retrieved September 15, 2015 from

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sT6jtTtsG_M&t=210s]

Figure 7.7 Screenshot of a scene Betty responded to from Climate Change and the Optimistic Future (2015).
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During her interview, Betty reflected that she felt guilty at times because she did not always

make the best choices, yet she was aware of how these choices influenced the environment.

Scenes of mountains and sweeping valleys, as well as other vast natural landscapes, caused Betty

to realize how people have negatively impacted the natural environment. In that instance, Betty

was responding to the use of sublime visual rhetoric. Similarly, Nicole appeared to respond with

a sense of guilt to The 11th Hour (DiCaprio, Conners & Conners, 2007). That is, while Nicole

reported that she appreciated being informed of possible solutions, she also stated that the

responsibility to protect the environment is often placed on young people: it “definitely creates a

sense of responsibility in the heaviest sense of the word, like it almost creates guilt” (Nicole,

personal communication [interview], July 20, 2016).

Brian also referred to the idea of personal responsibility. After watching a scene from

HUMAN (Gilard & Arthus-Bertrand, 2015) where people are sorting through a garbage dump,

Brian expressed frustration when he noted feeling “very sad and pissed off” and “troubled by the

amount of trash we create” (Brian, personal communication [video annotation], 18:13).

[Figure 7.8 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

HUMAN (2015) showing people sorting through a garbage dump. Original source: Arthus-

Bertrand, Y. (Director) (2015). HUMAN [Documentary]. France: GoodPlanet Foundation.]

Figure 7.8 Screenshot of a scene Brian responded to from HUMAN (2015), 18:13.

Similarly, in response to a scene from Manufactured Landscape (Baichwal, 2006), Brian

commented on images of an electronic waste dump: “seeing the amount of waste of electronic

material makes me frustrated with North America and the greed that we have for more stuff”

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(Brian, personal communication [video annotation], 30:01). Both of the images Brian referred to

employ jeremiad and environmental melodrama visual rhetoric; in both instances, the scenes

depict the enormous impact of human waste on environment and on people’s lives.

As shown in the previous discussion, the idea of personal responsibility was evoked by a

variety of different visual rhetorical modes. Lori specifically pointed out the contrast between

cityscapes and landscapes (classified here as jeremiad and sublime rhetoric). Betty talked about

feeling guilty when viewing mountain landscapes, and Nicole expressed the same feelings of

guilt, but in response to imagery of different solutions. Still, Brian’s reflections about personal

and societal responsibility were evoked specifically by scenes of people working in garbage or

sitting beside electronic waste (these scenes employ jeremiad and environmental melodrama

rhetoric, respectively). My participants all commented on the idea of personal responsibility, but

in response to different images. Genre, as Frow (2006) notes, is a function of reading, and

viewers’ background experiences have an impact on how they might respond to texts or, in this

case, the textual patterns of a genre.

7.3.2 Disgust and disconnection: Jeremiad visual rhetorical mode

Participant response to visual imagery categorized as jeremiad reflected disgust and

disconnection. Observing a group of fishermen killing dolphins in The Cove (DePre Pesmen &

Psihoyos, 2009), Nicole stated, “this is disgusting and so disheartening” (Nicole, personal

communication [video annotation], 53:06). Fran’s comments on the four-minute clip from Our

Daily Bread (Geyrhalter, 2005) showing factory workers sorting chicks are an interesting

instance of an instinctive stream of consciousness response to the jeremiad visual rhetorical

mode. Fran’s annotations are listed in Table 7.3

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[Figure 7.9 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Our Daily Bread (2005) showing workers sorting through chicks on a conveyor belt in a factory

setting. Original source: Geyrhalter, N. (Producer & Director). (2005). Our daily bread

[Documentary]. Germany: Nikolaus Geyrhalter Filmproduktion.]

Figure 7.9 Screenshot of a scene Fran responded to from Our Daily Bread (2005), 31:42.

Table 7.3 Example of Fran’s annotations

Time Stamp Fran’s Annotations Description

31:18:00 it is pretty uninteresting Opening scene— factory worker

going to what appears to be large
cupboards, pulling out a cart
layered with caged drawers.

31:29:00 oh no, poor little chicks! Close up of what are in the caged
drawers—chicks.

31:42:00 oh my god, it’s horrible Chicks in trays on a conveyor belt,

to watch! with workers sorting through them
and eventually throwing them
around to different trays.
32:01:00 they are throwing them!!

32:29:00 okay, I hate watching this Chicks are seen travelling along the
clip. I am a huge animal conveyor belt down a chute.
lover and this disregard
distresses me.

33:44:00 I wish this would stop. Chicks are in a final tray, with a
worker inspecting the chicks,
separating them into different piles.

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Fran’s comments reflect increasing levels of disgust. The majority of participants expressed

disgust in their responses to images classified as apocalyptic or jeremiad visual rhetoric, which

were most evident in the clips from Our Daily Bread (Geyrhalter, 2005) and The Cove (DePre

Pesmen & Psihoyos, 2009). Other participants expressed similar aversion to the clip from Our

Daily Bread:

this whole process seems SO SENSELESS. Why are there so many chicks!?! What could

they possibly do with chicks?!?! Why do they have to go through so many tunnels and

scary chambers?! What is this even for? I’m glad I’m a vegetarian! Poor chicks! (Betty,

personal communication [video annotation], 33:59 – 34:09, emphasis in original)

Betty did not comment at any specific points in this clip, instead choosing to comment at the end.

Her capitalization of “SO SENSELESS” and streaming questions about the purpose of the

factory processes evidenced repulsion. In her follow-up interview, Betty noted that she could not

comprehend the mistreatment of the chicks, and that by choosing to be a vegetarian she could “at

least remove myself from that” (Betty, personal communication [interview], July 11, 2016).

During the interview, Betty continued to question the purpose of the treatment of the chicks. She

noted how she actually had to “click away” because she “didn’t understand” (Betty, personal

communication [interview], July 11, 2016). She also noted, “it just seems like so much effort to

make it miserable for them which is so sad. Why did someone go through so much effort …

they’re like baby chicks” (Betty, personal communication [interview], July 11, 2016).

In his annotations, Finn wrote, “this has been awful. At every step the chicks are just

slung carelessly around, and the whole thing has been designed to limit the force of impact so

that the number of casualties falls just below the threshold of acceptable loss” (Finn, personal

communication [video annotation], 34:14).

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[Figure 7.10 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Our Daily Bread (2005) showing chicks being moved along and sorted on a conveyor belt in a

factory setting. Original source: Geyrhalter, N. (Producer & Director). (2005). Our daily bread

[Documentary]. Germany: Nikolaus Geyrhalter Filmproduktion.]

Figure 7.10 Screenshot of a scene Betty and Finn referred to from Our Daily Bread (2005), 32:42.

Like Betty, Finn not only expressed his disapproval of the treatment of the chicks, but also of the

factory setting itself. In his follow-up interview, he explained:

these chicks are like hitting these things and sliding down and some part of me knows

that somebody somewhere has calculated the velocity with which they can hit this wall

safely so that most of them don’t die, and maybe the occasional one dies, and I’m like it’s

just so perfectly designed. This perfectly designed cycle of just de-personalized killing.

(Finn, personal communication [interview], July 12, 2016)

The scenes to which Fran, Betty and Finn responded are classified in this thesis as jeremiad

visual rhetoric (images attributing human behaviour as the cause of environmental crises). Other

participants reacted to these scenes in similar ways. Nicole, for example, stated, “oh my god, this

is difficult to watch” (Nicole, personal communication [video annotation], 33:09), and York

simply wrote, “Fuck me” (York, personal communication [video annotation], 33:51). In fact, all

participants responded similarly to the clip from Our Daily Bread (Geyrhalter, 2005).

Geyrhalter remarks on how such treatment of animals might be overlooked, remarking

that he is “fascinated by ‘zones and areas people normally don’t see’” (as cited in Dargis, 2006,

para. 3). His documentary, like no other, brings these zones to the forefront for the viewer.

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Geyrhalter’s fascination with zones and areas people do not recognize is often referred to as a

form of self-validating reduction (Weston, 1996). Within environmental education, this refers to

a “disvaluing of nature” (Weston, 1996, p. 115) and is used as an excuse or rationale to justify an

action. Participants’ annotations on Our Daily Bread also demonstrated a level of self-validating

reduction, which was revealed by comments made about the disconnection between the food we

consume and the way in which the animals were treated, such as the following: “I am in disbelief

this actually happens” (Brian, personal communication [video annotation], 32:56). Later during

our interview, Brian noted that he normally did not think about where the meat comes from when

eating a meal. In an annotation, Martin noted: “makes me feel kind of bad about eating chicken. I

knew commercialized farming wasn’t a nice thing but after watching this video it really showed

me how commercialized it is” (Martin, personal communication [video annotation], 34:28).

Martin noted in our follow-up interview that although he would not omit chicken from his diet,

he would make a more conscious choice about the kinds of meat he did purchase.

In an annotation on Our Daily Bread (Geyrhalter, 2005), Laura noted: “This also allowed

me to realize how disconnected we are from our food and how it is grown” (Laura, personal

communication, [video annotation], 33:53). When asked to elaborate, Laura said the following:

if you show visuals of like baby chicks or any sort of young animal, maybe a calf or a

piglet then people would be like “oh”, most people would be like “oh, that’s adorable,

like it’s so sweet.” And if you were to kind of link that to “oh ya, so that’s your

McNugget, or that’s your patty” it’d be a bit upsetting for them. But, they would kind of

be “oh I’m not actually killing it, I don't’ have to deal with that sort of thing.” So, it kind

of provides them with, it’s better for their conscience, that they don’t have to physically

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 kill something in order to eat it. But indirectly they are because they are eating it, so it

had to be killed for them. (Laura, personal communication [interview], July 5, 2016)

Laura’s remarks are an example of self-validating reduction. Her comment about how animals

are viewed as “adorable” reflects the idea of role affinity (Bahk, 2010). The participants

developed an affinity for the chicks, which then made it challenging for them to assess possible

negative outcomes for these animals. Self-validating reduction is also reflected in Laura’s

comments when she refers to people’s excuses about not contributing to the problem of the

treatment of animals because they as individuals are not killing the animals. Laura made clear

during our interview that her awareness of this disconnection was because of her background in

food and health nutrition. She admitted that this clip made her think about these issues again,

stating: “I think it’s one of those things where you think about it, and it’s a bit unsettling, so you

tend to try to either block it out or you don’t think of it as much” (Laura, personal

communication [interview], July 5, 2016).

Fran’s comments also provided examples of disconnection and self-validating reduction.

When I asked her about her stream-of-consciousness comments from the clip from Our Daily

Bread (Geyrhalter, 2005), Fran replied:

We have no regard for animals. . . . You want your Kentucky Fried, you want a

McDonald’s chicken burger, there’s your cost. Because for those of us who love to hide

behind “I buy eggs that are ethical” you know, total free range, organic, and then I could

sit there in my little sanctity and go “I can feel good about myself because I don’t buy

eggs where chickens are put in [inaudible].” (Fran, personal communication [interview],

July 11, 2016)

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The scenario Fran describes whereby choices to eat at certain fast food restaurants are justified or

balanced by purchasing other products that are ethical is another example of self-validating

reduction.

When examining the annotations and transcribed interviews from participants’ responses

to Our Daily Bread, I observed that few made a direct connection to the effectiveness of the clip

at raising awareness of the environmental issues involved in commercialized farming. Many

participants, however, did allude to human impact on the environment. The ethical treatment of

animals is an environmental issue. Animals are directly affected when people and corporations

continue to be involved in commercialized farming. While unnerving, the jeremiad visual

rhetoric of Our Daily Bread (Geyrhalter, 2005) did make an impact on my participants, as most

spoke to the cruelty of commercialized farming.

Responses to The Cove (DePre Pesmen & Psihoyos, 2009) generated an equal, if not

greater, amount of disgust. As noted earlier, the clip opens showing fishermen preparing for a

hunt. Using rowboats, they drop nets into the water and wait for a brief moment for a pod of

dolphins to swim into the cove. Quickly, the fishermen trap the dolphins and, while standing on

the rowboats, spears in hand, stab and kill the dolphins. Slowly the water in the cove turns red,

which is contrasted against the dull greys of the cliffs and rocks surrounding the cove.

[Figure 7.11 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

The Cove (2009) showing workers killing dolphins. Original source: DePre Presmen, P.

(Producer) & Psihoyos, L. (2009). (Director). The cove [Documentary]. United States: Diamond

Doc Films.]

Figure 7.11 Screenshot of a scene many participants responded to from The Cove (2009), 53:57.

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The comments in response to the clip from The Cove (DePre Pesmen & Psihoyos, 2009) for most

were very short. For example, Nicole wrote, “this is disgusting and so disheartening” (Nicole,

personal communication [video annotation], 53:06); Martin wrote, “that’s pretty fucked up”

(Martin, personal communication [video annotation], 53:59); and Betty wrote, “This is

horrifying”(Betty, personal communication [video annotation], 54:36). Samantha noted that she

“absolutely could not watch the wanton, merciless destruction of these animals” (Samantha,

personal communication [video annotation], 52:54).

Brian elaborated, stating, “this graphic scene, while the sea turns blood red makes me

pissed off and frustrated with humans” (Brian, personal communication [video annotation],

53:57). When asked about this annotation his interview, Brian noted he was responding to the

“the mass murder aspect of it” (Brian, personal communication [video annotation], July 6, 2016),

and discussed the ways the dolphins were being killed. He also commented on how the scene

was more striking because of the “blood water” and remarked simply, “it was just like, ‘whoa’”

(Brian, personal communication [interview], July 6, 2016). The connection Brian made was not

just to the mistreatment of animals. He wrote, “It also makes me realize how ignorant I am of the

world” (Brian, personal communication [video annotation], 53:57). During the interview, Brian

surmised that perhaps the fishermen were killing the dolphins as a food source. He related this to

the issue of dolphins being caught and used in canned tuna products. Brian noted he does not put

in the time to do research or read the labels: “Do I read the labels? No, so it’s one of those things

where I get mad, but I don’t do anything about it” (Brian, personal communication [interview],

July 6, 2016). Brian’s comments in this regard revealed his awareness of a disconnection.

Fran also noted during her interview that the fishermen showed no regard for the

dolphins, and further stated, “the people are methodical and it feels like without feeling. It’s
125
systematic” (Fran, personal communication [interview], July 11, 2016). Finn also offered his

thoughts about the clip from The Cove (DePre Pesmen & Psihoyos, 2009):

the thrashing dolphins impaled on the end of spears by a boatful of men scores an

obvious emotional victory. Sure, I feel manipulated, but there’s no missing context that

could make this suddenly all right, so it’s more like manipulating me by reminding me of

how awful people are and have always been. Tradition and hungry families be damned;

maybe the icecaps melting and flooding all the coasts wouldn’t be so bad after all? (Finn,

personal communication [video annotation], 54:08)

During his interview, Finn attributed the effectiveness of the clip from The Cove to its use of

cinematography, noting:

they’re not creating this scene, it’s already there. They’re filming it in a particular way,

which is to say as though they were unobtrusive and just like presenting us with what’s

happening . . . the manipulation comes, like I know why this image exists, I know that it’s

meant to provoke me and to make me feel exactly how I’m feeling. (Finn, personal

communication [interview], July 12, 2016)

Finn also referred to his comments about the flooding of coasts in his interview, admitting it was

an exaggeration while maintaining that people are at fault. He ended this thought by referring

back to the annotation above: “this clip makes me feel ‘ya, it wouldn’t be so bad if we could just

start over’” (Finn, personal communication [interview], July 12 2016). Betty also expanded on

her annotations when she talked about how there was

so much blood. . . it takes a lot of blood to turn all that water, like, opaque red. So it was

just kind of like “oh!”. Ya, and to be swimming in the blood of, I don’t know, the blood

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 of your family it was horrible. (Betty, personal communication [interview], July 11,

2016)

It could be argued that my participants reacted more strongly to the images in The Cove because

of its vividness (Hill, 2004) and its salience (Joffe, 2008). Indeed, many have argued that the

more vivid the image, the more likely it is to provoke an emotional response, which makes the

image more persuasive (e.g., DiFrancesco & Young, 2010; Hansen & Machin, 2013; Hill, 2004;

Joffe, 2008; Olson et al., 2008; O’Neill & Nicholson-Cole, 2009; Smith & Joffe, 2012). The

influence on viewers also depends on the salience effect, or the way in which an image stands

out and the way images are presented, for this is what viewers will remember (Joffe, 2008). It is

evident that images focusing on the blood in the water of the cove were vivid, and it was this

visual image that stood out for all my participants.

[Figure 7.12 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

The Cove (2009) showing the bloody water of a cove after workers killed a number of dolphins.

Original source: DePre Presmen, P. (Producer) & Psihoyos, L. (2009). (Director). The cove

[Documentary]. United States: Diamond Doc Films.]

Figure 7.12 Screenshot of a scene Betty commented on from The Cove (2009), 54:36.

Betty’s comments began with “so much blood”; in fact, she repeated the word “blood” four

times. She remarked that it would require a large amount of blood to turn the water in the cove

into an “opaque red.” The vividness of the colour red against the background of the dark blue

sea, the grey rocks, and blurry figures make the blood stand out even more, which appeared to

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evoke strong responses: all participants focussed their commentary on the sight of so much

blood.

It is worth noting that Our Daily Bread (Geyrhalter, 2005) and The Cove (DePre Pesmen

& Psihoyos, 2009) do not employ music or voice-overs. It is primarily animal sounds that are

heard in both. It is interesting, however, that while participants did not particularly comment on

the constant chirping of the chicks heard in Our Daily Bread, they did hone in on the sounds of

the dolphins. For example, Fran stated: “and the squealing, right? The noise. Adding audio.

Wow” (Fran, personal communication [interview], July 11, 2016). Brian also commented on the

sound, specifically how he was able to hear the “dolphins screaming” (Brian, personal

communication [interview], July 6, 2016). Nicole also noted:

it is just disgusting because it just is so raw. . . . the sound of it . . . It’s good that there’s

no talking because you hear the dolphins, and you hear, the actual, almost like you can

hear their flesh almost being punctured. It’s pretty intense. (Nicole, personal

communication [interview], July 20, 2016)

Clearly the auditory element did make an impact on the participants. In particular, there was a

connection to the event, as indicated in Nicole’s comment about “almost hearing the piercing of

the dolphins’ flesh.” Dolphins are often viewed as strongly connected to humans through their

intelligence and communication abilities, which may have provoked such a strong response. If

this were the case, this would be another example of Bahk’s (2010) notion of role affinity. Fran,

for example, referenced intelligence in reflecting on the dolphins’ awareness of their entrapped

situation and on their crying out: “they understand what is going on. They do. I know they’ve got

higher intelligence levels. They understand what’s going on, they’re desperate to get out” (Fran,

personal communication [interview], July 11, 2016). Fran also noted the effectiveness of the
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imagery is due to its “rawness,” including hearing “the desperation of the animals” (Fran,

personal communication [interview], July 11, 2016). Further, the dolphin sounds do resemble

human calls of distress. Vocalized distress calls of dolphins “share a common acoustic structure

and adaptive function, showing only limited variation … and are homologous with the cries of

humans” (Lingle, Wyman, Kotrba, Teichroeb & Romanow, 2012, p. 699).

The visual rhetoric in The Cove (DePre Pesmen & Psihoyos, 2009) evoked strong

emotive responses, specifically in relation to feelings of disgust. The auditory element also had

an impact on participants. One might conclude that the vividness and salience effect of the

footage was enhanced by auditory elements. Participants responded with some level of anguish

to jeremiad visual rhetoric in combination with other forms of rhetoric in The Cove, and all

commented on the mistreatment of the dolphins.

7.3.3 Ashes and Snow: Genre expectations

Responses categorized in the theme of confusion include instances when participants

expressed a lack of understanding, a desire to understand, or uncertainty. Most annotations and

comments reflecting some level of confusion were in response to the clip from Ashes and Snow

(Colbert, 2005).

In the literature I reviewed for this study, there was no clear indication of a specific kind

of visual rhetorical mode that corresponded to the images my participants were responding to in

Ashes and Snow. There are many aspects beyond visual rhetoric to consider when viewing film.

Lye (1996), for example, describes texts as “coded structures,” with rhetoric being only one

element, and genre being another. Within a rhetorical genre studies framework, genres are

described as being “stylistic and substantive” (Bawarshi & Reiff, 2010, p.65). Genres have

markers, or textual patterns, that provide familiar structures and guidelines (Schryer, 1994).
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These rhetorical forms are learned, expected, and can affect viewers’ attitudes and beliefs

(Gronbeck, 1978). As indicated earlier in this dissertation, the representational patterns for most

environmental documentaries include voice-overs, experts providing advice, a clear

representation of a current environmental issue or event, and perhaps scenes of natural

landscapes. Ashes and Snow does not include many of these recognizable documentary patterns.

Categorizing the film into any particular genre is in fact difficult because it includes a

combination of different forms, creating what Campbell and Jamieson (1978) describe as a

constellation. In the case of the clip from Ashes and Snow, my participants’ evident confusion

appeared to arise in part because the genre did not fit their understanding of “documentary film”

and in part because they found the imagery ambiguous.

As noted earlier, Colbert (2005) is known for implementing artistic and ambiguous

images with no commentary. A moment early in the clip depicts a scene between an orangutan

and a woman on a boat. The entire clip is in sepia tone and choral music plays in the background.

The scene is shot at a flat angle, and sometimes zooms in on the clasped hands of the woman and

the animal.

[Figure 7.13 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Ashes and Snow (2015) showing a woman interacting with an orangutan on a boat. Original

source: Colbert, G. (Producer & Director). (2005). Ashes and snow [Documentary]. United

States: Flying Elephants Productions.]

Figure 7.13 Screenshot of a scene from Ashes and Snow (2015), 10:34.

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In reference to the opening scene, Lori wrote:

Perhaps it is the lack of context? This is rather confusing. What is the message that the

director is trying to convey? That we have a connection with other animals? Why are

they staged on a boat? The woman is wearing a costume? (Lori, personal communication

[video annotation], 10:19)

This clip from Ashes and Snow challenges the traditional documentary mode and, I would argue,

the conventional environmental documentary mode because Colbert relies on symbolic visual

imagery, with no commentary. Lori’s uncertainty about what she should glean from Ashes and

Snow is noteworthy. Other participants echoed Lori’s confusion. Even Martin, who claimed to

understand the intent, admitted to being confused. Martin noted:

I understand that it is implying that we are ones with nature but for the last 5 minutes all

the images have just been way too weird and are almost off putting. It might just be me

because I am not an “artsy” person but perhaps these are too odd for most people too. It

makes me want to skip this part, which is not a good quality for a documentary. (Martin,

personal communication [video annotation], 12:25)

It was evident during the interview that Martin did not like the clip from Ashes and Snow.

However, he did claim that the clip made him “feel bad” because it pointed out that “humanity is

intertwined with nature and then how we’re destroying it” (Martin, personal communication

[interview], July 5, 2016). Afterward, he discussed how the clip actually made him feel “more

angry that they’re showing me this” (Martin, personal communication [interview], July 5, 2016)

because for him there was no indication as to what viewers can do to help with the potential

problem. He saw this as a “passive-aggressive” way to inform people (Martin, personal

communication [interview], July 5, 2016). He elaborated:

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 There isn’t a clear point. It’s just there was a lot of dancing and it’s kind of like up to

people’s interpretations. And when it’s up to people’s interpretations I can interpret it

totally different from what it’s meant to be and then if I think I’m the right one, I can just

argue without any conclusion. (Martin, personal communication [interview], July 5,

2016)

Most of Martin’s annotations and interview comments revealed he did not like what he perceived

as overly artistic—what he termed “artsy”—images. He claimed this was “not a good quality for

a documentary” (Martin, personal communication [video annotation], 12:25). As well, when he

realized the clip did not conform to the traditional genre patterns, he reacted adversely. Genres

have become forms that people recognize and often respond to in a particular way (Bawarshi &

Reiff, 2010). If the genre markers are shifted, this affects the ways in which viewers respond, as

demonstrated by Martin’s reaction. Betty, likewise, identified the genre as being other than

environmental documentary and remarked that the film was ineffective because of the its genre

markers: “I don’t really like this stuff … it’s like an art film … I guess it’s just more of an artistic

expression and I don’t completely understand what they’re saying … it doesn’t call me to action”

(Betty, personal communication [interview], July 11, 2016).

Fran also alluded to her feelings of confusion: “it’s just too artistic for me” (Fran,

personal communication [interview], July 11, 2016). When asked to elaborate, Fran noted: “I

found it was probably meant to be very subjective. And I mean there can be subjective and I get

it. But I didn’t get it” (Fran, personal communication [interview], July 11, 2016). It was evident

from her responses that there were moments when Fran could understand or relate to an image,

but then she quickly became confused again. Fran elaborated: “I know the next image with the

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whale and the person I got that. I thought ‘oh we’re mimicking the beauty of the animal’” (Fran,

personal communication [interview], July 11, 2016).

[Figure 7.14 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Ashes and Snow (2015) showing a man interacting with a whale, underwater, in the ocean.

Original source: Colbert, G. (Producer & Director). (2005). Ashes and snow [Documentary].

United States: Flying Elephants Productions.]

Figure 7.14 Screenshot of a scene Fran commented on from Ashes and Snow (2015), 11:11.

But Fran continued to question her judgment: “Is it meant to be we’re co-existing, is it meant to

be about the relationship with the animal kingdom and humanity?” (Fran, personal

communication [interview], July 11, 2016). Fran did admit to being drawn into the beauty of the

scenes, but it was still evident she was confused about what she was viewing: “I’m looking at the

majesty of the leopards and it’s absolutely gorgeous, and the people are stoically sitting there.

But, is the parent nurturing the child or is this a protective sort of thing, protect the vulnerable,

but in this case is it the animals protecting the humans?” (Fran, personal communication

[interview], July 11, 2016).

[Figure 7.15 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Ashes and Snow (2015) showing leopards walking around people. Original source: Colbert, G.

(Producer & Director). (2005). Ashes and snow [Documentary]. United States: Flying Elephants

Productions.]

Figure 7.15 Screenshot of a scene Fran commented on from Ashes and Snow (2015), 12:02.

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Although some level of abstractness leading to questions is useful, Fran noted, there still needs

“to be some moment where you get an inherent message” (Fran, personal communication

[interview], July 11, 2016). It was clear both genre expectations and her reading of the images as

ambiguous contributed to her confusion.

At the end of our interview, I asked Laura if she had any additional comments or

questions about the video compilation. While she did not provide annotations for the clip from

Ashes and Snow, she did bring it up at the end of the interview. Laura stated she was confused

about some of the clips, and sought to verify if all the clips were from environmental

documentaries. She stated: “There was one, about the woman and the monkey … and I guess I

didn’t really understand what the message was” (Laura, personal communication [interview],

July 5, 2016). She further stated, “just seeing visuals, it’s kind of jarring in that I’m not sure what

I’m supposed to see and I don’t want to impose my own opinions on it” (Laura, personal

communication [interview], July 5, 2016). Genre expectations clearly influenced her

commentary: expecting an environmental documentary and being faced with something other,

she referred to the images as “jarring” and complained that they did not help her to understand

the issue. The annotations and comments made by Lori, Martin, Betty, Fran, and Laura all

reflected a level of confusion in response to the clip from Ashes and Snow. In contrast, Finn

found the clip to be powerful and wrote the following annotation:

This sequence, with the quiet droning music and repetitive, non-semantic vocals is

effective. I feel drawn into an intimate moment between the chimp and woman, which is

both adorable and loaded with meaning. It is impossible to articulate exactly how I am

feeling—voyeuristic, fascinated, sceptical, manipulated—but the image communicates

beauty, serenity, isolation (as if they are the last two beings left after some unspecified
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 disaster) and also a vague sense of unease, as though something dark waits just beneath

the surface of the water, or her skin. Perhaps it’s the knowledge that both species are

capable of sudden violence as well as sustained intimacy that fills me with equal parts

wonder and dread. Without context, it’s impossible to say where this ends. The recurring

image of clasped hands, the chimp’s fingers so like hers, is powerful. (Finn, personal

communication [video annotation], 10:34)

Finn’s response reveals his attraction to the clip; however, there is still an element of uncertainty.

When asked about his response during our follow-up interview, Finn said he found the scenes to

be loaded with meaning: “I’m a literary person, I have to struggle to sort of come up with some

sort of interpretation of these things. It’s difficult for me to sit back and enjoy” (Finn, personal

communication [interview], July 12, 2016). Here, he attributes his literary identity as the root of

his inclination to want to formulate his own meanings and understandings, even if it takes effort

to do so.

[Figure 7.16 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Ashes and Snow (2015) showing an orangutan and a person touching hands. Original source:

Colbert, G. (Producer & Director). (2005). Ashes and snow [Documentary]. United States:

Flying Elephants Productions.]

Figure 7.16 Screenshot of a scene Finn referred to from Ashes and Snow (2015), 7:56.

Finn elaborated when he referred to the clasped hands of the woman and the orangutan as “more

like an exploratory sort of intimacy” (Finn, personal communication [interview], July 12, 2016).

He also pointed out that “they’re both sort of enjoying the tactility and it makes it difficult to

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interpret what the relationship between these, the woman and the ape is” (Finn, personal

communication [interview], July 12, 2016). By questioning the relationship between the

orangutan and the woman, Finn acknowledged he felt manipulated. He noted that he was

immediately “suspicious of the motives.” This, he said, is “not necessarily a bad thing because

you’re always being manipulated. Whatever you’re watching. If it’s framed or staged, but always

sceptical so wanting to know more about the purpose of this particular clip (Finn, personal

communication [interview], July 12, 2016). Finn’s remarks demonstrated his openness to the

unique visual rhetoric of Ashes and Snow, as well as his keen attention to the rhetorical elements

influencing his response.

Peter also spoke of manipulation and exoticism in response to Ashes and Snow. He stated,

simply, “only seen or felt through media from afar for many people” (Peter, personal

communication [video annotation], 7:56). He clarified during the interview:

I wouldn’t say I felt in real life what the people in these clips are experiencing, and so I

realize that this is a very compelling and majestic clip, but . . . the media like this really

can make things much more majestic than they really are in real life, like he’s playing

with that elephant and I just, you know, now I’m playing with my gerbil, it’s not quite the

same thing as in the video. (Peter, personal communication [interview], July 19, 2016)

[Figure 7.17 has been removed due to copyright restrictions. It was a screenshot of a scene from

Ashes and Snow (2015) showing a woman lying with an elephant in water. Original source:

Colbert, G. (Producer & Director). (2005). Ashes and snow [Documentary]. United States:

Flying Elephants Productions.]

Figure 7.17 Screenshot of a scene Peter commented on from Ashes and Snow (2015), 12:29.

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He continued:

Once you realize that – wait none of my experiences are quite living up to how awesome

they make it seem – and it sort of gets disappointing a little bit . . . a lot of times we’re

sort of limited to some mediocre events in our everyday lives. (Peter, personal

communication [interview], July 19, 2016)

Like Finn, Peter was aware of being manipulated. As mentioned earlier and in Chapter 3, Bahk

(2010) discusses the notion of perceived realism, which “facilitates the viewer’s conception of

the world as being similar to its dramatic representations” (p. 3). The opposite can be true as

well. As Metz (1974) argues, there needs to be transference. Viewers need to be able to identify

with an image, and this involves “a whole affective, perceptual, and intellective activity, which

can be sparked only by a spectacle resembling at least slightly the spectacle of reality [emphasis

added]” (Metz, 1974, p. 11). Part of Peter’s inability to connect to the images or the clip might be

in part due to the genre and use of symbolic images.

Nearly all my participants did not react favourably to Ashes and Snow: most were left

feeling confused and, as in Martin’s case, even angry. These responses appeared to stem from

the failure of the film to meet their expectations for environmental documentaries. Nevertheless,

the clip did provoke them to question the ways in which documentaries can and should

communicate such information. At the same time, however, it is worth noting that all my

participants found the clip memorable as it evoked strong opinions and reactions.

7.4 Summary of findings

The purpose of this research is two-fold: to explore the different visual rhetorical modes

evident in environmental documentaries; to investigate the ways in which participants responded

to different visual rhetorical modes, and to determine which visual rhetorical modes most
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affected participants’ perceptions, attitudes, and understanding of environmental issues. The data

collected were video annotations and interviews with eleven participants. The following provides

a summary of findings.

All eleven of my participants demonstrated some personal connection to what they were

viewing. As described in Table 7.2, the theme of personal connection was evident when

participants made a connection to their life and/or personal experiences (e.g., work, education,

personal preference). In total, there were thirteen annotations that reflected some kind of a

personal connection. The data suggest that a strong affinity to a particular locale, coupled with

personal background and preferences, played a significant role in whether or not participants

were motivated to act in more eco-conscious ways. Participants demonstrated a personal

connection mostly when responding to sublime and environmental nostalgia visual rhetoric. The

former focuses on images used to develop an awareness of a particularly magnificent landscape

or object in nature. Environmental nostalgia evokes an emotive response through images of

nature that conjure memories of one’s past (Murray & Heumann, 2007). Based on the data,

images that evoke the sublime and environmental nostalgia did raise participants’ awareness of

human impact on the current state of the environment, as well as of the importance of working

towards protecting landscapes. Martin was the only participant who explicitly stated he was

moved to action after watching the clip from Jumbo Wild (Ramras & Waggoner, 2015).

There were twenty-two annotations made reflecting feelings of disgust in response to the

clip from Our Daily Bread (Geyrhalter, 2005). Images in this clip are categorized in this thesis as

jeremiad visual rhetoric. Most participants commented on the disregard for animals. Three

annotations reflected examples of “disconnection”; also, three different participants commented

on “disconnection” during the interviews. In this case, “disconnection” refers to the lack of
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connection between commercialized food consumption and production: that is, it is the failure to

understand that food products are regularly the result of food processing in which animals are

mistreated. While all participants commented on the cruel treatment of the animals, Martin was

the only participant who mentioned that he would act by making a better effort to purchase food

from ethical farms.

Nine annotations were made in response to The Cove (DePre Pesmen & Psihoyos 2009)

that evidenced disgust. The visual rhetoric in this clip is categorized as jeremiad. Four

participants specifically focused on the actions—luring and trapping dolphins into a cove, then

proceeding to “murder” them, in Brian’s words. From the interviews, three participants

responded to the combination of the jeremiad rhetoric and the live-recorded sounds of dolphins

being killed. In this clip the sound, described as “squeals” and “screams” by participants, had a

profound effect. All participants expressed extreme disapproval about the key environmental

issue in this documentary: unethical fishing practices.

Twenty-two annotations were made in response to Ashes and Snow (Colbert, 2005). The

majority of my participants did not react favourably to this clip. Nine participants commented

they did not like Ashes and Snow, stating they felt confused or did not understand the inherent

message. As noted earlier, Martin demonstrated a level of frustration and even anger: he felt the

“passive-aggressive” method of communication was ineffective because it did not clearly outline

a problem and solution. Two participants indicated they liked the clip, but there was still a level

of uncertainty, as demonstrated by Finn’s comments. While participants expressed confusion,

they all perceived the message of the clip had to do with the need to connect or re-connect with

animals and nature. Confounding participants’ genre expectations through inclusion of this clip

showed the degree to which context influences understanding and response.

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 The visual rhetorical modes that most affected participants’ awareness of environmental

issues were sublime and environmental nostalgia. The data revealed that people bring their own

experiences when viewing documentaries and those experiences impact meaning making

(Eisenstein, 1942; Frow, 2006; Iser, 1974; Rosenblatt, 1969). I would further add that this

transaction is continuously shifting, and that the meaning can alter from one viewing to the next

(Rosenblatt, 1969). The data also shed light on the role of genre expectations in influencing

viewer response. Data demonstrated that representational patterns are familiar (Schryer, 1994),

are part of the coded structures of a text (Lye, 1996), and can be rhetorical (Gronbeck, 1978). A

rhetorical genre studies framework helped to illuminate how viewers can be affected by the

syntax and semiotics of a particular text. Based on the analysis and discussion of the data, the

final chapter of this dissertation considers, among other topics, the implications of this study and

future research.

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Chapter 8: Conclusion

This final chapter addresses implications and limitations of this research. In addition, it

reviews possibilities for extension of this work in the context of future studies. Finally, I frame

this work by returning to my own narrative as a researcher-educator in the field of literacy and

the environment.

8.1 Implications

Rhetoric about the environment and sustainability is embedded in many media forms, one

of which is the environmental documentary. If we educators view developing awareness of

environmental issues, working toward solutions, and inspiring willingness to act as desirable

goals, then it is important we understand how visual rhetoric might serve ends.

Exploring the impact of various forms and aspects of media is a critical component in

education. Recently in British Columbia the Ministry of Education implemented new curricular

goals for kindergarten to grade 12. The Core Competencies are central to the redesign of the new

BC curriculum, and include three main tenets: Communication, Thinking, and Personal and

Social competencies (Province of British Columbia, 2017a.). Communication competency

includes the skills students require to exchange ideas, to explore different perspectives and to

effectively engage with digital media. This includes, I would argue, understanding how visual

information is mediated across different platforms. Thinking competency involves the

development of both creative and critical thinking skills. In respect to the latter, this includes

being able to analyze and make sound judgements based on reading or viewings of different

texts. Personal and social competency focuses on fostering students’ individuality, and also on

developing skills to enable understanding and awareness about other people and issues, both

locally and globally, such as issues with the environment. These three competencies are evident
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in many areas of the curricular documents. In secondary English Language Arts, for example, the

New Media module for grade 10 outlines one of the strategies as providing students with

opportunities “to reflect [on] the changing role of technology in today’s society and the

increasing importance of digital media in communicating and exchanging ideas” (Province of

British Columbia, New Media 10 with Elaborations, 2017b, p.1). This research may directly

inform pedagogy and policy articulated in such curricula. The nuanced play of visuals in

documentaries can be tremendously persuasive. When students turn to documentary media to

learn about environmental issues, it is important that they are informed about what visual

rhetorical modes are, how to identify such modes, and how these modes may impact and shape

understanding about environmental issues. One way to help with this process is to have

educators include video annotation software tools in their classrooms, similar to the

Collaborative Annotation System implemented in this study. A benefit of inviting student

commentary using video annotation software is that it affords a convenient way of capturing

their responses to a specific moment. Educators may then use these commentaries as a starting

point to engage students in lessons about media, visual rhetoric, and have students consider their

own perspectives.

The format or genre in which information about the environment (or other topics) is

delivered can also affect audiences. As noted earlier, texts are “coded structures” that include

rhetoric and genre (Lye, 1996). Framing this study within a rhetorical genre study framework,

and specifically examining genre as a form of social action can illuminate how students learn,

how students react to particular genres, and how those genres might engender an awareness to

act in sustainable ways. My study can complement and inform policy and teaching practices

related to critical media literacy on many different levels.

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8.2 Limitations

One limitation of this study is the relatively short time period for data collection with

participants. The approach was selected to respect participant time at a busy moment in their

post-graduate program. Beyond limiting the amount of data that could be collected, this method

also prevented any collection of longitudinal data that might speak to prolonged effects of

watching these videos.

Another limitation may have been the timing of the interviews (calling participants in

several days after viewing rather than conducting interviews immediately upon completion of

viewing). Possibly participants’ distance from the viewing modified their perspectives; however,

allowing viewing at participants’ convenience was most feasible and respectful of their time.

Also, the sample may be viewed as small and homogenous. Seventy students were invited to

participate and only eleven enrolled in this study. Although I might have wished for more

participants, the data from the annotations and interviews was rich and I believe working with a

smaller data set allowed for a closer, more in-depth approach to analysis (Denscombe, 2014).

Part of the aim of this work was to investigate the kinds documentaries and types of

visual rhetoric my participants would be likely to encounter through standard Internet searches.

One limitation of my taxonomies of documentary, environmental documentary, and visual

rhetorical modes outlined in this thesis is that they were produced based on a small sample of

different modes, and drew largely upon western knowledge frameworks. Another limitation

concerns the challenge of categorizing clips into specific documentary and visual rhetorical

modes. As noted above, all modes are fluid and complex. Routinely clips might have been

categorized in numerous ways (i.e., modes were not mutually exclusive). Further, participants’

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responses may have been based on a number of variables. That is to say, it is difficult in a study

such as this to isolate variables influencing viewer response.

A final limitation concerns intellectual property regulations in respect to the use of

figures. The process of obtaining written permissions to include images in this document,

including screen captures, was onerous and often unsuccessful. The UBC Faculty of Graduate

and Postdoctoral Studies will require that many figures be removed from the final version of this

thesis to be published in the institutional repository, cIRcle, ironically erasing visuals from this

work about visual rhetoric. As research with multimodal texts grows, I am hopeful that

guidelines will be implemented such that it is possible to include, at the very least, screen

captures in dissertations examining visual rhetoric in film and video.

8.3 Consideration for future studies

There are several ways in which I would like to extend this research in the future. I

would like to conduct a longitudinal study with a more diverse participant population. In such a

study I would consider diversity of response with a view to determining if certain populations are

more receptive of or attuned to particular forms of rhetoric. A longtitudinal study would also

allow me to determine if viewers act upon their claims of future action.

Most notably, I would like to conduct studies similar to this in grade-school settings, with

a view to fostering visual critical literacy and understanding how youth take up visual rhetoric. A

further extension I will pursue is to have students engage in creating their own documentaries,

and examining their rhetorical choices therein. This would also allow for consideration of how

the process of creating a documentary may affect understanding of and willingness to act in

relation to environmental issues.

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 Beyond this, I intend to continue examination of visual rhetorical modes in

environmental documentaries within a genre studies or rhetorical genre studies framework.

Considering the data that emerged from my participants’ responses to Ashes and Snow (Colbert,

2005), one direction of study would be to investigate how viewers’ genre expectations may

modify their responses to hybrid and ambiguous rhetorical forms.

8.4 Final thoughts

In December 2017 this photo of an emaciated polar bear went viral.

Figure 8.1 Polar bear. Photograph by Cristina Mittermeier and SeaLegacy (c). Used with permission.

I came across the photo on SeaLegacy’s Instagram account. I was immediately saddened: it

reminded me again of how I need to continuously learn to make better, eco-friendly lifestyle

choices and reduce my impact on planet Earth.

Many comments in response to this photo on the Instagram account evidenced similar

concern for the bear. There was some discussion about the issues; however, there were also

comments expressing a level of scepticism about climate change and some criticized the
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photographer for not taking action to help the bear. I was curious as to how this one photo was

elicited such passionate and polarized responses from viewers. Was it because there was a lack

of context? Why was the photo so jarring? Did it have the power to change people’s attitudes?

Were viewers reminded about the importance of climate change? Were viewers influenced to act

in more eco-conscious ways?

I had already reached out to SeaLegacy to ask for permission to use this photo in my

dissertation as I pondered these questions. To my surprise, one of the co-founders and

photographer, Paul Nicklen, emailed me directly and requested that I call him. We had a

conversation about the significant role images play in inviting viewers to seriously consider

environmental issues. And while he admitted to receiving much backlash about the photo at the

time, we both agreed that the photo created a visceral reaction strong enough to re-ignite the

discussion on climate change, not that it seems to go out for very long. Case in point, Wente

(2017) observes: “starving polar bears are the stuff of periodic propaganda shots” and further

notes that in 2015 a photo of an emaciated polar bear in Norway “became the temporary poster

animal for global warming” (para. 5). So while these photos trigger important discussions, and

while they serve as a reminder of environmental issues for some people (such as myself), the

questions that remain in my mind are: how do we sustain an awareness and live more gently on

the Earth as human beings? Is it even possible? These are questions I hope to continue to explore

with future studies.

The focus of this work is visual rhetoric, and I have offered discussions about the

possible effects of such rhetoric on my participants. But I have also learned from this experience.

As I have had to re-watch clips from the video compilation on multiple occasions, they all still

affect me on some level. I am astonished when I re-watch Our Daily Bread (Geyrhalter, 2005),
146
the chicks being funnelled into chambers and tracks, with workers throwing some out on the

side, and some chicks falling to the floor. I am still in awe whenever I see the time-lapse of the

largest calving recorded from Chasing Ice (Aronson & Orlowski, 2012), or of any other images

of the mountains or icebergs. This use of sublime visual rhetoric always gets to me and, now

more than ever, always has me reflecting on my own actions.

Working towards completing this dissertation in Spring 2018 I am enthusiastic about the

future directions of this research. Also, coincidentally, my father is preparing for a trip back to

South Korea for a reunion with his mountain climbing club. My father does not talk much. He

does not go into details about what he does when he is in Korea, except to say: “We go to the

mountains.” But what I do know, even from talking to my father on the phone, is that he eagerly

awaits this yearly event. He is silently excited. In May 2017 I went to visit Korea with my

mother. I had not visited Korea since 2002. My relatives asked about what I would like to do,

and see. This time, not knowing when I would have the chance to visit Korea again, I asked to

visit Seoraksan, one of the mountains my father climbed when he was younger.

147
Figure 8.2 Seoraksan National Park, South Korea.

Not being a climber, I went to the highly touristy area of the national park. But, at the same time,

I recall a strong connection to my father. I was so happy to be there. To see what he loved. I took

the gondola part way up the mountain and walked up the windy peaks. I knew it was not the

same, but it was remarkable: a bit of a surreal experience. I was so happy. It was as though I

could feel my father with me. I wished he were able to take the trip to Korea with my mother and

me, to be there beside me, to share his stories, to explain the history of that place. On our walk

back to the car, my mother suddenly pointed to a waterfall in the distance and explained to me

that was the waterfall my father climbed, frozen, when he was younger. I could not even begin to

describe how I felt in that moment. Awe. Pride. Honoured. It was a mix of emotions. As I stated

at the beginning of this thesis, it is because of my father that I have gained a connection with and

148
respect for nature. And this experience of viewing sublime landscapes and feeling nostalgic in

Korea has definitely deepened those feelings.

This study sheds light on the use of visual rhetorical modes in environmental

documentaries: how they might engender awareness and, possibly, a willingness to act in more

eco-conscious ways. Such documentaries are clearly an important means of educating for

sustainability, although some rhetorical modes may be more influential in promoting action than

others. This study has also allowed me to reflect at length on how and why I respond to certain

images, and to consider my actions. Even so, it feels as though I have merely scratched the

surface. As a researcher, educator and person living on this Earth, I feel it is important now,

more than ever, that serious attention is paid to issues of the environment and sustainability. This

is work that simply cannot be finished and set aside. It is scholarship and a manner of living I

will continue in myriad ways.

149
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Appendices

Appendix A Participant recruitment and consent form

Department of Language and Literacy Education

6445 University Boulevard
Vancouver, BC Canada V6T 1Z2
Tel (604) 822-5788
Fax (604) 822-3154
Consent Form
Principal Investigator: Dr. Teresa Dobson, Professor

[email protected]

Co- Investigator: Claire Ahn, PhD Candidate

[email protected]

Title of Study: The Iconic Polar Bear: Visual Rhetoric in Environmental Documentaries
Environmental documentaries are growing in popularity among many amateur and professional
documentary filmmakers as a way to educate the public about environmental issues that are of
global concern. The purpose of this study is to examine the persuasive rhetorical elements in
environmental documentary films and how they affect viewer perception.

What is involved if you participate?

You will be ask to view approximately 60 minutes of clips from selected environmental
documentaries outside of class time. The clips will be available online on UBC’s video
annotation tool, Collaborative Learning Annotation System (CLAS). While viewing, you will be
asked to make up to 5 comments on sections of the video you find striking or evocative. You are
encouraged to complete the viewings and responses within one week. It is expected that the total
viewing and response time should take no more than 2 hours; however the total time will be
dependent on your engagement with and interest in the process.
After you have completed your responses, Claire Ahn will contact you to arrange a one-on-one
interview in which you will be invited to clarify or expand on your video responses. These
interviews will be audio-recorded and will take up to 30 minutes. Finally, should you wish, you

166
will be invited to review the transcribed interviews and the analysis of the data for accuracy. The
total time involved, including the introduction to the study, will be no more than 3.5 hours.

What will be done with information that is collected?

The results of this study will be used in Claire Ahn’s doctoral thesis research and may be
published in journals or presented at conferences. All data collected from this study will remain
confidential and names will remain anonymous in any publications and/or conference
presentations. All data collected will be encrypted and stored on UBC servers. All audio-
recorded interviews will be stored in a locked filing cabinet in the UBC office of the Principle
Investigator. Transcriptions of interviews will not contain any real names, and will be password
protected and encrypted.

What are the risks of participating?

The study entails viewing environmental documentaries and commenting on the effectiveness of
the visual rhetoric therein. None of the documentaries have Motion Picture Association of
America’s Classification ratings that would suggest the material poses a psychological risk (e.g.,
R or NC-17). There are minimal physical or social risks.
You may be concerned that your participation or lack thereof may affect your course grade. Your
instructor will not know who volunteers for this study. Hence, final grades in this Pass/Fail
course will not be affected. You are free to withdraw from this study at any time and there will
be no penalty.

What are the benefits of participating?

You may become more aware of environmental issues addressed in the documentaries and this
might increase your awareness of ways to act sustainably, which you may view as beneficial.
Additionally, you may find becoming familiar with video annotation useful in your own learning
and future professional practice.

How will we keep your identity safe?

Your confidentially will be protected both during and after data collection. Your name and
identity will remain anonymous in any publications or presentations of this research. As noted
above, your instructor will not know whether you have volunteered for this study. All data
collected will be encrypted and stored on UBC servers indefinitely. Data will not be distributed
to third parties.

More questions or concerns?

If you have any questions or concerns about what we are asking of you, please contact Claire
Ahn ([email protected]) or Dr. Teresa Dobson ([email protected]) Additionally, the
telephone and fax numbers of the department are listed at the top of the first page of this form.

If you have any concerns or complaints about your rights as a research participant and/or your
experiences while participating in this study, contact the Research Participant Complaint Line in
the UBC Office of Research Ethics at 604-822-8598 or if long distance e-mail [email protected]
or call toll free 1-877-822-8598.

167
CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN THE STUDY: The Iconic Polar Bear: Visual Rhetoric
in Environmental Documentaries
Taking part in this study is entirely up to you. You have the right to refuse to participate in this
study. If you decide to take part, you may choose to pull out of the study at any time without
giving a reason and without any negative impact on your class standing.
• Your signature indicates that you consent to participate in this study.
• Your signature also indicates that you consent to allow the audio-taping of interviews.

Participant Name: ______________________________________________

Participant Signature: ___________________________________________
Participant Primary Contact E-mail: ________________________________
Date: _________________________________________________________

Optional:
If you wish to review transcribed data, receive a summary of the research results and/or to be
notified when the results of this study may be presented or published, please indicate so below.

Yes. Please contact me about:

____ review transcribed data.
____ the research results.
____ the results of this study presented at a conference and/or published in a paper.
____ all of the above.

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Appendix B Sample interview protocol guidelines

Time Photo Responses Questions

12:25 (* Due to copyright issues, the I understand that is is implying that we are the 1. Can you elaborate on why you find
photos were removed. Images once’s with nature but for the last 5 minutes all the images weird and off putting?
included here were still shots there images have just been way too weird and
of points at which participants are almost off putting. it might just be me 2. If you are not an artsy person, how
made their annotations on the because i am not an “artsy” person but perhaps would you define yourself?
video compilation.) these are too odd for most people too. it makes
me want to skip this part which is not a good 3. Why do you feel these images are
quality for a documentary. “too odd for most people too”?

4. What makes a good-quality

documentary?

18:56 this was way more powerful then the previous 1. Can you elaborate on why you found
“artsy” stuff. this part make me wonder what this clip more powerful?
kind of technology can be created to employ
those people (because i think they were just
picking cans) and make that job support the 2. What forms of technology were you
planet. now for who is going to pay them the thinking about?
system needs to be that the tech that is made to
employ them, the product of their work can be
sold. kind of like this model bill gates made. he 3. Who are you referring to when you
takes waste and turns it into profit. say “those people”?
http://www.techinsider.io/bill-gates-once-
drank-from-a-machine-that-turns-poop-into-
water-now-its-being-tested-in-africa-2015-8
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26:43:00 this is the best part ive seen so far. it gives 1. Are you referring to all of the clips
information on the back ground and beautiful or the images within this clip? Are you
views. You could feel peoples emotions in the referring to the background as in the
way they spoke and that really stood out to me. topic of the video?
Perhaps it also hit a nerve because i like the
outdoors and love to go to places like that in 2. What kinds of emotions are you
total isolation and seeing that this could referring to?
possibly be taken away really doesnt sit well
with me. Even though the last part was super 3. Can you expand on how the people’s
quick it showed us how we can help out by emotions “spoke to you” and “stood out
going to that website and filling out a survey. for you”?
not enough of these videos actually tell you
how you can help. 4. Can you elaborate as to why “this
doesn’t sit well with you”?

5. You make a reference to the website

and the survey, did you fill it out?

6. Did you feel the people’s responses

to be more effective than the visuals?

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34:28:00 makes me feel kind of bad about eating 1. Can you expand on what you mean
chicken.. i knew commercialized farming by “commercialized farming” and it
wasnt a nice thing but after watching this video “not being nice”?
it really showed me how commercialized it is
2. Could you expand on how this video
made you realize “how commercialized
[farming] is”?

3. Has this video made you change

your habits in relation to buying
chicken?

45:46:00 i really like this video because it showed us 1. What specific examples from the
how we can help especially through video did you feel helped to
technology. demonstrate how technology can help?

2. Is there anything else about this

video that you found striking, evocative
or effective?

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