Int. J. S. Am.

Archaeol - IJSA

Research Article

Cultural Variables for the Study of Social Inequalities in the Late Herrera Society of the
Cundiboyacense Altiplano, Colombia (Part Two)

Carlos Armando Rodríguez

Museo Arqueológico “Julio César Cubillos”, Grupo de Investigación ARQUEODIVERSIDAD, Universidad del Valle, Cali, Colombia.

Abstract: In the second part of this article I analyze four new cultural Resumo: Na segunda parte deste artigo analiso quatro novas
variables that, in my opinion, allow us to infer an intermediate level of variáveis culturais que, na minha opinião, nos permitem inferir um
social hierarchization among the Late Herrera populations: a) nível intermédio de organização social hierárquica entre as
goldsmithing, b) intensification of cultural exchanges, c) differentiation populações do Herrera tardio: a) a ourivesaria, b) a intensificação das
in the funerary practices, and d) the practices of anthropogenic cranial trocas culturais, c) a diferenciação das práticas funerárias, e d) as
modification and mummification. These variables are in addition to práticas de modificação craniana antropogénica e de mumificação.
the three previously discussed in the first section of the essay Estas variáveis juntam-se às três anteriormente discutidas na primeira
(Rodriguez, 2022a). secção do ensaio (Rodriguez, 2022a).

Keywords: Late Herrera, Goldsmithing, Funerary Practices, Cranial Palavras-chave: Herrera tardio, Ourivesaria, Práticas funerárias,
Modification, Mummification. Modificação craniana, Mumificação.

Resumen: En la segunda parte de este artículo analizo cuatro nuevas 摘要: 在本文的第二部分，我分析了四个新的文化变量，我认为这四个变量
variables culturales que, a mi juicio, nos permiten inferir un nivel 使我们能够推断出埃雷拉晚期人口的社会等级组织的中间层次：a) 金器制
intermedio de jerarquización social entre las poblaciones Herrera 作；b) 文化交流的加强；c) 葬礼习俗的分化；d) 人为颅骨改造和木乃伊化
Tardío: a) la producción orfebre, b) la intensificación de los 的习俗。除了本文第一部分讨论的三个变量（Rodriguez，2022a）之外，
intercambios culturales, c) la diferenciación en las prácticas funerarias,
还有这些变量。
y c) las prácticas de la modificación craneal antropogénica y la
momificación. Estas variables se suman a las tres ya analizadas en la
关键词: 埃雷拉晚期、金饰、殡葬习俗、颅骨改造、木乃伊化
primera parte del articulo (Rodríguez, 2022a).

РЕЗЮМЕ: Во второй части статьи я анализирую четыре новые

Palabras clave: Herrera Tardío, Orfebrería, Prácticas funerarias,
культурные переменные, которые, на мой взгляд, позволяют
Modificación craneal, Momificación.
сделать вывод о промежуточном уровне иерархической
социальной организации населения поздней Эрреры: а)
ювелирное дело, б) интенсификация культурных обменов, в)
дифференциация погребальных практик и г) практики
антропогенной модификации черепа и мумификации. Эти
переменные дополняют три, рассмотренные ранее в первом
Citation: Rodríguez, C. A. (2023). Cultural Variables for the Study of разделе данного очерка (Rodriguez, 2022a).
Social Inequalities in the Late Herrera Society of the Cundiboyacense
Altiplano, Colombia (Part Two). International Journal of South American Ключевые слова: Поздний Эррера, ювелирное дело, погребальные
Archaeology - IJSA. Number 19, ijsa00095, (v2.0). Cirex-iD: <http:// практики, модификация черепа, мумификация.
[Link]/0840.2912.4861/29811x>

Received: May 28, 2023

Accepted: July 15, 2023
Published: July 21, 2023

Licence: This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of

the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted
use, distribution, and reproduction in any médium, provided the
original author(s) and source are credit.

Copyright: © 2023 Syllaba Press International Inc. In Continuos Publi-

cation Model. All rights reserved ®

Data Availability Statement: All relevant data are within the manus-
cript and its supporting information files.

Funding: The author(s) received no specific funding for this work.

Competing Interests: The author(s) have declared that no competing

interests exist.

Carlos Armando Rodríguez, Arqueólogo, Museo Arqueológico “Julio

César Cubillos”, Grupo de Investigación ARQUEODIVERSIDAD,
Universidad del Valle, Cali, Colombia. Email:
<[Link]@[Link]>. ORCID: <http://
IJSA

[Link]/0000-0002-4765-9123>.

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 Cultural Variables for the Study of Social Inequalities in the Late Herrera Society of the
Int. J. S. Am. Archaeol - IJSA
Cundiboyacense Altiplano, Colombia (Part Two)

Introduction as in the state social structures (Scott, 2011; Uribe, 2005,

1991; Zamora, 2003; Hosler, 2005; Carcedo, 2017;
In the first part of this article, I suggested that it is Lleras, 2005).
possible to differentiate six different levels of increasing In Colombia, ancient metallurgy flourished for
social complexity in the pre-Hispanic sociocultural around 2000 years, between 500 BC and AD 1500.
development of the Cundiboyacense Altiplano. These During this time the goldsmiths of the various
are: 1) hunter-gatherer societies (20000-8000 B.C.), 2) hierarchical pre-hispanic societies created a dozen
Early hunter-gatherer food producers (8000-1300 B.C.), diverse styles, using metals like gold, copper, tumbaga
3) Early Herrera society (1300 B.C.-200 AD), 4) Late and platinum, masterfully employing techniques like
Herrera society (200-1000 AD), 5) Early Muisca society casting, hammering, tempering, embossing, joining
(1000-1350 AD), and 6) Late Muisca society (1350-1600 pieces, lost-wax casting, alloys, gilding by oxidation,
AD). Likewise, I proposed that the first three levels were burnishing, and polishing (Plazas and Falchetti, 1978: 17-
achieved by egalitarian societies, while the subsequent 37). They produced an extraordinary figurative art that
three levels were characteristic of hierarchical chiefdom- represented animals, plants, humans, fantastic beings
type societies, with different degrees of development and geometric forms, which were used by the power
(Rodríguez, 2022a). elites (chiefs and shamans) to control the ritual and the
In this part of the article, I will examine four other trade in sacred goods among communities (Pineda,
cultural variables that, in my opinion, also allow us to 2005: 17). Analyzing the surprising aspect of this art in
infer an intermediate level of social hierarchization aesthetic terms, Roberto Lleras considers that: "The
among the Late Herrera communities: a) goldsmithing, design of the human and animal figures, the
b) the intensification of cultural exchanges, c) funerary composition, the balance and the handling of colors give
pattern differentiation, and d) cultural practices of these objects a prominent place in universal art" (Lleras
anthropogenic cranial modification and mummification. 2005a: 13).
These variables would be added to the three already
studied: medium-scale architectural structures built in The Late Herrera metallurgy
villages, agricultural intensification, besides an increase
in craft activities such as pottery and textiles. The Late Herrera communities were the first to
introduce metallurgical production in the
Metallurgical production Cundiboyacense Altiplano. Sumptuous ornamental
metal objects were placed as funerary offering with
As is well known, metallurgical production is an specific individuals. These elite goods were either of
important cultural variable for inferring social local manufacture or imported from other regions
hierarchies among ancient chiefdom societies in various through exchange with other hierarchical societies.
regions of the world. In European Neolithic societies, According to the few reported evidences of metal
copper and gold metallurgy, as well as the introduction objects associated with uncommon types of burials or
of the high loom and the wheel, were regarded as three mummification, these materials can be dated to the 3rd
major innovations linked to the emergence of social century AD. Until now the earliest date for metallurgy
inequalities. Specifically, the introduction of metallurgy found in Late Herrera tombs is AD 270±40, and it is
"brought with it a complexification of power sets, associated with a semilunar nose ring manufactured in
establishing over a very long period perennial forms of hammered alluvial gold, which was placed with an adult,
social hierarchy." (Barbe and Callens, 2008: 24). Unlike in buried in an extended position, in an oval-shaped grave.
Europe and the Middle East, where metallurgy was vital The burial was found near the Temple of Goranchacha,
in warfare, transportation, and agriculture, metallurgy in on the campus of the Universidad Tecnológica y
South America served primarily a symbolic-ritual Pedagógica de Colombia-UPTC (Lleras, et al. 2009: 172,
function (Lechtman, 1985: 9-17; Langebaek, 2003). 179). (Figure 1a, 1b).
If we apply Barbe and Callens proposal to the In the northern sector of the eastern Cordillera,
American continent, we could say that two of these metallic pieces dating to the second century AD have
innovations, textiles and the of copper, gold, silver, been reported. Such is the case of anthropomorphic
platinum and tumbaga (gold-copper alloy) metallurgy, and cylindrical necklace beads, which were part of the
could have corresponded to two forms of social funerary goods associated with a mummyified individual
inequality. As in Europe, it appears that metallurgy in which was dated to AD 130±40. These objects were
the Americas from 1500 BC until the European made of copper, probably using molds or stone
conquest, was a key cultural element that generated matrices, and were found in the cave of Leuta, town of
social inequalities and served to sustain the political and Silos, North of Santander (Lleras. et al., 2009: 173, 180).
religious power of the elites, both in chiefdoms, as well These items were associated with maize rachis and
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A B

C D

Figure 1. Burial types and goods from Tunja and the Cueva de Leuta. A. Extended primary burial. B. Semilunar gold nose ring
placed as funerary grave good (Lleras, et al. 2009: 173, 180). C. Leuta necklace beads (Lleras, et al. 2009: 173, 180). D. Utilitarian
pottery: bowl and pot with handles (Lleras, et al. 2009: 178, Figure 8).

utilitarian ceramics, a globular bowl with incised part of the grave goods found in a pre-Hispanic tomb in
decoration and a pot with handles (Lleras, et al. 2009: Cómbita, Cundinamarca. In its form, there is a strong
178, Figures 7 and 8). Stylistically, this pottery is similar influence of the Zenú and Tairona goldsmith styles from
to vessels from the Late Herrera culture of the northern Colombia (the headdress made with threads)
Cundiboyacense Altiplano (Boada and Cardale de and Late Quimbaya 1, from the Middle Cauca (the nose
Schirmpff, 2017: 189, Figure 10.4). (Figure 1c, 1d). ring and the heart-shaped pectoral), which existed
Are we dealing with an early site that belongs to the during the historical periods known as Regional Classic
northern variant of the Late Herrera archaeological (AD 1-700) and Late 1 (AD 500-1, 300) (Rodríguez, et al.
culture? If this is the case, then the process of 2008: 40-42). According to Lleras, et al. (2009: 181, 182)
hierarchization in that chiefdom society could have this is a sumptuous object obtained through
started in this region as early the beginning of the first commercial exchange, which was part of a group of 144
millennium AD. Or, on the contrary, the Leuta cave is an goldsmith pieces, were imported to the Eastern
archaeological site that could be linked to the Early Cordillera. However, if we analyze the rough shape of
Chitarrero society (Lleras, et al. 2009: 175), or pre-Guane the face and the larger pectoral decoration, it is likely
(Moreno, 2012: 138). It is evident that only new that it was a locally manufactured copy (Figure 2a).
archaeological research in the Eastern Cordillera of Another piece, which surely fulfilled a votive
Colombia and western Venezuela can shed new light on function, and which seems to have been imported from
this problem. one of the coastal territories, is a snail-shaped figure
I consider it important to point out that by the found in a Late Herrera tomb in the Tunja region. This
fourth century AD, in tombs of important people of the figure, dated to AD 350±50, was made of copper using
dominant Late Herrera lineages of the northern territory the lost wax technique with core (Lleras, et al. 2009:
of the Cundiboyacense Altiplano, sumptuous ornaments 181) (Figure 2b).
appear as elite goods, which were elaborated using the Concerning the goldsmithing found in funerary
lost wax technique. Such is the case of a semilunar contexts of the Department of Cundinamarca, we must
pendant, dated AD 300±40, made of gold, which was mention the votive set composed of seven objects of
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trays of the thinker, to inhale the yopo), with or without

anthropomorphic figures attached, seem to be
characteristic of Muisca society. Probably, during the
Early Muisca period (AD 1000-1350), gold trays with
feline or anthropomorphic representations were made
(Museo del Oro, 2016: 179), although trays with
zoomorphic designs, made of wood, are also known
(Museo del Oro, 2016: 175; Falchetti, 1989: 5). The same
could be said of the pendants in the form of
schematized birds, the figures with staffs, and the
fences (cercados), which are all iconographic elements
within Muisca society (Museo del Oro, 2016: 145;
Falchetti, 1989: 5).
Similary, in graves dated to the 7th century AD, nose
rings, ear flares and winged pendants from the Late
Herrera period have been reported. Such is the case, for
example, of a nose ring dated AD 620±100, which was
found in a tomb in the municipality of Santo Domingo,
Cundinamarca (Museo del Oro, MO1966; Langebaek,
1995: 190). I should also mention two circular hollow
ear ornaments made in tumbaga, by the lost wax
technique, which were found in a tomb excavated in
A Pachavita, Boyacá, dated AD 625±55 (Plazas, 1998: 56,
Figure 29). These two sumptuous objects, which surely
come from the Middle Cauca region, were
manufactured by Early Quimbaya Culture goldsmiths
and obtained through exchange. To the same century
belongs an openwork pendant, made in tumbaga, from
Guatavita, Cundinamarca, dated AD 645±95. Similar
pieces been reported in the neighborhood of El
Carmen, Bogotá (MO-8234) and Muzo (MO-1250)
(Falchetti, 1989: 15, Plate, 23). (Figure 3).
It is important to point out that in several tombs of
B the Late Herrera elites of Nueva Esperanza, [1] which
Figure 2. Metal objects from the 4th century AD found in Late
were spatially associated with the large rectangular
Herrera tombs. A. Anthropomorphic gold pendant with half- structures of the central and northeastern zones, also
moon shape (Lleras, et al. 2009: 181). B. Votive object made of
copper, in the shape of a snail shell (Lleras, et al. 2009: 181).

gold and tumbaga, from a Guatavita tomb, which was

dated to AD 400±50. It consists of two stick-shaped
figures with ornaments and anthropomorphic figures,
an anthropomorphic figure, a tray for hallucinogens, a
pendant in the shape of a schematized bird, two
fragments of bird heads, and a figure in the shape of a
fence. All these pieces were made by lost-wax casting,
with or without a core (Lleras, et al. 2009: 182).
The chronological position in the 5th century AD of
this very peculiar goldsmith set could suggest two
interpretations: that the date is correct and therefore,
the set would have been manufactured by the Late
Herrera goldsmiths; or that the date is wrong and the
pieces mentioned would have really belonged to the
Muisca society, that as we currently know, began in the
10th century AD. Indeed, the trays for hallucinogens (or Figure 3. Openwork pendant found in Guatavita (Falchetti,
1989: 15, Figure 23).
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A B

C D

Figure 4. Hammered half-moon-shaped nose rings found in tombs from Nueva Esperanza, made by goldsmiths of the Late
Quimbaya 1 culture (Calderón and Otero, 2016: 67, 68). A and B. Smooth nose rings. C and D. Nose rings with relief (Calderón
and Otero, 2016: 67, 68; Romano, 2018a: 94).

contained sumptuous metallic objects of foreign that pendants that represent individuals with sumptuous
could could be considered as "elite goods". Two flat half- headdresses and hands above the waist (Rivas, 2022b:
moon shaped nose rings, made by hammering 66) which in my view, could personify human beings
(Calderón and Otero, 2016: 67, 68) (Figures 4a, 4b) were with a high social, political and/or religious status in the
found, as well as two similar nose rings, decorated with Late Herrera society. These figures represent clear
a relief around the recess (Calderón and Otero, 2016: 67 evidence of a figurative anthropomorphic art of power,
-69). Likewise, similar nose rings, both flat and with high- which, as I already described, was also present in
relief decoration, were found during excavations in the ceramic figurines. The existence of these pendants
TCE Sector of the same village, which dates near the end indicates, on the one hand, the evidence of vertical
of the Late Herrera period (Rivas, 2022b: 66, 67). As we social inequalities expressed via the goldsmith
know, both forms are representative of Late Quimbaya iconography, and on the other, the great importance of
Culture 1 (AD 500-1300) and the goldsmithing tradition cultural interaction with chiefdom societies of the
from the Middle Cauca region (Uribe Villegas, 1992: 51, Middle Magdalena [2] (Figure 5). According to Rivas
54). (Figures 4c, 4d). (2022b: 62) the figures of animals and men elaborated
Among the Late Herrera goldsmith pieces recovered in metal, which were part of pendants and necklace
in the excavations carried out in the TCE sector, two beads, were very popular during the Late Herrera
goldsmith assemblages deserve special attention. First, period. This seems to indicate that the metallurgy of
the solid gold and tumbaga nose rings, used as facial this period placed greater emphasis on the production
ornaments, dated to the 10th century AD (950-1032 Cal.) of personal ornaments. [3]
(Rivas, 2022b: 67). Likewise, the small anthropomorphic But undoubtedly, the most sensational find of
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"It is interesting that at the same time that certain

characteristics linked to the status of residential units
with obvious privileges from the beginning of the
occupation are materialized with the emergence of large
rectangular structures, the use of metal objects also
becomes popular in these spaces. Therefore, it is
proposed that the use of goldsmithing in Nueva Esperanza
serve as a status marker for certain groupswho clearly
differed economically from others." (emphasis added).
Indirect evidence of the use of decorative metal
objects can also be seen in the ceramic figurines, which
are a good example of anthropomorphic figurative art
A representing power. In Nueva Esperanza three
specimens were found that appear to be of local
manufacture. They have rounded legs, crossed hands
on the waist and/or chest and massive circular earring
ornaments. All had red paint on their bodies and a cap
on their heads, an attribute of social differentiation.
They are a good example of the high status that women
may have held in the Late Herrera society [4] (Figure 7).
The occurrence of these gold objects of personal
adornment in the tombs of the elites of the chiefdoms,
both in the northern region (Boyacá) and in the
southern region (Cundinamarca), indicates that
probably, since the from the 5th and 6th centuries AD,
or perhaps even earlier, the merchants (mindaláes) of
B these societies were in permanent cultural contact with
the representatives of the Early Quimbaya society. It
Figure 5. Depictions of possible shamans, in gold and tumba- also suggests that their commercial transactions
ga, from the village of Nueva Esperanza and the Department included these kind of sumptuous facial ornaments,
of Tolima. A. Late Herrera anthropomorphic pendants, found which were desired by the political and religious leaders
in the TCE sector of the village of Nueva Esperanza (Rivas, of the Late Herrera, who used them to gain prestige and
2022b: 66). B. Anthropomorphic pendants of the “Tolima Sty-
le” (Salgado, et al. 2010: 93).

sumptuous elite goldsmith goods in tombs in Nueva

Esperanza, were two pairs of hollow circular tubular ear
ornaments, one of them with geometric decoration,
which were manufactured by the goldsmiths of the Early
Quimbaya society (500 BC-700 AD), and used by the
Nueva Esperanza elites (Calderón and Otero, 2016: 67-
69; Romano, 2018a: 93) (Figure 6).
This facial adornment has also been reported in the
graves of important people from Pachavita, Boyacá
(Plazas, 1998 Figure 29). Both types of facial ornaments
were common in the Early Quimbaya chiefdom society
of the Middle Cauca geohistoric region, which existed
during the Regional Classic Period (Falchetti, 1989: 27,
Figures 37, 39).
It is important to mention that the sumptuous gold
work found in the tombs of the village of Nueva
Esperanza was associated with the large rectangular
structures where the founding elites of the village lived, Figure 6. Hollow circular ear ornaments from the Early
who had certain privileges in relation to the rest of the Quimbaya culture, found in tomb 2. Cut 33 of the village of
population. According to Calderón and Otero (2016: 82, Nueva Esperanza (Calderón and Otero, 2016: 69; Romano,
83): 2018a: 93).
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should be approached from a holistic perspective,

taking into account various factors, both internal and
external to the communities. It is only in this way that
we might understand the specific and the general in the
socio-cultural dynamics of the indigenous past.
In Colombia, regional cultural interaction at medium
and long distances was one of the main characteristics
of the Regional Classic period of the pre-Hispanic era,
A B C the period associated with Late Herrera society. During
the Late Period (especially from 1000 AD onwards),
Figure 7. Female figures from Nueva Esperanza. A. Figurine when the Muisca society existed, interaction developed
recovered from a ceramic accumulation in Cut E13. It is proba-
more intensely, and was largely associated with
bly that the originally had a triangular cap, like that of the next
important migratory processes that would substantially
two figurines (Romano 2018a: 6). B. Figurine recovered in TCE-
CE-044 from Nueva Esperanza (Rivas, 2022a: 87). C. Figurine
reconfigure the sociocultural dynamics in the years
recovered in the TCE sector of Nueva Esperanza [5] (Rivas, preceding the Spanish invasion.
2022b: 43). During the 800 years that the Late Herrera society
existed, the agricultural and artisanal production
promote their power to the community of their own showed great development, generating a bigger amount
villages and neighboring villages. of surplus, much of which contributed to the increase of
In conclusion, based on the data presented, we can exchange and cultural interaction with different regions
confirm that the goldsmiths of this hierarchical society of Colombia. These social transformations were directly
knew and used at least four metallurgical techniques: related to a population increase. In the case of Nueva
casting, hammering, matrices and lost wax. We know Esperanza, regional exchange with neighboring villages
that at least since the 3rd century AD, using these would have increased, in particular in goods that were
techniques, they began to manufacture objects of of great economic importance. Thus, for example, with
personal adornment and votive type, in copper, alluvial the villages of Boyacá, waterproof clays, known by the
gold and tumbaga. These locally produced metal name of pozzolans, were obtained by exchange, which
objects, as well as those imported from regions such as were used to waterproof the central posts of several
the Middle Cauca and Middle Magdalena, were used by rectangular structures and large circular houses, which
individuals of the dominant lineages to promote and were used by the most important people of the village
sustain their power. As Lleras, et al. (2009: 184) correctly (Romano, 2018a: 93). (Figure 8a).
suggested, it is precisely this relatively advanced Likewise, in several residential areas of the village,
metallurgy that later groups of the Muisca culture would ceramic vessels were found in Boyacá (Suta and
have assimilated and further developed. Ráquira), Santander (Guane Culture) and Tolima (El
Guamo Culture) (Figure 8b). Musical instruments such
Communal interaction and cultural as ocarinas, probably from the Sierra Nevada de Santa
exchange Marta, were found in cuts TCE03 and TCE07 (Rivas, 2020:
324) (Figure 8c). We must also mention, the lithic artifact
Archaeological research carried out in different which were elaborated in chert coming from the Middle
regions of the Americas shows that interaction between Magdalena region (Romano, 2018a: 92, 93). The
groups with different cultural identities and levels of inhabitants of Nueva Esperanza also exchanged palms,
sociocultural development could have served as a kind whose trunks and leaves they used for the construction
of catalyst for cultural innovation, which stimulated of houses. Likewise, foods such as the passion fruit and
cultural changes in the economic, ideological, and peanuts consumed by the inhabitants of the northern
sociocultural spheres (Englehardt & Carrasco, 2019: 4). sector were found at this site.
In the ancient American world, raw materials, Necklace beads, some of them tubular, made of
manufactured goods, and ideas were exchanged. stone imported from the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta,
According to the intensity levels, socio-cultural or possibly components of necklaces obtained through
interaction took place at the local, regional or macro- hand-to-hand trade, were among the sumptuous goods
regional level. Its level of intensity was directly related to exchanged and placed as grave goods for the village's
the level of complexity that societies experienced over children and young people (Figure 8d). But, as
time. And in spite of its great importance in the previously stated, the most spectacular luxury items
Americas pre-Hispanic times, interaction should not be were the Early Quimbaya tubular circular ear
regarded as the main cause of cultural change (Stein, ornaments and the Late Quimbaya 1 half-moon shaped
2002: 903). On the contrary, socio-cultural change nose rings, both made of gold and tumbaga (Romano,
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A B C

Figure 8. Raw materials and foreign ceramic objects discovered during the excavations at Nueva Esperanza. A. Pozzolana in cut
E29, a cross section of the footprint of a rectangular architectural structure's central post (Calderón, et al. 2019: 58, Figure 23).
B. Anthropomorphic pitcher from the El Guamo Culture, found in cut E42, tomb No. 4. (Marulanda 2015: 33). C. Musical instru-
ment (ocarina) discovered in TCE07 (Rivas, 2020: 324). D. Beads for a necklace. Those on the far left are from Santa Marta's Sie-
rra Nevada (Romano, 2018a: 100).

2018a: 93). out by the Late Herrera villages of the Northern

Romano (2018a: 99-100) [6] has correctly Cundiboyacense Highlands, we should mention that
summarized the sociocultural changes experienced by several residential units of the La Esmeralda
the Late Herrera communities in the village of Nueva neighborhood, in the village of El Venado, in the Samacá
Esperanza: Valley (Boyacá), particularly LH-11, LH-6, and LH-7,
"Archaeological research has revealed that the social practiced the exchange of material goods with villages
and economic processes that began in the Early Herrera located at short and long distances around the 10th
period accelerated during the Early Muisca period. We century AD. [7] In a sample of 12,134 fragments from
have fully documented that investment in material test pits and graves, imported pottery from several
resources and human energy in large dwelling construction villages was identified, including vessels for transporting
increased significantly, textile production became more salt that were possibly brought from the Tenza Valley,
intense and specialized, and access to foreign resources Tunja, Sopó, Guatavita, and pottery from the Middle
remained an essential component of long-distance trade Magdalena (Boada, 2007a: 86-98).
and exchange. Nonetheless, social differences changed Thus, the presence of raw materials and sumptuous
significantly during the Early Muisca period compared to manufactured goods in the villages of Nueva Esperanza
the Herrera period, as economic factors took and El Venado, which were produced by artisans of the
precedence over ideological ones. Control over the hierarchical societies of the Middle Magdalena, Middle
production of goods and services was more important to Cauca, northern Colombia and the eastern Llanos,
the local elites than the display of status through objects of indicates that the Late Herrera traders of these
undoubted sumptuary value." (emphasis added). important villages were also active participants in the
Regarding the cultural exchange activities carried medium and long-distance regional exchange networks
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that were characteristic of the Regional Classic and Late the end of the Late Herrera society's development. An
1 periods. oval shaft tomb with side chamber excavated in Feature
25, Cut 51, for example, was dated to AD 830±30
Funeral customs and rituals associated (Calderón, et al. 2019: 87). (Figure 9a). A date of AD
with death 1,000±30 was assigned to another circular shaft
funerary structure with lateral niche from Feature 10,
Cut 51. (Figure 9b). A funerary structure of rectangular
Cemeteries and tombs are among the most
shaft with niche, which appears to date from the
important archaeological sites for studying ancient
transitional period to the Early Muisca, should also be
societies' funerary customs. These universal cultural
mentioned. This is the tomb discovered in Cut 51
practices are related to life cycle transition rituals and
(Feature 6) and dated to AD 1160±30 (Calderón, et al.
represent death and resurrection in a new life
2019: 89) (Figure 9c).
(Danchenko, n.d.: 114). However, the various forms that
It is important to note that the types of tombs found
these death-related customs take vary in time and
space, depending on sociocultural diversity. In other
words, as Binford suggested, it is necessary to consider A
the specificity of this sociocultural phenomenon in time
and space when studying it (Binford, 2011: 26).
In our case, I will use an integral approach (sensu
Gualiaev 2010) to analyze the funerary customs of the
Late Herrera society, which includes both archaeological
variables (the shape of the funerary structures, the
types of burial, and the quality and quantity of the grave
goods) and bioanthropological variables (osteological,
stable isotopes and molecular-DNA studies). The
integration of the data provided by all of these variables
will allow us to establish the ritual practices associated
with the various individuals who make up the villages'
population. Likewise, to have a general vision of the
B
materialization of social relations in the funeral world.
During the first season of excavations at Nueva
Esperanza, 770 burials were excavated, and 189 tombs
showed grave goods. Only 109 (57.7%) were assigned to
precise chronological periods, and only 85 tombs
belonged to the Late Herrera period. Adult burials most
often contained grave goods, followed by sub-adults
(neonates, children and juveniles). The presence of
neonates with grave goods suggests the presence of
acquired social differentiation (Marulanda, 2015: 59).
Meanwhile, 518 funerary contexts were excavated in the
TCE sector, with 262 (45.1%) belonging to the Late C
Herrera society (Rivas, 2022a: 68-69).

The forms of the funerary structures

The Late Herrera tombs in Nueva Esperanza were

essentially of four types. The first represents a simple
oval or large rectangular shaft with a lateral chamber,
while the second is a simple circular shaft with a small
lateral niche. The depths in both types ranged between
50 and 80 cm. Some of the first-type constructions Figure 9. Different types of tombs discovered at Nueva Espe-
raised the chamber above the shaft's floor and placed a ranza. A. Oval shaft with lateral chamber of the tomb found in
slab in the opening that separated the shaft from the Cut 51 (Calderón, et al. 2019: 87). B. Circular shaft structure
chamber (Rivas, 2022a: 88). According to the with niche, excavated in Cut 51 (Calderón, et al. 2019: 88). C.
radiocarbon dates, both types were at their peak near Rectangular shaft tomb with niche, excavated in Cut 51
(Calderón, et al. 2015: 7).
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in Nueva Esperanza are also found in Boyacá's

permanent Late Herrera settlements. Simple circular
shaft graves are indeed common in the village of El
Venado. This was the case with funerary structures 17
and 21, which were discovered in Test Pit 56 in La
Esmeralda neighborhood (Boada, 2007b: 35) (Figure
10a).
Two further graves with straightforward circular
shafts should be mentioned. A 6-year-old was buried in
the first funerary building No. 14 in the fetal position
without any burial goods (Boada, 2007b: 42, 59). A 41- A
year-old man was buried in Tomb No. 16, which was
deeper (1.55 m) than the first one. He was interred in a
seated fetal position (Figure, 10b). His grave goods
included a bowl, a polished metate, and a pitcher with
four handles and red stripes on it that was likely of
foreign origin (The Guamo Culture?) (Figure 10c). The
depth of the tomb and the grave goods would suggest
that this person had a high social status in the
community (Boada, 2007b: 61).
Finally, a very special tomb that appears to have
belonged to an important person in the village merits
further mention as it serves as a good example of social
hierarchy present during the Late Herrera society's final
stage of development. It is tomb 33, AD dated 940±60,
with the main burial of an individual aged 45-55, whose
body was placed in a seated fetal position and covered
with a metate. His grave goods included a cup, a
necklace with four gold beads, and seven circular and
B
tubular beads made of green precious stone, which he
most likely obtained through trade with the
communities of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. He
was accompanied by two more people, one on top of
him and the other buried in the niche. Both had a single
cup as a funerary item (Boada, 2007b: 78) (Figure 11).

The types of burial

The Late Herrera communities basically practiced

three types of burials. In the tombs of Nueva Esperanza,
primary burials were carried out. The individuals were
buried in a flexed lateral position. Stone slabs were
placed beneath the body of some adults and children,
as in tomb 12 (E28-H10), where a child's body was
buried on a stone slab. In another burial, a child's body
appeared to be covered with slabs, similar to a
sarcophagus (E19-A4) (Romano, 2018b: No 86, 129).
Burials with slabs have also been reported in the
village of El Venado, where the tomb Nº 16 of La C
Esmeralda neighborhood deserves special attention,
Figure 10. Tombs and grave goods found in the village of El
where a 41 year old man was buried in a seated fetal
Venado, Boyacá. A) Tomb 20 of simple circular shaft, excava-
position. This person had 11 slabs, half of them near the
ted in Test Pit 56 of the La Esmeralda neighborhood (Boada,
body and a metate over his head. Slabs on the body and 2007b: 35). B) Cut and plan of tombs 14 and 16 (Boada 2007b:
a metate perforated in the center, also appeared in the 42). C) Pot with four handles and bowl, found in tomb 16
adult individual buried in tomb Nº 19 of the same (Boada, 2007b: 61).
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figures, and metal objects, all of which were foreign

imports. Quartz beads and other fine-grained stones
beads, as well as beads elaborated in shell, were
discovered in several burials, including those of adults in
tombs No 8 (E5-A1), No 9 (E14-B1), and No 18 (E42-E8);
and also child and adolescent burials in tombs No 9 (E6-
G8), No 2 (E18-F2), No 20 (E33-G4), and No 35 (E42-B9)
(Romano, 2018b: No 16, 75, 162, 275).
An anthropomorphic figure, vessels, and necklace
beads were placed as grave goods for some adults
buried in in another group of tombs (Tomb 6, E10-E7), a
stone cup (T17, E14-G10), a figurine, a propeller, and
two vessels (Tomb 8, E48-G9), a pitcher, and a poporo
(Tomb 14, E15-A1, shaman?) (Romano, 2018b: No. 32,
43, 49, 355). Other people, both adults and children,
Figure 11. Circular shaft of tomb 33, showing the individual
who was placed on top of the main burial (Boada, 2007b: 39).
were buried with metal objects, indicating their clear
affiliation with the village's most powerful families. Two
neighborhood (Boada, 2007b: 61, 64) (Figure12). Could children's burials deserve special attention. First and
we consider that the children and adults mentioned foremost, the infant buried in tomb 5 (E14-C1) with a
belonged to the most economically powerful families of circular tumbaga blade. Second, the child buried in
the village? tomb 8 (E51-H7), who had a stone bead was placed in
It is worth noting that the practice of burying the mouth, and the graves were made up of 20 stone
important members of communities with polished stone beads and four gold beads (Romano, 2018b: No. 45,
slabs appears to have been widespread among different 402).
stratified societies of chiefdoms of the Regional Classic Similarly, one of the adults buried in tomb 13 (E25-
period, which occupied various territories in Colombia. F10) had a necklace made of stone beads and a
A good example is the elites who held power in the tumbaga bead. Tumbaga sheets were also part of the
chiefdom of Malagana (Valle del Cauca) in the first five adult buried in tomb 21's grave goods (E51-C4).
hundred years of the current era, who were buried on a Meanwhile, two more adults were buried with metal
kind of "bed" made of polished metates, together with nose rings, one in tomb 5 (E28-H1) and one in the grave
sumptuous funerary goods composed primarily of gold 9 (E48-F5), who had three ammonites in addition to a
objects of body adornment (Archila, 1996: 49; Rodriguez, tumbaga nose ring (Romano, 2018b: No. 105, 123, 350,
2002: 160). 415).
Secondary burial in ceramic funerary urns was The funerary customs of the people of El Venado
another type of burial, though it was not very common. were more or less similar to those of Nueva Esperanza.
It was especially common with newborns, with whom There were also tombs with no grave goods, others with
necklaces were placed as grave goods (Calderón, et al.
2019: 89; Rivas, 2022a: 88). (Figure 11b). Finally, in the
TCE sector of the village of Nueva Esperanza, important
village members were identified and buried in funerary
bundles (fardos) made of cotton and cabuya blankets,
providing clear evidence of social inequalities expressed
in funerary patterns (Rivas, 2022a: 88).

The funerary goods

There were no grave goods discovered in the

majority of the Late Herrera tombs excavated by
professional archaeologists. In some tombs, the grave
goods were very modest, such as manos, metates axes,
propellers, spindle whorls, and vessels, all of which were
Figure 12. Late Herrera community burial forms. Circular
likely associated with the deceased's main economic
shaft of tomb 19, showing the slabs that covered the buried
activity during their lifetime. Another group is
individual's body and the metate with a conical perforation in
distinguished by the presence of higher quality grave the center (Boada, 2007b: 64). B. Metate polished from tomb
goods, which include necklace beads, anthropomorphic 32 (Boada, 2007b: 78).
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modest grave goods, and a few with less modest grave

A
goods but not "sumptuous" grave goods. Of 36 tombs
excavated, 16 belonged to the Late Herrera society.
Some of the La Esmeralda neighborhood tombs, such as
Nos. 8, 9, 21, 29, and 35, had no grave goods. Others,
like Nos. 26 and 34 in the Chávez neighborhood, had
two vessels and a bowl (Boada, 2007b: 53, 54, 66, 71, 74,
79, 80).
However, there were tombs where adults were
buried who were most likely members of high-status
families in the village. As an example, tomb No. 16 was
built to bury an adult, with 11 slabs and a metate placed
on top of his head, as previously stated. Similarly, tomb
No. 19 should be mentioned, as its main characteristics
have already been described. Finally, the most
significant burial, corresponded to an older adult B
individual (45-55 years old) buried in Chávez
neighborhood tomb No. 32, whose body was discovered
with a layer of ash 5-6 cm thick and a polished metate
covering his body. His grave goods included a cup, a
polished mano and a necklace made of greenstone
beads, both circular and tubular, and four gold tubular
beads (Boada, 2007b: 61, 64, 77, 78) (Figure 13). The
presence of material objects such as metates, which
were part of the burial rites, as well as layers of ash in
Figure 13. Grave goods discovered in El Venado village
some tombs could indicate a greater investment of
tombs. Necklace beads found in tomb 33. B. Metate pol-
energy associated with the buried individuals' form of ished from tomb 32 (Boada 2007b: 78).
burial. This could be considered an indicator of social
differentiation. (Argüello, 2020: 56).
The archaeological data from the tombs studied in It is likely that the observed change in the funerary
the villages of El Venado and Nueva Esperanza suggest patterns of Late Herrera society, in relation to Early
that, while there were differences in some adult and Herrera, has been associated, as suggested by Carl
child burials, could indicate social inequality in the Late Langebaek, with the transition from the manipulation of
Herrera communities, this does not appear to have ideological power to economic control (Langebaek,
been very strong, implying that there was possibly an 2000, in Argüello, 2020: 56). Despite the absence of
intermediate level of hierarchy. Although some people complex funerary structures, with shafts and several
from both regions of the Altiplano Cundiboyacense had chambers and niches, as well as the very modest grave
burial privileges, they were actually quite modest in goods placed to important community members, there
comparison to the sumptuous burial goods of other is no doubt that vertical hierarchization existed, even if
chieftain societies of the Regional Classic period, such as in more modest forms, than in other contemporary
Malagana in the Cauca Valley (Archila, 1996; Blanco, chiefdom societies. At least that is what the few
2011) or El Guamo in the Middle Magdalena (Salgado, et cemeteries that have been excavated so far indicate.
al. 2010).
These findings on the funerary patterns of two Late Medical-cultural practices
Herrera villages from the Cundiboyacense Altiplano's
northern (El Venado) and southern (Nueva Esperanza) The shamans of Late Herrera society primarily
sectors are consistent with those reported by Argüello engaged in two types of medical-cultural practices, both
in his recent comparative study of 114 pre-Hispanic of which were undoubtedly related to social
tombs from the same geohistoric region, 22 of which differentiation: a) intentional skull modification, and b)
correspond to the Late Herrera society. According to intentional or anthropogenic mummification.
this author, a greater investment of labor was made in
the construction of three tombs from the La Esmeralda Intentional skull deformation
neighborhood, attesting to a degree of social inequality,
which could indicate a direct relationship between The intentional modification of the skull was a
greater investment of energy and social inequality common cultural practice among ancient American
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chiefdoms and state societies, where it was performed

for different purposes, including to indicate ethnic A
belonging (Torres-Rouff, 2007), body aesthetics (Brain,
1979), prestige and/or social hierarchy (Drube, 2010).
During the first season of excavations in Nueva
Esperanza, 17 cases of oblique tabular cranial
modification in adults, both male and female, were
discovered. Despite the fact that there were some cases
of juveniles and a perinate (López, 2016: 97, 100, 101,
106). Three of individuals had grave goods associated:
one adult female, who had 11 necklace beads made in
bone, one adult male who had several tumbaga sheets,
and one adolescent female (a 15-year-old) who had 29
bone necklace beads and a cylindrical pendant (Figure B
14, a, b). It is worth noting that in the case of Nueva
Esperanza, individuals with intentional skull
modification were not buried in more complex tombs,
which required a greater amount of time and energy to
build (López, 2016: 103). In other words, no direct
relationship exists between cranial modification and the
structural complexity of the tombs where the artificially
deformed individuals were discovered.
In the course of the field work carried out later in
the TCE sector of the Nueva Esperanza village, 29
individuals were recovered who presented artificial
C D
modification of the skull of the fronto-occipital type,
among which there were several skulls of Late Herrera
individuals. Although it is true that most of them were
men, there were also women. They were children,
juveniles and adults (Rivas, 2020: 224). In other words,
cranial modification was performed only on a small
number of individuals in this society. On the other hand,
analyzing the data on the gold and silver work found
during the excavations of the TCE sector (2018-2019) of
the village of Nueva Esperanza, Rivas has suggested that
Figure 14. Modeled skulls and figurines discovered in Nueva
during the Late Herrera period, there was no direct
Esperanza, along with a representation of possible
relationship between the use of metal objects and the skull’shaping tablets. A and B. Lateral and posterior views of
artificial modification of the skull of some buried an adult skull from tomb 10 (Individual 1, Cut CP75, Feature
individuals. In his opinion: "... both individuals with and 28) (López, 2016: 7,98). C and D. Artistic representation of an
without cephalic modeling had access to the use or anthropomorphic figure's fronto-occipital modification from
carrying of gold and silver work. In fact, this seems to tomb 7 (Cut 36, Feature 52) (López, 2016: 107).
indicate that there were no differences in terms of
Guabas chiefdom (Rodríguez, et al. 2006) (Figure 14, c,
status between individuals with deformed skulls and
d).
other members of the community” (Rivas, 2020: 362).
It is important to note that some graves containing
The case of an artistic representation associated
individuals with artificial cranial modification were
with the process of cranial modification is of particular
spatially associated, both with large rectangular
interest. It is a one-of-a-kind anthropomorphic rattle-
structures built in the northern area of the village and
type figure with a representation of possible deforming
with domestic units of Patio 500 KV and Cut CP65 in the
splints that compressed the frontal and occipital parts
southern area. This could imply, as Lopez (2016: 108)
of the skull on its head. This figure was discovered as a
suggests, that cranial modification was indeed a marker
grave good of a perinate in tomb 7 of Cut 36, Feature 52,
of social differentiation.
and was probably acquired by exchange from the Valle
This type of cranial modification was also observed
del Cauca region, where these anthropomorphic
in infant and adult males and females from Tunja's pre-
representations were buried as funerary goods of the
Hispanic cemetery, Cercado Grande de los Santuarios,
elites who held the political and religious power of the
where people from the Early Herrera, Late Herrera, and
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Muisca societies were buried (Pradilla, 2001: 169,170). A century AD, the chiefdoms of Boyacá had mummified
young man with intentional cranial modification, was anthropogenically the main individuals of their
buried lying on his back, and with a ceramic fragment communities, as suggested by the AD 200±155 date of a
placed on his head at the beginning of our era (AD six month’s old child mummy discovered in the
80±60). (Pradilla, 2001: 191). This date is significant Hacienda Lusitania, municipality of Chiscas, Boyacá (Cal
because, if we consider cranial modification to be a AD 170-467). The analysis of two other mummies shows
medical-cultural practice performed by powerful elites that this mortuary practice continued in the 5th and 6th
and their families, cranial modification could have centuries AD. The first has a date of AD 470±100 (Cal
begun among the Late Herrera populations of northern 385-843), and the second has a date of AD 480±50 (Cal
Cundiboyacense Altiplano. 531-682), both from the same rock shelter and obtained
from a cotton blanket covering the mummy of a young
Artificial, intentional, or anthropogenic individual (Cardenas, 2021: 27).
mummification The PreGuane society's mummy of an adult woman
discovered in Mesa de Los Santos, Santander, also dates
to the 5th century AD. This mummy, dated to AD
One of the medical-cultural practices associated
625±160 (Cal AD 417-1045), may be culturally related to
with death is anthropogenic mummification, which is a
the Altiplano Cundiboyacense Late Herrera society
conscious manipulation of the corpse to preserve it
(Cárdenas, 2021: 27).
after death. This represents an important variable for
Finally, the mummification of an adult woman from
the study of chiefdom and state societies of the world.
Villa de Leiva, Tunja, whose body is currently housed in
In the Americas, the examples from Mesoamerican
the British Museum and dates from the 9th century AD,
chiefdoms and state level societies (Comas, 1973;
must be mentioned. She was discovered in a cave with
Mansilla-Lory, 2011) and from the Central Andes (Ceruti,
13 other mummies in the 18th century, one of whom
2018) are well known. These mortuary rites were also
held a spear. The individual was discovered sitting with
practiced among the chiefdom societies of northern
her legs flexed and her arms crossed across her
South America (Ecuador-Colombia-Venezuela) and lower
abdomen. She had artificial skull modification and
Central America (Panama) (Langebaek, 1992; Cárdenas-
presented as grave goods a necklace with ten pendants
Arroyo, 2021; Sotomayor, et al. 2004; Martinez, et al.
made of marine shell, possibly from the Atlantic coast,
2010).
and three fangs, most likely from a feline. A mummy
In the case of Colombia, bioanthropological studies
skin sample was dated at the University of Oxford in
on artificially mummified remains from pre-Hispanic
England, yielding a date of AD 850±60 (cal AD 877-1151)
times revealed three types of mummification: 1) natural
(Holden, 1989: 7; Cárdenas, 1989: 121; 2021: 27).
or spontaneous mummification performed in dry
To conclude this section, we must state that the
environments, 2) artificial or intentional mummification
medical-cultural practice of anthropogenic
through dehydration by fire, with dates calibrated
mummification, associated with death and ancestor
between AD 340 and 650, and 3) complex artificial
cult, and undoubtedly performed by shamans, existed
mummification with evisceration and masks for the
in Late Herrera society since its beginnings, possibly as
dead, with dates calibrated later, between AD 1270 and
early as the second century AD. And, according to the
AD 1520 (Cárdenas, 2021). The mummification practiced
research of bioanthropologist Felipe Cárdenas (2021), it
by the Late Herrera elites of the Cundiboyacense
was carried on for the next thousand years by the elites
highlands corresponds to the second type established
of a new society with higher levels of increasing
by Cárdenas, and they are currently the oldest known
complexity, the Muisca society.
mummification practices in northern South America.
The earliest date associated with this ritual practice
in the northern Cundiboyacense Altiplano corresponds Conclusions
to the 2nd century AD (AD 130±40), was obtained from a
fragment of a cotton blanket covering a mummy In the second part of this article I continue with the
discovered in the Leuta-Silos cave in northern demonstration of the hypothesis that during the first
Santander. This mummified individual's grave goods 800 years of the current era, the Herrera populations
included several cylindrical necklace beads with reached a new level of increasing complexity, in
anthropomorphic decoration made of copper, cotton comparison with the preceding Early Herrera society
blankets, and a corn rachis (Lleras, et al. 2009: 179). It is (Rodriguez, 2022a). To this end, I have presented
still debated whether this archaeological site belonged archaeological and interdisciplinary data pertaining to
to the northern version of the Late Herrera society or to four additional cultural variables: a) the emergence and
the Pre-Guane archaeological culture. development of goldsmithing, b) intensification of
There is no doubt, however, that by the second cultural exchanges, c) differentiation in funerary
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customs, and d) the medico-cultural practices of cranial archeology was carried out between 2010 and 2016
modification and mummification. (Romano, 2018a: 17). Subsequently, during the years
Research on ancient metallurgy from different 2018 and 2019, a second field season was carried out in
regions of the world shows that the production of the TCE Sector of the same village (Rivas, 2020: 33).
goldsmith objects was one of the major innovations [2] These figurines could have been copies made
associated with the emergence of social inequalities. locally, but following the same theme of some pectorals
The Late Herrera populations were the first to work with and metal pendants manufactured by the goldsmiths of
gold and silver in the Cundiboyacense Altiplano. the El Guamo society of Magdalena Medio. They have an
Important and powerful individuals in the villages used amazing similarity with certain pectorals and pendants
personal adornment and votive objects made of gold, found in the department of Tolima. See figures 123 and
copper, and tumbaga to gain prestige and maintain 124 published on page 93 of Salgado, et al. 2010.
political and ideological power. They were also traded as [3] In the TCE sector of Nueva Esperanza, 49 gold
elite goods between Middle Cauca, Middle Magdalena, and silver pieces made of copper, gold and tumbaga
and Caribbean pre-Hispanic societies. When their were recovered, mostly from funerary contexts. These
owners died, these precious objects accompanied them are nose rings, necklace beads, and pendants produced
in their tombs, on their journey to the afterlife. during the Late Herrera and Muisca periods (Rivas,
Another important cultural aspect, which 2020: 351, 357). In addition, a lithic collection of artifacts
undoubtedly influenced the emergence of social associated with the production of goldsmith pieces was
inequalities, was the strengthening of exchange recovered, such as burins, embossers, hammers, anvils
networks with neighboring societies, which occurred and crucibles (Rivas, 2020: 342).
during the Regional Classic and Late 1 periods. This [4] According to Rivas (2020: 301): "textile fiber of
cultural phenomenon was possible because agricultural approximately 7 mm and white in color, was found in
production and crafts were highly developed, the assemblage TCE14-E6-N3-ACU7 (Photo 128) and is
generating a greater amount of surplus, that associated with three ceramic figurines, animal skeletal
contributed to the development of exchange and remains and the human remains of an individual lying
cultural interaction with different regions of the country. under all these archaeological materials. According to
Raw materials, such as pozzolan, and manufactured the pottery study, it can be dated between the Herrera
objects, like ceramic vessels and figurines, as well as and Early Muisca periods." (emphasis added). The three
metal objects and precious stones, used as personal figurines found in that accumulation are shown at the
adornment, were exchanged by the Late Herrera elites, top of page 43 in Rivas 2022b. There is another female
both among neighboring villages with the same cultural figurine that was found totally fragmented, where the
tradition and with distant societies with different triangular cap that is similar to that of the other
cultural expressions. anthropomorphic representations already mentioned
We can also observe the social stratifications of the (Rivas, 2022a: 84) can be appreciated very well. A
Late Herrera communities in the funerary patterns, stylistic analysis of this figure suggests the probability
since not all were buried in the same way. Prestigious that it was made locally during the beginnings of the
people from the villages were buried in deeper or more Late Herrera society.
elaborate funerary structures than commoners. These [5] Female figures holding a triangular cap appear,
persons were also buried in unusual ways, such as in for the first time in Nueva Esperanza, possibly during
bundles and with flagstones. In the same way, these the final period of existence of the Early Herrera society
people were buried with vessels, figurines, and (Romano, 2018a: 132), this could explain the great
sumptuous metal objects obtained as elite goods importance that women had within the social structure
through trade with various societies. Additionally, two of these hierarchical village communities.
other cultural elements that suggest social inequality [6] The Early Muisca period corresponds to the Late
were the artificial modification of the skull and Herrera period in the proposed chronology for Nueva
mummification, they were practiced on the village elites Esperanza.
and their families. [7] The pre-Hispanic village of El Venado was located
in the north of the Samacá valley, a municipality of the
Notes same name, about 30 km from Tunja, the capital of the
Boyacá department, at 2,600 masl (Boada, 2017a: 12).
[1] The pre-Hispanic village of Nueva Esperanza was
located in the municipality of Soacha, which belongs to Acknowledgements
the metropolitan area of Bogotá. It was built on a
natural terrace located at 2,596 meters above sea level, The data discussed in this article come from the
and had an extension of 22 h. A first phase of preventive research project Procesos socioculturales antiguos en los
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 Cultural Variables for the Study of Social Inequalities in the Late Herrera Society of the
Int. J. S. Am. Archaeol - IJSA
Cundiboyacense Altiplano, Colombia (Part Two)

Andes Orientales de Colombia. De las sociedades Colomb. Cienc. Ex. Fis. Nat. 45 (174): 10-29.
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igualitarias a las sociedades jerarquizadas de tipo cacical
Mus. Oro. 25: 121-123.
(CI-3226), conducted at the Universidad del Valle, Ceruti, C. (2018). De momias y sacrificios infantiles:
between 2019 and 2021 (Rodríguez, 2022b). My thanks Consideraciones para una arqueología de la niñez en Sudamérica.
to the Universidad del Valle, for having granted me the Revista de Arqueología, 31 82): 118-133. Avalaible in <https://
[Link]/ojs/[Link]/sab/article/view/592/111>.
necessary time to complete this research. Likewise, to
Comas, J. (1973). Origenes de la momificacion prehistórica en
Sebastián Rivas (Universidad UNIMINUTO, Bogotá), for América. Cuadernos Americanos, 6: 1-23. Avalaible in <http://
their assistance in obtaining information on the [Link]/handle/25000/18061>.
archaeological investigations carried out in Nueva Danchenko, E. (s.f.). Pogribalni obriad kak kulturnii I etnicheskii
marker v arjeologii (Las costumbres funerarias como marcador
Esperanza. Finally, I would like to thank my dear
cultural y étnico en la arqueología) Электронная библиотека Музея
colleagues Tamara Bray (Wayne State University) and антропологии и этнографии им. Петра Великого (Кунсткамера)
Felipe Cárdenas Arroyo for their generous review of the РАН. Aval ai b l e in < h t t p : // w w w. k u n s t k am e ra. ru / l i b /
English version of this article and their helpful rubrikator/03/03_03/978-5-88431-145-9>.
Drube, H. (2010). La deformación del cráneo en sociedades
comments, which enriched the text.
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