FOREWORD b

Much of Oman's existing vernacular architecture stands un-

occupied. I do hope that this book helps to change this. These
buildings deserve rehabilitation and preservation. They are both very
beautiful and of great importance as a record of the cultural context
of the urban fabric, the architectural heritage and the social customs
of Oman. The material presented here persuades me that the Omani
people's pride in their traditional way of life is the main guarantee of
continuity in the urban context. I pray that the professionaIs under-
stand how important it is that this cultural identity informs future
housing policy.
The scale of vernacular architecture in Oman is always human.
This fact derives from the use by master craftsmen and builders of
parts of their body as units of measurement during the building
process. Local materials have served generations of Omani master
builders well, by translating their skill and imagination into an arch-
tecture integrated with the natural environment from which they
have gained so much of their inspiration. The materials - stone, mud-
brick, wood, lime and a mud plaster, known as sdmj, particular to
Oman - have provided the craftsman with the means to produce an
architecture distinguished, for example, by the contrast of expressive
details and decoration against the massive solidity of the rendered
walls. Such detailing can be seen in the wide variety of drdyish (win-
dow niches), masbr~biwab(wooden window screens) and ornate
carved doors.
The future of Oman's forts, the quality of which is now widely
acknowledged, has been ensured through recent public works, which
have given us a series of beautifully restored buildings throughout the
Sultanate. Dr D d u j i ' s research now extends our awareness of
Omani architecture to include the beauty and simplicity of its
mosques -which deserve to be cherished in the same way - and resi-
dential quarters. I pray that in so doing it will suggest a wider context
for the preservation of the architectural heritage of Oman - and stim-
ulate all of us in the English-speaking world who care about these
buildings to give Oman's efforts to preserve and care for them our
active and whole-hearted support.
I congratulate the author and commend this book most warmly
to you.

HRH The Prince of Wales

 Introduction

The f q d e of Bayf a1 Mjoddrirnh

lier reference in the Qur'ato the mbe of 'Ad may have

T he Sultanate of Oman is situated on the Arabian
Sea, between Yemen to the south-west, Saudi
Arabia to the west and the United Arab Emirates to the
a bearing on this, since the 'city of gold' they built, which
is given as being in the land of Aden, may in fact have
northwest. There are similarities between these coun- been in Dhofar.' However, the specific geographical
mes due to shared influences in the southern and eastern location and history of the Sultanate of Oman mean that
Arabian coastal strip - for example, Oman shared the despite these similarities there is a continuity of style,
influx of Indian, East African and Portuguese influences steeped in Arab culture, that distinguishes its architec-
with Aden and Hadramiit - and internal mbal affilia- ture from that of the rest of the peninsula.
tions. Trade relationships between the Yemen and the Confronting the present in a land with such an
Sultanate were Erst established when the routes for ancient past, particularly through such a tangible medi-
frankincense and other goods ran between Dhofar in the um as architecture, is complex, as there is a cultural
south of Oman and the kingdom of H a h i i t in Yemen. tendency to accept the present without analysing the
Evidence can be found in Ibn Battiitah's Travels, Ibn a1 underlymg premises which brought it into being. What
Mujzwir's treatise and Marco Polo's Travels' for strong is evident, however, is that in early Arabia geography and
links between the peoples of Dhofar and Yemen. An ear- the trade routes were the primary force influencing
2 THE ARCHITECTURE O F O M A N

architecture until the time that historical events began to achieving development which would be equitable
impinge, establishing cities, capitals and borders, and throughout the country. The plan provided for the
fostering specific cultural identities and destinies. In expanding population to be accommodated in modern
Muscat and Dhofar architecture amalgamated into urban towns, and encompassed the creation of new urban cen-
townhouse styles bearing a relationship to those of Aden tres and roads, the institution of modem health care,
and Ha&mut respectively. In the late nineteenth centu- education and social reforms, and encouraged enterprise
ry, a modified vernacular type developed in Muscat in and investment in the Sultanate'snew administrative and
parallel to the colonial style, typified by the British economic structure.'
Embassy which stood until 1995 near the Diwan of the Architecturally, until 1970Muscat and other towns
Royal Court. Though differences between the vernacular in the Sultanate consisted of clusters related in form and
Muscat house and, for example, the mansions of a1 organisation to the vernacular urban settlements of
Manzafah in lower Ibra' may be immediately obvious, Arabia and North Africa. Walls surrounded cities and
their shared architectural language is more specific than some towns; the architectural fabric consisted of local
that of the urban enclaves of any neighbouring area. The materials; the height of buildings was resmcted to three
types of vernacular architecture are sustained through- storeys (four in the case of distinguished town palaces
out the Sultanate. and mansions); and socio-economic life was centred
A spirit of minimalism and austerity, associated with around aibal communities engaged in a combination of
the nature of the 'Iba& sect,' dominates the vernacular fishing, trade, agriculture and grazing, according to the
architectural styles and forms of the Sultanate. In turn, location and historic links of each settlement.
this ethos disciplines and refines the extent and form Sadly, I was unable to fulfil my immense desire to
of urban growth, and is embodied in the understated experience the towns of the various regions in the
style of the modem buildings of Muscat. Legislation, Sultanate while they were still mhabited. The need to
unprecedented in the Gulf region, restricts the scale of interact with the architecture and to observe the socio-
buildings, both in the number of storeys and in the limi- economic environment specific to each walled town
tation of high-rises to commercial areas. Elsewhere in or quarter - how each piece of the urban fabric was
the Middle East, the quest for fast urban development structured and functioned within a complex set of rela-
has had irrevocable consequences, as the forms of new tionships - cannot be underestimated. Forming an image
cities were determined by the characteristics of quick, of the original architecture from what appeared to be no
commercial construction, which omits the essential more than archaeological remains was a particularly
component that gives substance to the vernacular archi- difficult feat for an architect. On many occasions, while
tecture of the region, both Islamic and Pre-Islamic: the wandering the dark passages of an uninhabited quarter,
creative process of design. the silence and the inscrutability of the past hovered
The changes in the urban structure of the Sultanate overwhelmingly. Deserted and dilapidated urban fabric,
were initiated by His Majesty Sultan Qaboos bin Sa'ld like walls, is mute. Each town or city had its own narra-
bin Taymiir K1 Sa'id on his accession to power in 1970. tive consisting of the life on the streets and other public
Muscat and M u ~ a h(a town located two miles west of and private spaces, which remains unknown and untold.
Muscat) were geographically and historically severed The absence of any records of the history of this
from the mainland, two isolated enclaves on the rugged architecture, or local accounts of the socio-economic life
coastline. Inhabitants leaving the coast for the interior that accompanied the panoply of architectural styles, was
would say they were 'going to Oman'. Sultan Qaboos another difficulty. This was as true of Muscat as of the
was able to establish hegemony over both areas, and in other areas of the Sultanate, and a literary search among
order to remove the distinctions embarked almost imme- the published texts of travellers or writers who were in
diately on an integral development plan, with the aim of the main indifferent to the architectural culture and
 INTRODUCTION 3

heritage of Oman proved unsatisfactory. architectural design with the vernacular architecture
This book does not attempt to be a definitive record of the prominent cities in the Sultanate. At the sugges-
of Omani architecture. Rather, it is the result of research tion of Hasan Fathy, a team from the Architectural
into and documentation of the prominent architecture of Association School of Architecture -its members were
selected towns and quarters in the Sultanate visited by Omar el Farouk, Allan Cain, Farokh Afshar and John
the author over a relatively brief period, 1993-97. The Norton - carried out field research in 1973. The study
book is intended to establish a reference point and pro- took place barely three years after Sultan Qaboos had
vide a formal framework that may assist, and hopefully come to power, at a time when very little change had
inspire, architects, urban policy-makers, academics and occurred in the living patterns of most Omanis. Thevast
artists. Further, more specific research into this rich but majority of Oman's towns and villages, and their build-
relatively neglected field is required to redefine and ing methods, had remained unaltered for centuries. The
recognise the cultural heritage that accompanies the material which they gathered provides an invaluable
architectural tradition. Unfortunatelymany of the archi- reference point, as it contains information on much
tectural surveys originally planned for this book proved architecture that has subsequently disappeared. An
impossible to conduct abridged version of their unpublished monograph
I have chosen to arrange the book according to appears in Chapter 1of this book.
the modem regional administrative divisions of the Because of their detailed knowledge of the impor-
Sultanate, as they are well suited to the task of defining tant forts and palaces which they restored, I also invited
architectural enclaves and styles. These are Muscat (the Dr Enrico d'Errico and Olivier Sednaoui to contribute
capital), al Biilnah (the coast), Musandam (a northern to the book.
peninsula separated from the rest of the Sultanate by a
part of the United Arab Emirates), al Dakhiliyyah ('the
interior'), al Zahiiah (also a region of the interior), al Salma Samar Damluji
Sharqiyyah(the eastern region) and Dhofar in the south. LondmL, October 1997
Each is divided into provinces which carry the names of
prominent cities or towns. The eighth region, a1 Wusta
(the cenaal region), which includes the towns of H a p &
miit, al Daqm and alJazir, was not visited for this book.
The vast desert expanse of the Sands that constitutes al
Wusm, which borders on the Empty Quarter, would
have provided an interesting contrast; however, along
with the desert extension of Shkr at the edge of Ramlat
Fasad in northern Dhofar, it has been allocated to the
continuing research that has resulted from the present
project. Through the support and interest of Sultan
Qaboos University and the Diwan of the Royal Court,
the preliminary work represented in this book will be
developed in the years to come, enhancing its value as an
architectural and cultural record.
In the summer of 1973,I met the Egyptian architect
Hasan Fathy (d. 1990) in Beirut. He had recently
returned from a visit to the Sultanate, during which he
had been contemplating working on integrating new
 C H A P T E R I
I

Traditional Architecture and

Settlement Patterns

Ahre: The murtymd ofBo$ d Rudaydah in BirLat d Mmvr

Opposite The f d a j ofBnyt el Rudaydnh in Birkat d M m z
 TRADITIONAL ARCHITECTURE A N D SETTLEMENT PATTERNS 7

Regional Styles and Building Traditions

)rbove:Close-upof the walls of nl Fiqayn E a t near Mnnah

Opposite An interior shot of Nnnra Foe rhowrllg the m m h u c t e d dome of the mosque

Introduction
The forts and citadels of Oman represent the most obvi- national campaign that has been in effect for the lasttwo
ous feature in traditional Omani architecture. Crowning decades and which has, despite the courses of renovation
cities and commanding the entrances to towns, they and restoration, preserved the exceptional value of these
continue to have a dominant presence in the urbanland- complex structures.' However, the architecturalheritage
scape. The design layout and building technology of of Oman, though symbolised by these forts and towers,
this fortified architecture, which included residential and explored through them in several publications, is not
spaces, is indicative of the level of sophistication that exclusive to them. Oman boasts an i n t e r e s ~ gand
town planning and architecture reached in settlements important vernacular architectural fabric that is just as
across the Sultanate. The forts have remained a focal rich and diverse as those imposing buildings.
point for visitors to the country and a basic historic The development of vernacular architecture in
reference for the surrounding fabric of adjacent towns, the Sultanate is closely related to the evolution of
despite the removal, through renewal or reconstruction, some of the earliest urban settlements in Arabia. A
of the surrounding traditional urban fabric. The forts wide range of iduences, from the Pre-Islamic, Islamic,
and towers have been restored through an ongoing Persian, Portuguese, Moghul and South-East Asian to
the H a b style of neighbowingYemen and firrally the
buildings of East Africa, is also discernible in many of the
regional variations. Whereas some of these intluences
are expressed with direct references (most obviously, the
Pormguese fortifications at Muscat and the &hami
influence in Dhofar), others are more vague. An exami-
nation of the architecture of townssuch as N a m , Misfst
a1 'Abriyyin and al Mubyrib demonstrates the impor-
tance of establishing references for each style, though
the styles themselves are ultimately specific to Oman.
Other towns, such as al Minzafah, illustrate an estab-
lished and formal domestic architectural style within a
developed urban town centre, with possible influences
that may have been brought in by wealthy merchants
from Zanzibaror East Africa. To define fully the over-
lapping influences requires further research into the Above
The shrine of Muhammlld bm 'A7i in Mirbaf cemetery, which has n typtcd
cultural influx that occurred during the eighteenth and Hndrami drsrgn. ir a c l o r s ~exmple of Ule mf/uences behuem Dhofor ond
nineteenth centuries (including research into the social southern Yemm. Cross-refeencer are rare on f m e r orch,femnol iweis,
~spedaliyin mqms and r e I z p w buildings
fabric that was attached to the architecture), which is
Below left and right
beyond the scope and speciality of this book. Detnih from the town ofMirat a7 ' A w n in oi H~wd'proM'nce
10 T H E ARCHITECTURE O F OMAN

F a r left
Detnil of a c m d wiwdw meen frrmT a h o w in M&8F
Left
Detail ofan enolhoncedwr to orre of TEqah'r old hours
B d o r ilnd botmm
The rmvatul mosque of&arat rrl i'irni', Adm

Even when obvious influences do occur, the detail-

ing of the buildings - such as the carved window screens,
the doors, the carved mud, lime plaster and stucco work,
and the painted ceilings and calligraphic inscriptions -
expresses important stylistic variations owing to the
differing interpretations of local master builders and
craftsmen. Local types became established in the archi-
tecture of the different regions, which employed local
building materials, technology, design and town plan-
ning forms that vary remarkably between the coast and
the interior, and between the eastern and southern parts
of the country. Yet despite the regional differences, the
similarities found in the plans and designs of both
mosques and residential buildings clearly point to specific
characteristics that evolved in and became exclusively
attached to the architecture of the Sultanate.
However, the paucity of vernacular architecture
makes the task of locating intact and cohesive examples
dif3icult: a problem compounded by the fact that many of
the more interesting settlements that survive are widely
scattered. Many of the examples of traditional domestic
architecture in Oman are in a dilapidated state, their
owners having deserted the old quarters in h o u r of the
newly developed and more prestigious modem parts of
towns and cities.
Mosques are an exception to this trend since they
remain in continuous use, and in some cases have even
been renovated. One such example is in the Harat a1
Jami' quarter of Adm, which is now deserted with the
sole exception of the renovated mosque of KI BiiSa'zd.
Other mosques that have been renovated through the
 T R A D I T I O N A L ARCHITECTURE A N D SETTLEMENT P A T T E R N S 13

but of the urban centres of the Sultanate in general, and

forms the basis of the following description of building
techniques.
According to Shaykh M h n d , the master builder
was traditionally responsible for designing the houses
of ordinary people. The houses belonging to the 6lite
were designed to a large extent by the owners them-
selves. Examples of houses built for shaykbs still s d v e in '

many towns.
Once the plan of the building was determined and
marked out on site, the foundation trenches were dug.
These varied in depth from 60 centimetres to 1 metre.
For the foundations themselves, courses of stone set in
opp* sftt-zzjlime mortarAwere used if the owners could afford
&hi1 of the intnnnl fW& of the h e - s t o r e y hovres in tke
it; if not, the stone courses would be arranged in an ashlar
town of @IMudaybi
setting (closely packed stone with no mortar) known in
T% deserted t m o f H y n d HmyBhrm in A&. Sinsle- and dwble-stow Muscat as a17afi. Foundationswere between 20 centirne-
residentid buildinn were conrtrudcd in the c o n e - s W bm d.
es tsa
~ ~ l a r r reilztul unditionczi - t p p m m Gtain throughout the tres and 1metre deep, depending on the owner's means.
imegralsburturc of the town

RilM
Remnants of a stone wall shmving the raw- niche, Mirbdt

the absence of documentation, where the population has

relocated to the modem urban environment of the newly
constrncted quarters, stepping into the abandoned
remaios of the original town affords the only tangible
means of readingvernacular architecture'spast.

The Building Tradition

The few master builders skUed in traditional building
techniques, materials and styIes still practising provide an
important insight into the processes that created both
individual buildings and settlements.Material from inter-
views with master builders has been included throughout
the text of this book While this often consists of descrip-
tions of methods, styles and terminology specific to
certain locales, broad parallels are also evident One
particdarly informativesource was Shaykh w i i d bin
~ s h ia1
r who, though not a master builder, is an
eminent expert on historical buildings and vernacular
building tedmipes? Information from discussions with
ShaykhMalpnad bin &hir al -'I provides a valuable
introduction to the building traditions not only of Muscat
t
i
 LADlTlONAL ARCHITECTURE A N D SETTLEMENT P A T T E R N S 27

The Buraymi Oasis The Muscat, M U Mand Ruwl Capital Region

Buraymi Oasis, which gives its name to the surrounding This region covers the capital area from As Sib, at the
area, is on the frontier with Abu Dhabi and Saudi Arabia southern end of the Batinah coast, to the mountains which
and is the largest of several oases. It is not far from the run into the sea at the southeast, cutting off the area from
western end of a1Jabal a1 Akhdar. Located in the hot con- the coast further west. There are four natural bays, two
ditions of the desert, the oasis environment modifies this accommodating Muscat, the capital of Oman, and two
climate; it is cooler than its surroundings due to the pres- M u & , which in 1973 was the new and expandingport.
ence of trees and irrigation, but humidity is higher. In The region is close to the B a k a h coast and hence
1973, each oasis settlement obtained its water from afalaj has a similar general climate, though this is modified by
system, supplied by a nearby mountain. Al Buraym was the surrounding bare rocky mountains. This is best
undeveloped, although its neighbouring settlement of al exemplified in Muscat, where the town's protected har-
'Ayn in the United Arab Emirates had developed into a bour opens on to the sea, while the rest of the settlement
substantial and wealthy town with oil revenues. Poor road is surrounded on three sides by steep rock faces. The
links with the rest of Oman, however, conmbuted to the light-coloured stone mountains around Muscat act as
discrepancies between al Burayrm and a1 'Ayn. reflectors for solar radiation, focusing heat on to the
Once again, water was the main factor that influ- town even after nightfall because of the heat storage
enced the original settlement pattern of al Buraymi, and capacity of the rocks.Muscat is said to have temperatures
houses were generally built on land not suitable for culti- 5°C higher than those of the surrounding country and
vation and above the level atwhichfa@ carried water into therefore depends on local daily land and sea breezes.
the settlement. The main towns and villages were all situ- In 1973, Muscat and Muuab were the only two
ated around the date gardens, including the mq and the major established towns in the north of Oman, the latter
forts. The streets were quite wide, providing little shade, with more room for expansion than Muscat, which was,
and even secondary streets were not narrow enough to however, the traditional seat of government In both, the
provide protection from the sun. Buildings were either ideal settlement climatically was one of narrow shaded
one- or two-storey structures. Bnraymi rtiq was a com- streets that also allowed for air movement between the
pletely covered structure, much of it with corrugated-iron houses. However, Muscat and Mup& have different
sheeting, which conmbuted to extremely hot s e h g con- characteristics. Muscat functioned largely as a seat of
ditions. As well as the dnsrers of buildings around the fort power with the palace, embassies, government and com-
and market, there were also houses scattered amongst the mercial offices making it the wealthier residential area.
date gardens, set several metres above the level of the The buildings in the settlementwere more widely spaced
gardens themselves. Houses were thus protected from than in poorer Mumh. They were freestanding, larger,
flooding, which was not uncommon. more spacious and better maintained. In 1973, this
Because of the climate, insulation was maximised in meant that cars could be more easily accommodated, and
the buildings, which had small windows and thick mud that houses were open to air movement. It also meant,
walls. Roofs were constructed in the same way as in the however, that the wider streets were exposed to the sun
northern uplands, although by the time of the study and uncomfortable for pedesmans. The exception was
corrugated-iron roof sheeting was being introduced in the aq, which was compact, its shops separated by
several buildings, even though it created much hotter narrow, winding alleyways that were shaded and cool.
w o r h g and living conditions than the traditional mate- M u d , on the other hand, had become the major
rials. Conerete blocks were also beginning to be used and trading centre of Oman. It was more densely built up
local builders said that there was very little mud-brick with shops, houses and offices closely packed together.
work being done. Streets were narrow and on a human scale, catering for
the cart and the camel. In terms of shade, this was an
28 THE ARCHITECTURE O F O M A N

advantage. However where the car had begun to pene- Tpical windows in the indigenous houses of Muscat
trate, the result was congestion. The houses in M u d and Mu& had multi-level openings; an example is
were closely grouped, both physically and socially, into shown here from Najwm House on the beachfront of
communal clusters. The most identifiable grouping was Mu@&. This house had thick limestone walls which, due
that of the Lawstip Quarter, the residential cluster built
by the early Indian merchant community in the post-
Portuguese era. There are two access gates to this area,
leading to narrow alleys. The houses are two or three
storeys high and form a protective wall around the area,
with no openings at street level. At the time of the study,
many of these buildings were in poor condition.
In both Muscat and Muwah, the high population
and the scarcity of available land for building had
resulted in a relatively dense settlement pattern, albeit
exhibiting the differences mentioned above. This meant
that natural ventilation through the settlement was
restricted, and other means had been found to encourage
Abve
air movement and cooling. The courtyard house was one PrivmC house witn Onrete w h d m s , Mac@

example, trapping cooler night-time air in the base of the Bettarn left
sem'muhnwinsclim#ticr e s p m , typid t m h o w , Mwmt
courtyard. Another was window openings designed to
Bettam rylt
facilitate air movement and to help keep interiors cool. The harv of@%? 'AU NapBnl; g m d md Wt pwrplanr

1 auru* cl r.r. fw!d hrr (u., u k o ,rkll -, -. A ,A

urrc Wonr c o o n
ur~dur cm a u ,r hm m -,a r m ro +?' n ,re
'""" i"''.<"" "lma, n*
 T R A D I T I O N A L ARCHITECTURE A N D SETTLEMENT PATTERNS 29

the sea, to blow into the dwelling, but it was necessary to

exclude solar radiation which would otherwise raise
indoor temperatures. Two shading devices were used,
one of which was a wooden awning-type consauction
and the other a gypsum-plaster lattice window. The
lattice windows of Muscat and Mutrah were generally
elaborate, finely-detailed gypsum panels set into the wall.
Their purpose was to allow daylight to enter and air to
circulate, and to afford a view while excluding glare and
solar radiation, as well as maintaining visual privacy. In
the houses of the Muscatmu@& area, lattice openings
were usually found in the upper portions of the window,
or as high window and ventilation openings. Because of
the air's high moisture content, the sky reflects a great
deal of light and skies are much brighter than in dryer
climates. The lattice-work screens (similar in function to
the 'arishscreens on the Ba!inah coast) protect the eye
from its harsh glare. Openings high up in rooms are also
necessary to allow for the escape of warm air which col-
lens in the upper reaches of a room due to convection.
Another elaborate window design was found in the
windows of Bayt al Zawawi (also known as Mughabb) in
Muscat, which had incorporated an evaporative cooling
system. The coolingunit used a porous, unglazed water
jar, which was placed in the window opening, so that air
entering the room passed over it. Water seeped through
the water-6lled jar and kept the outer surface of the jar
permanently moist Air passing over the surface caused
the water to evaporate, absorbingheat energy, thus cool-
ing the air and providing a supply of cool water in the jar
itself for drinking. Once again, shading devices and lat-
tice windows were used to prevent solar radiation from
Top left entering the room. This same evaporative cooling
Gypsum-plaster soem, Muscat
system, using porous water jars known as mazyarah,
TOPfi&
&dim s h w i i evaporative m l i n ~ s y r t e mend window &4 existed in Egypt and tests there have shown that it could
Bnyi a1 Z m v w ' (Mghnbb) in Mwcnt reduce temperature by as much as 10°C."
Above
Widmv screen detnil at Bnyt GI Zmvowi (Mughabbf in Murcat
$m
to the material's thermal capacity, had a relatively con- Located at the southern tip of the mountains which run
stant temperature on their internal surfaces. Ventilation through central northern Oman, $or developed as an
was therefore important for cooling. Muscat and M u d important terminus for trade routes from the desert and
receive daytime onshore sea breezes which aid cooling. Dhofar, at the pointwhere the Oman Gulf opens into the
Windows were designed to allow this breeze, cooled by Indian ocean.
 T R A D I T I O N A L A R C H I T E C T U R E A N D SETTLEMENT PATTERNS

Architecture in the Landscape

James Parry

Musondmn is one of the few places in Oman where raznfall lewlr me adequnh to czllmv searanal
cultivation. T m m s me conslmcted to secure maximum bolqit from the mndff

Introduction
Oman is one of the most arid countries in the world. localized and evaporation rates are usually very high. In
Although the southern province of Dhofar @a&) is most areas the scant nature of the soil and vegetation
subject to the summer monsoon, known locally as the encourages rapid run-off and rainfall is lost almost as
kbar$season,'l rainfall elsewhere is erratic, both in terms quickly as it falls.
of quantity and frequency. Except in the mountains few The exploitation of such water reserves as do exist
weather stations in the northern and central portions of is therefore central to human existence in Oman and
the c o u w report more than 80 millimetres of rainfall constitutes the chief determinant in agricultural and
in any one year and months can pass without significant settlement patterns. Only in Musandam and Dhofar is
precipitation. Lengthy dry spells are often finallybroken a limited form of rain-fed agriculture feasible. Else-
by sudden cloudbursts of a violence and intensity that where it is necessary to harness and direct underground
can cause the decimation of crops, loss of Livestock and resources to create the conditions under which perma-
extensive damage to buildings and infrastructure. nent settlement may thrive. Topography is therefore a
Ironically, such rainfall does little to alleviate the critical consideration, as it dictates the ease with which
constant problem of drought, as it is often extremely subterranean water reserves can be exploited.
 38
I THE A R C H I T E C T U R E O F O M A N

Location of Water
Thegeography of northern Oman is characterized by Oman's wells are of little importance architecturally,
the C O ~ M U O U ~chain of mountains that runs south from their structuresbeing of quite rudimentary canstruction.
the Straits of Hormuz parallel to the coast, until finally Of much greater interest is the country's most renowned
dwindling just inland from $iir, on the edge of Ja'lan. means of water management: the famous system ofwater
Although there are no major breaks in this chain, it is channels, referred to collectively as a$@?.
scored by a series of geological weaknesses which act as
drainage lines and also provide a valuable opportunity for The A B j
,?*.
communication routes. These two aspects are absolutely In such an arid country, the location, catchment, storage
- .
central to the development of settlement and agriculture and distribution of water is of the utmost importance,
in Oman and, until the 1970s, it was in this region, requiring ingenuity and skilful management. Over the
,-
- immediately either side of the mountain range, that the centuries, large-scale hydraulic systems have been dev-
country's greatest population density was m be found. eloped in much of interior Oman in order to exploit
The drainage lines take the form of gravel-based precious water resources." These systems rely on conduits,
. . wadis, which fan out into wider alluvial basins once they
.. which are constructed both below and above ground
- leave the resmctive topography of the mountains proper. level. In Oman, the word aprfl is used as a generic term for
-

.' On the western side of the mountains the wadis flow all water conduits, whatever their provenance and design.
. .
, ? - inland to the desert, whereas on the eastern side they Costa identifies three different types of &:those chan-
. flow towards the sea, creating Oman's most productive n e b g surface flow and run-off, those tapping springs,
R
Y ; . agricultural region, al B s ~ a hHowever,
. nowhere do and those draining water-soaked suhsoil."The last two
.= .-, these wadis run constantly at surface level and most are
" are essentially subterranean and, strictly-speaking,
. e-. . ,, dry for at least part of the year. Alternative, more reliable, termed qamzt. An open channel is usually calledghayl."
. ,--
. ', . sources of water are therefore required and must be Some of Oman's @-j run for more than 30 kilome-
.. ---,
,, - - tres, but most are between 3 and 10 kilometres long. An
. . found by tapping underground aquifers.
.. .- .
~

~:
C- The most obvious mode of extraction from the averagefalaj, or channel, supplies water a t a rate of 40
1'
7 . _ aquifers is by sinking a well. Until the relatively recent limes per second, which is enough to irrigate roughly 40
i. r:.
advent of the diesel pump, most wells were operated hectares of land. This can support a permanent settle-
. .. by means of a pair of yoked animals, usually oxen or ment of about a thousand people or so.
,
-
donkeys. The animals are attached to a rope which runs The a&? transport water by gravity and a constant
i. -
over a cog mounted within a tripod frame, the latter and relatively modest gradient is required to lead the
s.,
positioned over the well-head. As the beasts climb and water from the aquifer to a point of emergence at the
.$ then descend a ramp, the bucket at the other end of the surface, where it is collected, and thence to the place of
rope is lowered into the water, hoisted up and then tilted use. Most of this journey is by means of the qanat, which
< has the advantage of reduced rates of evaporation and
~. into a cistern connected to a series of channels. The latter
+then he used to dismbute the water as required. This contamination. Once thefalaj emerges into the open air,
.
-.-a
*,+4fwell is usually called zajara and the whole net-
* it is usually collected in a cistern or reservoir, from which
work, includmg the associated irrigated area, is known as dismhntion continues via the ghql. These open channels
Gbiyab. Although once of widespread and frequent then lead to the settled and cultivated areas, increasingly
i occurrence across Oman, this system is limited in terms spawning, or dividing into, smaller channels to allow the
of the area it can irrigate and in only a few regions do water supply to service individual fields.
wells comprise the only means of irrigation (most
notably the BH- littoral). Opposite
Although of social and historical significance, W-fw
A typic111 at Misfit a1 'Ab"wn
 T R A D I T I O N A L A R C H I T E C T U R E A N D SETTLEMENT PATTERNS 41

The dismbution of the water transported by afahj

must be designed sequentially to cater for the range of
different uses and to avoid pollution from one use to
another. Alinear utilization patxem is therefore employed;
&e prerequisite is that drinking water is taken from the
fahj as soon as it is collected from below ground, so that
it is as clean as possible.
Oman's are its lifeblood. The filaj channels
bring the possibilities of life itself to an otherwise
desolate and forbidding landscape. They dictate when,
where and how the human inhabitants can make prod-
uctive use of difficult terrain; they determine the extent
and character of settlement patterns; and they involve
Opposite the design and construction of particular featnres requir-
F d a j nt Manal, showing (on right) the mdGd, the sporl heap reuitinrfrom
excavmons to bring theground lwcl down to that of the f W
ing formidable engineering and architectural skills.
Although primarily functional, many of these features
are of architectma1value, upon which forethoughtand a
degree of aesthetic concern have been lavished.
Bdow lee
A& are of great symbolic value and oken enjoy
Fdaj el 'AWt - 'the demon's falay- an almost venerated status within the local community.
near M q i d a1 KafF, o typical streetside falnl
42 THE ARCHITECTURE O F O M A N

Fahzj water dislribufion

ILis is particularlyso in the case of the u r n , or mother large-scale deve10pment of both land and water resources
channel, a source initially located by a water diviner and was the hallmark of their imperial conquests. An
from which a network of smaller distributaries will extensive construction programme, based on the precepts
usually stem. Celebrated aj@ such as Falaj D ~ r i sat and design of the irrigation system in their homeland,
Nazwa are part of local folklore and have assumed would have been the obvious approach in a country of
iconographic significancefar beyond their dady function similar terrain and climate. Furthermore, we know from
as providers of water.'* Collectively, Oman's aj@ com- contemporary chronicles that the Persians deliberately
prise the single most imporrant u d p g factor in the sabotaged many aj7q in the face of the advancing armies
development of the people, landscape and settlements of ofthe Arabs at the time of Mlik bin Fabm and the A d
the country's interior. They connect settlements both diaspora (&a second century BC).IqWe may interpret this
physically and psychologically, and remain an integral as evidence of a 'scorched earth' policy, whereby the
part of economic and cultural life. Persians dismantled their own engineering.
However, the existence of apparently indigenous
History a&? in neighbouringYemenmmay indicate that those in
The precise origins of the aFtj in Oman continue to be Oman were equally spawned from local iniriative and
shrouded in mystery, despite extensive research and necessity, rather than the result of outside involvement
investigation.We still cannot be absolutely surehow old The evidence of a developed copper-mining industry in
the oldest channels are. Popular myth revolves around Omanduring the third millennium BC may shed further
a story concerning the prophet S u l a p bin ~ ~Dawiid
~ light;" the amaction and mining of copper would have
More prosaically, reqnired the easy snppk of large amounts of water and
ly suggested that it is difficult to see how this could have been achieved
ed from the similar other than by a system such as the aj7q. Setded existence
The Persians occupied pans
system constructedininPersia. in Oman would have been equally unlikely without an
of Oman at various times over many centuries from the imgation system to sustain it, and as evidence has come
Achaemenid to the Sassanid periods, and Oman's first to light of settlements which are broadly contemporary
aply' were thought to have been constructed during the with theancient mining industry," so the likelihood
Achaemenid occupation (sixth centuryBC).'" increases of Oman's aj&~network substantially predat-
The Achaemenids were inveterate builders and ing the Persian occupation. It is possible that it was
 T R A D I T I O N A L ARCHITECTURE A N D SETTLEMENT PATTERNS 43

extended by the Achaemenids, but its roots are almost Settlement Patterns
certainly earlier." Considerable study has been conducted into the origin
Following the expulsion of the Persians and the and development of traditional settlements in Oman.'*
advent of Islam, Oman's aflej suffered mixed fortunes. These can be summarized as being of two basic types;
There is no evidence to suggest that any extension of the coastal and interior. As far as the latter is concerned, the
network took place, nor indeed that anydung other than most frequent pattern is for an oasis setdement to develop
basic maintenancewas carried out, until the period of the at a point where water and cultivable land coincide.
Ya'xribah imamate (1035-1157/1625-1744). On the Fertile soil is almost as rare, if not rarer, in Oman than
contrary, it seems that the extent and quality of the coun- fresh water and a location blessed with the presence of
my's ajhii went into a steep decline, with frequent both is an enviable spot indeed. Itwas therefore necessary
disruption and even total destruction during periods of to defend such sites from covetous neighbours and so
civil strife. By the time of the Ya'aribah imams, the need settlements were generally located on the nearest high
for a comprehensive rehabilitation of the country's irri- ground (usually a rocky outcrop), with the cultivated
gation resource and agricultural base was paramount fields spread out around and below. The elevated position
Culturally, the Ya'aribah dynasty is an interesting of the houses allowed psychological and physical domi-
period, arguably the 6rst Golden Age of the Omani state nation of the site, as well as some degree of protection in
and a time when the arts and agriculture alike flourished. the event of flash floods. The vast majority of the interi-
There were developments of great architectural sign- or settlements of Oman mirror this pattern.
ificance, such as the comprehensive redesigning and
expansion of towns such as Nazwa, al &m~%'and Birkat Derelict hama rn T d f i shmvingbd&q mom h i l f o w the f&l

al Mawz, and the construction of many of Oman's cele-

brated form. The majority of Oman's most significant
historic buildings date from this period. The basis for
such cultural and material prosperity was the relative
peace and security brought about by the rule of the
imams. This in tmn provided the opportunity to rescue
and rehabilitate the counuy's d i g ajhii, thereby pro-
viding the means to expand the country's agricultural
base. Many sFsj were rebuilt, but there is no evidence
to suggest that any completely new systems were con-
structed. Indeed, it is possible that by this time the
knowledge and skills to do so had disappeared?'
In the case of the am,the role of master-builder is
filled by the ' A w e mbe. Wilkinson has documented
how and when this group arrived in Oman and how they
subsequentlyspread across the land, restoring neglected
and defunct?@a so that the fields could be brought back
into production." To this day the ' A w e retain some-
thing of a monopoly on the skills required to maintain
and service the network, but as socio-economic expecta-
tions and lifestyle patterns change, so these ancient skills
are dwindling.
44 THE A R C H I T E C T U R E O F O M A N

avoided problems in transportingwater m the home and

allowed a degree of domestic comfort. For example, the
seventeenth-centuryrehabilitation of the & aj3 and town
of a1 Ha-' involved the consuuction of some of the
grander houses with their frontage actually over thefihzj,
to allow for rooms in whicb bathing could be carried out
pri~ately.'~Similar houses (now ruinous) can be seen at
Tantxf. Equally, the forts of Jabrin and Bayt a1 Rudaydah
in Birkat al Mawz were each sewed by afalaj running
straight through the centre of the building. That at
Jabrin is now dry, but thef&jof Bitkat alMawz remains
in good condition.
The centrality of water in Oman, and the key role
played by the afi3 in its procurement and distribution,
has resulted in the latter often serving as a broker and
vehicle for peace in times of dispute. Intemibal rivalries
At locations where water and dtivable soil did not and feuding had to be periodically set aside due to mutu-
coincide, then it was often possible to bring the water to al dependence on a shared water supply. Nowhere is this
the fields by means of afilaj. Even when the two core more evident than in Izki, a classic oasis settlement
commodities were naturally present in the same place, served by one of the greatest afi3 of all, al Malki.
there was often the need to fashion and develop them m Comprised of two historically distinct and tradi-
suit the needs of the local population. The aF.3 system tionally antagonistic settlements- al N b and al Yarnan
played a key role in thisprocess also. - Izki depended on a unified irrigation system. Despite
In most cases, water is imported to the cultivable the frequent strife between the two warring quarters,
land by the & The channels may stretch for many theywere compelled to cooperate on the maintenance of
kilomeues and be derived &om different sources, so thefalaj system, which provided the basic means of sub-
the final convergence can be quite complex. Often the sistence for all villagers. It also financed communal
point of arrival of the water supply was found to be institutions, such as the nrp,mosque and waqfeducation
too far below the field level, in which case large-scale trusts, through money raised b m selling shares in the
excavations were required to reduce the ground level imgation cycle.
accordingly. The huge spoilheaps this created, known as As in many settlements, the arrangements for
d d (sing. &), are clearIy discernible in many Omani administering and distributing water in Izki were
settlements and were often used to form raised banks complex. The network in general was under the
between the individual fields or gardens. The nzufd are responsibility of a communal ajl@administration, with
as much a part of the loc&~pgraphy and architecture individual owners responsible for the upkeep of channels
as the buildings which hl*.aften been consuucted in their own fields. Each plot of land had a prescribed
upon them and conmbute to the?upstairs-downstairs'
-pcxJd%f irrigation time, whicb formed part of a larger
character of many Omani settlements, whereby the cycle covering the whole area. Channels were opened
residential quarters occupy the high ground, from which and closed according to the cycle, this normally being
the inhabitants descend to tend their fields below. done by simply blocking or diverting the flow with
Except where local topography made it impossible, rocks and rags. Shares in the cycle could be bought and
a settlementwould be ranged alongside thef & channels sold and, although land and water rights are technically
before these descended to the imgation areas. This separate in Oman, the right to use water was always
 M U S C A T : T R A D I T I O N A L C I T Y A N D GREATER C A P I T A L 57

-
ospowc A&
ssafraat view amas Muscat bay S-8 Q A hPalm
' I

vinv of ffie dd dn/ of Mucat with Ialciii Fort in he fwrgmund

U ntil 1970, Muxat and the rest of Oman were vir-

tually separate entities; Muscat (Masqat) and
M u ~ a btwo
, miles to the west, were geographically and
country, he embarked on an extensive programme of
infrastmcturalrenewal and urban development ofwhich
Muscat, the capital, was naturally a focus. During the
historically severed from the mainland, two isolated &st phase two practices, John R. Harris, M t e c t s ,
enclaves on the rugged coastline. Inhabitants leaving the Design & Planning Consultants, and Makiya Associates,
coast for the interior would say that they were 'going to were each commissioned to prepare a planning proposal
Oman'. for the development and extension of Muscat and neigh-
Architecturally, Muscat and the rest of the towns of bouringMud.
the Sultanateshared the cluster form characteristicof the Harris, a British architect, had established a pres-
urban settlements of Arabia and North Africa: walls sur- ence in Muscat in 1965 and was responsible for the 6rst
rounding cities and some towns, and an architectural major modem building in the country.' Mohamed
fabric constructed in local materials restricted to a max- Makiya opened his architectural and planning consul-
mum of three storeys in height (sometimes four in the tan7 practice in Baghdad in 1946, and by the early
case of distinguished town palaces and mansions). Socio- sixties had established a distinctive style ofmodem archi- I

economic life was centred around settled mbal tecture based on research into Arab and Islamic J
communities engaged in a combination of fishing, trade, architectural concepts. In 1971he set np a design centre
agriculture and grazing, according to the location and in Muscat, and a London oflice followed in 1974. ,
-

-
historic links of each settlement. The reports prepared by Harris and Makiya
The accession of His Majesty Sultan Qaboos bin appeared within three years of each other (in 1970 and
Sa'id bin Taymur a1 BaSa'rdr marked the beginning of 1973 respectively) and had similar fundamental aims: to
the modem era in Oman. With the aim of uniting the d e h e the status and role of the old city ofMuscat in the
50 THE ARCHITECTURE O F OMAN

context of national politics and economics; to preserve

the walls and traditional buildings of the old city; to set
out guidelines for buildings in the new dismcts; and to
propose plans for the expanding metropolitan region.
Both Hams and Makiya emphasised the importance of
preserving the cultural heritage of Muscat while allow-
ing for urban development and expansion. Each
suggested a different means of achieving this.
Makiya Associates defined Muscat as a cul-de-sac
city, an enclave of historic building that should be kept
intact. Their report empbasised the tremendous nation-
al value of Muscat's heritage, which they recommended
Top l d t should be enriched by maintenance and renovation and
The rertoredlalali F o , one of M w d s two defenriveg&som, hrderin8 the
old cify to the east safeguarded against the onslaught of development. In
Above order to retain the city's unique characteristics and orig-
The restored Krani Fort, whrch protected M m t porn n c m bysw to the west inal identity, they proposed resmcting its function to that
TOPri!&t of nominal capital city and relocating the state adminis-
The old city of Muscor, Iwkingsorrth
Bettot" right
native departments to the greater metropolitan area then
Aerial YMY of the MuQoh coactal strip being developed. Makiya's approach was inspired by the
 M U S C A T : T R A D I T I O N A L C l T V A N D GREATER C A P I T A L I9

urban and cultural values of Islamic cities, which are not

segregated into public and private districts, and was gov-
erned by his desire to integrate the old town's fabricinto
any modemising scheme. A two-volume research docu-
ment entitled 'Muscat City Planning' included a study of
Muscat's architectural character, examining in depth its
architectural details, historic monuments and public
buildings including mosques, the stip, city walls and gates:
The report by John R. Harris Architects remained
open to a number of different development options.
They considered the possibility ofMuscat continuing as
the seat of government, and perhaps 'coupled with its
role as capital pecoming] a cultural centre . . . [with]
commercial development. . .severely restricted'. In tbis
scenario, the old city of Muscat would be devoted large-
ly to public builLZlngs and residences for the elite. On the
other hand, a new capital might be established elsewhere,
in which case they proposed that old Muscat and the
neighbonring area of Si&b, on the bay, be developed as
a tourist centre, retaining 'as many of the attractive older
buildings as is possible' and necessitating 'considerable
and sympathetic renovation' - though he also suggested
that 'the larger ones could be incorporated into hotels'.'
Social and cultural issues formed the basis of both
architects' proposals. Improvements in the standards of
health, education and public services needed to be
accommodated, along with provision for cars and park-
ing,improved electricity, drainage and water supplies,
and housing for a larger and wealthier population - aII
without destroying the indigenous architecture. In order
to preserve Muscat aty centre as apredominantlypedes-
trian area, M*a ~ r o ~ o s the
e d consrmcdon of a civic
my&n (square) just outside the south wall of the city.
Easily accessible by car and bus, the new m r r y h would
operate as amulti-purpose forum for social, sporting and
religious functions. Instead of extendingthe city or con-
structing new housing within its walls, Makiya
recommended that the expanding population, which was
predicted to rise from 17,000 to 35,000, should be Tor
housedinneighbouring areas m the west ofMuscat such rttc upawiar qM~nIry,mtk Orsafer U1r!r4 in the kctsbm4

as Rum. In this way, the human scale of the city's archi-

tecture, as vita1 to its character as its pedestrian streets,
could be maintained.

, . - .I - .Inu-,,
- , I :
60 THE ARCHITECTURE O F O M A N

Hams went one step further, proposing that

Mugah be extended south and west into the valley hom
Ruwi to Darsayt This proposed development site, which

I
he called 'Greater M u d , would become the commer-
cial centre of the entire area, with a new town centre of
public and community buildings located at Bayt a1 Falaj,
an old fortified palace at the northern end of the Ruwi
plain. Harris's proposals for new building were primarily
designed according to the demands of modem urban
development. Though he acknowledged the importance
of traditional spatial organisation in his proposals for
three schemes of dwelling units - courtyard core hous-
ing, low-cost housing and housing over shops - the plans
did not fully consider the nuances embedded in the over-
all structure of the old city fabric. The expression was
linear in form and the repetition of the units somewhat
predictable. Nonetheless, within the parameters of mod-
ern construction and design Harris succeeded in
interpreting the social values and traditional elements of
Arab architecture in a new yet sympathetic form.
Both proposals envisaged the creation of a network
of roads to senrice the new areas and separate them from
the old walled towns of Muscat and M u ~ a hHowever,
.
while Hams did not object to the ribbon development
that would naturally spring up along these roads, Makiya
Associates wanted to encourage cluster development,
which they felt would stimulate a stronger sense of com-
munity and cultural identity for those living outside the
city centres.
architectural practices wished to preserve and
@th
vernacular features of Omani building while
enc gmg a more contemporary approach, a modern
- - -
interpretation of the traditional. They both recom-
mended that the planning authorities should be

' empowered to control future construction through

building regulations. Harris provided a general list that
included basic zoning, building lines, car parking provi-
sion, structural stability, thermal insnlation, soil drainage
TOP
and room height. Makiya Associates were more specific
T m plan of Mugoh and produced a thorough list of specifications for new
Above building which included regulations for total height
T o w plon of the old city in Muscat
restrictions, use of local materials, design which would
Opporlte
Grindlny's &mX just G e r complerion take social and hygiene considerations into account, and
 M U S C A T T R A D I T I O N A L C I T Y A N D GREATER C A P I T A L 61

guidelines for property layouts so as to incorporate the ment officials actually attended on the quayside."The
traditional comtyard element into private housing and to bank building was well received because it acknowledged
allow fm adequate space between buildings. Neither traditional Omani design, incorporating such architec-
Harris's nor Makiya's proposals were carried out to the tural features as the intricate wooden screened balcony
letter, but they undoubtedly influenced the direction (derived from the traditional Arab mmbsab@yab)and the
taken by the Diwan of the Royal C o w and the munici- pointed arch, yet it had a uniquely modem identity sym-
palities' planning departments. bolic of Oman's new function as a centre of commerce.
In addition, both practiceswere responsible for the In the John Harris brochure it is cited as 'an example of
constmctian or renovation of a number of important a well-mannered building which respects its distin-
buildings, landmarks in the development of Muscat and guished neighbours'. Built just outside the main gate
its environs. John Harris had experimentedwith modem which leads into the centre of old Muscat, the bank is an
materials before any planning resmctions existed in interesting example of a carefully designed modern
Oman. Among the first buildings he designed was the building in an area of traditional buildings of greater
Ottoman Bank (later known as Grindlay's Bank), the 6rst architectural impomce.
reinforced concrete snucnue in Oman, completed in Hatris describes the principal design consideration
1968.The firm had to arrange for Oinan's fitst shipment of the Ottoman Bank as climatic: heat, light and thermal
of sulphate-resisting cement and reinforcing steel, an movement were signijicantfacto~~. An 'upside-down' 0s
occasion recorded by k E.Jones, Harris's resident part- roof, combinedwith a sun shade above a freely ventilated
ner in Oman for twelve years: T h e arrival of the ship in air space, provided i d a t i o n firom the outside heat. As
M u d harbour caused mch a s t i that
~ senior govern- seasonal rainfall is frequent but heavy, floodwater
64 THE ARCHITECTURE O F O M A N

gargoyles were incorporated and used to punctuate the for the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labour, completed
fagade. The external rendering is simple, since stability in 1991 on a prominent site at A1 Khuwayr adjacent to
was of prime importance in view of the high levels of the diplomatic quarter and the avenue of minisma, was
humidity and salinity in the Muscat air. the winning design in an architectural competition. Its
Among Hams's other buildings are the &st girls' s t r u c d reinforced concreteframe, which projects two
school in Muscat, al Nahda hospital, low-cost bachelor metres &omthe face of the building, is described as 'pro-
flats, the Omani Tribal School, a clinic at Hayma, the viding additional solar shielding to the main glazed
English School, twostorey housing at al Qunn and a areas': The pointed arches that take up the height of the
.-- of commercial buildings. In 1972 he undertook
-number fagade reflect the more elaborate style that the practice
the renovation of one of the vernacular buildings in adopted in its later years, characteristic of a new wave of
M u d , a house locally known as Bayt Barandi or Bayt modemising Islamic architecturalforms.
Nasib. Other public buildings constructed by the Harris Mohamed Makiya's important projects in Muscat
practice include the main post office and government include the renovation of Bayt a1Jrayzah (1976),Bayt al
administrative offices, a terminal at Al Sib International Khajiyyah (1977) and Bab Waljat (1974), one of h e a t y
Airport and the national headquarters for the gates of old Muscat. He also designed the new Minishy
Development Council of Oman. Hams's new building of Finance, Bayt a1 M&+, completed in 1977."
 MUSCAT TRADITIONAL CITY A N D GREATER CAPITAL 65

Standing just outside Bsb Waljat, Bay a1 Mtlliyyah is

constructed out of stone, both in keeping with the
Abore
architecture of the old city and appropriate for thislarge-
M d i y o A s ~ ~ i ( ~ t e ' p r . $ pfor
s ~stredFcape
I below the a t e m elmm.On of scale, impressive building. Makiya felt that it was better
MiraniFmt,1972-1973; al Khmvr Mosque and Bnyt 111 /myurh are on the
exbeme risht immed~atelybelow the forZ to construct this new building outside the old city rather
blow than within the walls, where it would have had to
DetoiI of ~1d w r in Bnyt ol m-ryyzh,Muscat, pen nndink drmving By
Sarah White. 1995
conform to the scale of the surrounding vernacular
buildings. However, the architect adds, 'I nevertheless
wanted to maintain a civic s a l e in this complex, as it is
visible from the old city wall and should not impose on
the horizon.' Most recently, Makiya served as principal
design consultant to the winning scheme by architects
Quad Design for the Sultan Qaboos Grand Mosque
competition in 1993.

A Philosophy for Bud- The Modem

Interpretation of the Vernacular
Mohamed Makiya considers that the best way to con-
serve the traditional urban fabric is to establish 'a
vocabulary of design' which would include all the ele-
ments such as windows and arches. 'It would be very
simple,' he said wheninterviewed in October 1996, 'and
it would encourage people to commission and execute
66 THE ARCHITECTURE OF OMAN

their own restorations.' His idea is to teach local crafts-

men 'to build in the original vernacular style, and to
supply them with facilities and reasonably priced mate-
rials so that they can reconstruct their own villages':
Makiya gave three conferences and set up an exhi-
bition in Muscat to explain his approach. 'I suggested
that the municipality should provide workshops that
would produce windows, doors, toilet facilities, etc., to
blueprint designs at a non-profit price. Local craftsmen
could then incorporate these pre-cast units and this stan-
dard of design in new building.' Makrya's philosophy is
that 'building comes out of the people and the environ-
ment, rather than out of the often unsympathetic,
academicapproach that architects tend to employ. That is
why I spent so much time researching the traditional
architecture of the area and building up my own knowl-
edge of local techniques, materials and designs.'
Though he did recommend planning regulations to
resmct building height and ensure the use of vernacular
styles, Makiya considered his methodology of conserva-
tion quite unusual in that he sought to disseminate his
ideas rather than provide a 'set text' of instructions or
regulations. Hard and fast rules would, he felt, only be
restrictive and stifle the diversity of Omani cities, where
higher- and lower-income districts are constructed of
different materials and have simpler or more elaborate
design features. He took as an example the Egyptian
architect Hasan Fathy, who established a school of
thought based on the design concepts of Islamic and ver-
nacular architecture, the use of local building materials
and the traditional techniques of master builders:
'There's a background to his work, and its beauty is
unsurpassed. In order to appreciate these buildings we
have to see them, learn to look at them and then measure
their spaces. Once you have done this, you find that you
are bound to be intluenced by the void and the volumes
and the interplay between the two.' Makiya hoped that
the restorations he undertook 'would be used as case
studies and that people would look and learn from them';
they could, he felt, serve as examples for restoration and
TOP design in the future.
Va1l.m in SMb' d Qunn
Above d
Vzlla promtgpe tn Shiv a1 Qunn, based on the rnunicipalcty's regulnhons
 M U S C A T T R A D I T I O N A L C I T Y A N D GREATER C A P I T A L 67

Modem Development
The 1980s saw an increase in construction so rapid that specified the form and style of boundary walls and gates,
the preservation of Oman's architectural heritage was main enay doors (giving options for arched or flat lin-
threatened. Consequently, the Ministry of Land Affairs tels), railings and motifs in solid wood and perforated
(subsequentlythe Minisay of Housing) issued instruc- w d panels, roof parapets using screens and perforated
tions requiring new building to comply with prescribed panels in concrete rendering and wood, screens and
'Islamic' forms. In k E. Jones's opinion the regulations enclosures to create privacy and conceal modem instal-
were too extreme, consisting of 'fairly arbitrary require- lations such as air-conditioningunits, and balconies with
ments for castellations on building parapets, gotbic and instructions for screening where they faced neighbours
curved arches over windows and a general referral to a or were used for drying clothes. A sheet on the appropri-
type of building which never r e d y ead~ted'.~ ate method of constructing arches included ten types of
The Development Council and Daimler-Benz ser- pointed, segmental and one semicircular arch. A section
vice buildings, which were built according to the on window detailing (which employs aluminium-framed
stringent new regulations, show little synergy between glass windows) suggests ornamental relief panels emu-
the old style and the new materials; the use of castella- lating stucco-workin decorative wooden masbrabiyyab or
tion, in particular, is redundant at best. Also in the spirit 'arabesque' patterns, and louvres; only an Indian point-
of the new regulations, a proposal was made for the ed arch and a semicircular arch are shown. Finally,
'beautification' of the National Bank of Oman, which elevations of four different villas are used to illustrate
had been built by a German h u s i n g an imported pre- exterior w d treatments, indicating the types of mason-
fabricated profiled cladding system. This was never ry to be used: concrete block-work or Omani calcium
carried out due to the expense it would involve. k E. silicate bricks, with only 'very limited use' of stone, gran-
Jones reports that 'a direct consequence of this was a res- ite and marble. The type of paint is specified, and more
olution that no further "modem" buildings would importantly the colours to be used for exterior walls:
receive Municipahty approval, and tbis effectivelymeant white, light buff and silver grey.
an end to anti-solar glazing, metal cladding and post- Despite the shortcomings of its creative standards,
modernist treatments of buildings which reflected the manual succeeded in controlling the chaotic devel-
available technology.'' Since the early 1990s, however, opment that occurs in every rapidly developing city. The
several new buildings have again employed post- guidelines were implemented in dl the new dismcs
modernist features and modem glazing, within the including residential areas like Madinat Qaboos and
prescribed criteria for the 'modern vernacular'. Shsg a1 Qurm, which are in general exceptionally
In 1987 'Elevational Guidelines for Shatj' al Qurm well-organised with a number of interesting and well-
Area' were produced by the Diwan of the Royal Court. designed buildings. The houses are restricted in height
The objective of this document, commonly referred to as to three storeys, and are generally painted white with
the pink He by architects practising in Muscat, was 'to a limited number of screened windows. There are
ensure the high quality of architectural design, in the coloured windowpanes, carved Omani-style doors, and
modem and unique Arab/Omani and Islamic architec- decorative perforations and cast relief panels in repetitive
turalstyle, while using modem buildmg materials; and to patterns. The few aesthetically jarring buildings are
establish the origins of cultural values in contemporary faulty in terms of detailing rather than structurally.
Arab architecture by acknowledging the Arab and Overall, the housing is representative of an unobtrusive
Islamic social values in architect~re."~ Although the style that evolved characteristic of new development,
intentions of the manual were irreproachable, the unprecedented in the Gulf region in its orderliness and
accompanyingillustrationswere restrictive and thin. Sets respect for tradition.
of drawings, under the beading of elevation control,