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NATIONALISM

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NATIONALISM
BY SIR RABINDRANATH
TAGORE
MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON
1918
COPYRIGHT
First Edition 1917
Reprinted 1918 (twice)

CONTENTS
PAGE
Nationalism in the West 1
Nationalism in Japan 47
Nationalism in India 95
The Sunset of the Century 131

NATIONALISM IN THE WEST

NATIONALISM IN THE WEST

Man's history is being shaped according to the difficulties it encounters.

These have offered us problems and claimed their solutions from us, the
penalty of non-fulfilment being death or degradation.

These difficulties have been different in different peoples of the earth, and in
the manner of our overcoming them lies our distinction.

The Scythians of the earlier period of Asiatic history had to struggle with the
scarcity of their natural resources. The easiest solution that they could think
of was to organize their whole population, men, women, and children, into
bands of robbers. And they were irresistible to those who were chiefly
engaged in the constructive work of social co-operation.

But fortunately for man the easiest path is not his truest path. If his nature
were not as complex as it is, if it were as simple as that of a pack of hungry
wolves, then, by this time, those hordes of marauders would have overrun the
whole earth. But man, when confronted with difficulties, has to acknowledge
that he is man, that he has his responsibilities to the higher faculties of his
nature, by ignoring which he may achieve success that is immediate, perhaps,
but that will become a death-trap to him. For what are obstacles to the lower
creatures are opportunities to the higher life of man.

To India has been given her problem from the beginning of history—it is the
race problem. Races ethnologically different have in this country come into
close contact. This fact has been and still continues to be the most important
one in our history. It is our mission to face it and prove our humanity by
dealing with it in the fullest truth. Until we fulfil our mission all other
benefits will be denied us.

There are other peoples in the world who have to overcome obstacles in their
physical surroundings, or the menace of their powerful neighbours. They
have organized their power till they are not only reasonably free from the
tyranny of Nature and human neighbours, but have a surplus of it left in their
hands to employ against others. But in India, our difficulties being internal,
our history has been the history of continual social adjustment and not that of
organized power for defence and aggression.

Neither the colourless vagueness of cosmopolitanism, nor the fierce self-

idolatry of nation-worship, is the goal of human history. And India has been
trying to accomplish her task through social regulation of differences, on the
one hand, and the spiritual recognition of unity on the other. She has made
grave errors in setting up the boundary walls too rigidly between races, in
perpetuating in her classifications the results of inferiority; often she has
crippled her children's minds and narrowed their lives in order to fit them into
her social forms; but for centuries new experiments have been made and
adjustments carried out.

Her mission has been like that of a hostess who has to provide proper
accommodation for numerous guests, whose habits and requirements are
different from one another. This gives rise to infinite complexities whose
solution depends not merely upon tactfulness but upon sympathy and true
realization of the unity of man. Towards this realization have worked, from
the early time of the Upanishads up to the present moment, a series of great
spiritual teachers, whose one object has been to set at naught all differences
of man by the overflow of our consciousness of God. In fact, our history has
not been of the rise and fall of kingdoms, of fights for political supremacy. In
our country records of these days have been despised and forgotten, for they
in no way represent the true history of our people. Our history is that of our
social life and attainment of spiritual ideals.

But we feel that our task is not yet done. The world-flood has swept over our
country, new elements have been introduced, and wider adjustments are
waiting to be made.

We feel this all the more, because the teaching and example of the West have
entirely run counter to what we think was given to India to accomplish. In the
West the national machinery of commerce and politics turns out neatly
compressed bales of humanity which have their use and high market value;
but they are bound in iron hoops, labelled and separated off with scientific
care and precision. Obviously God made man to be human; but this modern
product has such marvellous square-cut finish, savouring of gigantic
manufacture, that the Creator will find it difficult to recognize it as a thing of
spirit and a creature made in His own divine image.

But I am anticipating. What I was about to say is this. Take it in whatever

spirit you like, here is India, of about fifty centuries at least, who tried to live
peacefully and think deeply, the India devoid of all politics, the India of no
nations, whose one ambition has been to know this world as of soul, to live
here every moment of her life in the meek spirit of adoration, in the glad
consciousness of an eternal and personal relationship with it. It was upon this
remote portion of humanity, childlike in its manner, with the wisdom of the
old, that the Nation of the West burst in.

Through all the fights and intrigues and deceptions of her earlier history India
had remained aloof. Because her homes, her fields, her temples of worship,
her schools, where her teachers and students lived together in the atmosphere
of simplicity and devotion and learning, her village self-government with its
simple laws and peaceful administration—all these truly belonged to her. But
her thrones were not her concern. They passed over her head like clouds, now
tinged with purple gorgeousness, now black with the threat of thunder. Often
they brought devastations in their wake, but they were like catastrophes of
nature whose traces are soon forgotten.
But this time it was different. It was not a mere drift over her surface of life,
—drift of cavalry and foot soldiers, richly caparisoned elephants, white tents
and canopies, strings of patient camels bearing the loads of royalty, bands of
kettle-drums and flutes, marble domes of mosques, palaces and tombs, like
the bubbles of the foaming wine of extravagance; stories of treachery and
loyal devotion, of changes of fortune, of dramatic surprises of fate. This time
it was the Nation of the West driving its tentacles of machinery deep down
into the soil.

Therefore I say to you, it is we who are called as witnesses to give evidence

as to what our Nation has been to humanity. We had known the hordes of
Moghals and Pathans who invaded India, but we had known them as human
races, with their own religions and customs, likes and dislikes,—we had
never known them as a nation. We loved and hated them as occasions arose;
we fought for them and against them, talked with them in a language which
was theirs as well as our own, and guided the destiny of the Empire in which
we had our active share. But this time we had to deal, not with kings, not with
human races, but with a nation—we, who are no nation ourselves.

Now let us from our own experience answer the question, What is this
Nation?

A nation, in the sense of the political and economic union of a people, is that
aspect which a whole population assumes when organized for a mechanical
purpose. Society as such has no ulterior purpose. It is an end in itself. It is a
spontaneous self-expression of man as a social being. It is a natural regulation
of human relationships, so that men can develop ideals of life in co-operation
with one another. It has also a political side, but this is only for a special
purpose. It is for self-preservation. It is merely the side of power, not of
human ideals. And in the early days it had its separate place in society,
restricted to the professionals. But when with the help of science and the
perfecting of organization this power begins to grow and brings in harvests of
wealth, then it crosses its boundaries with amazing rapidity. For then it goads
all its neighbouring societies with greed of material prosperity, and
consequent mutual jealousy, and by the fear of each other's growth into
powerfulness. The time comes when it can stop no longer, for the
competition grows keener, organization grows vaster, and selfishness attains
supremacy. Trading upon the greed and fear of man, it occupies more and
more space in society, and at last becomes its ruling force.

It is just possible that you have lost through habit consciousness that the
living bonds of society are breaking up, and giving place to merely
mechanical organization. But you see signs of it everywhere. It is owing to
this that war has been declared between man and woman, because the natural
thread is snapping which holds them together in harmony; because man is
driven to professionalism, producing wealth for himself and others,
continually turning the wheel of power for his own sake or for the sake of the
universal officialdom, leaving woman alone to wither and to die or to fight
her own battle unaided. And thus there where co-operation is natural has
intruded competition. The very psychology of men and women about their
mutual relation is changing and becoming the psychology of the primitive
fighting elements, rather than of humanity seeking its completeness through
the union based upon mutual self-surrender. For the elements which have lost
their living bond of reality have lost the meaning of their existence. Like
gaseous particles forced into a too narrow space, they come in continual
conflict with each other till they burst the very arrangement which holds them
in bondage.

Then look at those who call themselves anarchists, who resent the imposition
of power, in any form whatever, upon the individual. The only reason for this
is that power has become too abstract—it is a scientific product made in the
political laboratory of the Nation, through the dissolution of personal
humanity.

And what is the meaning of these strikes in the economic world, which like
the prickly shrubs in a barren soil shoot up with renewed vigour each time
they are cut down? What, but that the wealth-producing mechanism is
incessantly growing into vast stature, out of proportion to all other needs of
society,—and the full reality of man is more and more crushed under its
weight? This state of things inevitably gives rise to eternal feuds among the
elements freed from the wholeness and wholesomeness of human ideals, and
interminable economic war is waged between capital and labour. For greed of
wealth and power can never have a limit, and compromise of self-interest can
never attain the final spirit of reconciliation. They must go on breeding
jealousy and suspicion to the end—the end which only comes through some
sudden catastrophe or a spiritual re-birth.

When this organization of politics and commerce, whose other name is the
Nation, becomes all-powerful at the cost of the harmony of the higher social
life, then it is an evil day for humanity. When a father becomes a gambler and
his obligations to his family take the secondary place in his mind, then he is
no longer a man, but an automaton led by the power of greed. Then he can do
things which, in his normal state of mind, he would be ashamed to do. It is
the same thing with society. When it allows itself to be turned into a perfect
organization of power, then there are few crimes which it is unable to
perpetrate. Because success is the object and justification of a machine, while
goodness only is the end and purpose of man. When this engine of
organization begins to attain a vast size, and those who are mechanics are
made into parts of the machine, then the personal man is eliminated to a
phantom, everything becomes a revolution of policy carried out by the human
parts of the machine, with no twinge of pity or moral responsibility. It may
happen that even through this apparatus the moral nature of man tries to
assert itself, but the whole series of ropes and pullies creak and cry, the forces
of the human heart become entangled among the forces of the human
automaton, and only with difficulty can the moral purpose transmit itself into
some tortured shape of result.

This abstract being, the Nation, is ruling India. We have seen in our country
some brand of tinned food advertised as entirely made and packed without
being touched by hand. This description applies to the governing of India,
which is as little touched by the human hand as possible. The governors need
not know our language, need not come into personal touch with us except as
officials; they can aid or hinder our aspirations from a disdainful distance,
they can lead us on a certain path of policy and then pull us back again with
the manipulation of office red tape; the newspapers of England, in whose
columns London street accidents are recorded with some decency of pathos,
need but take the scantiest notice of calamities which happen in India over
areas of land sometimes larger than the British Isles.

But we, who are governed, are not a mere abstraction. We, on our side, are
individuals with living sensibilities. What comes to us in the shape of a mere
bloodless policy may pierce into the very core of our life, may threaten the
whole future of our people with a perpetual helplessness of emasculation, and
yet may never touch the chord of humanity on the other side, or touch it in
the most inadequately feeble manner. Such wholesale and universal acts of
fearful responsibility man can never perform, with such a degree of
systematic unawareness, where he is an individual human being. These only
become possible, where the man is represented by an octopus of abstractions,
sending out its wriggling arms in all directions of space, and fixing its
innumerable suckers even into the far-away future. In this reign of the nation,
the governed are pursued by suspicions; and these are the suspicions of a
tremendous mass of organized brain and muscle. Punishments are meted out,
which leave a trail of miseries across a large bleeding tract of the human
heart; but these punishments are dealt by a mere abstract force, in which a
whole population of a distant country has lost its human personality.

I have not come here, however, to discuss the question as it affects my own
country, but as it affects the future of all humanity. It is not a question of the
British Government, but of government by the Nation—the Nation which is
the organized self-interest of a whole people, where it is least human and
least spiritual. Our only intimate experience of the Nation is with the British
Nation, and as far as the government by the Nation goes there are reasons to
believe that it is one of the best. Then, again, we have to consider that the
West is necessary to the East. We are complementary to each other because
of our different outlooks upon life which have given us different aspects of
truth. Therefore if it be true that the spirit of the West has come upon our
fields in the guise of a storm it is nevertheless scattering living seeds that are
immortal. And when in India we become able to assimilate in our life what is
permanent in Western civilization we shall be in the position to bring about a
reconciliation of these two great worlds. Then will come to an end the one-
sided dominance which is galling. What is more, we have to recognize that
the history of India does not belong to one particular race but to a process of
creation to which various races of the world contributed—the Dravidians and
the Aryans, the ancient Greeks and the Persians, the Mohammedans of the
West and those of central Asia. Now at last has come the turn of the English
to become true to this history and bring to it the tribute of their life, and we
neither have the right nor the power to exclude this people from the building
of the destiny of India. Therefore what I say about the Nation has more to do
with the history of Man than specially with that of India.

This history has come to a stage when the moral man, the complete man, is
more and more giving way, almost without knowing it, to make room for the
political and the commercial man, the man of the limited purpose. This
process, aided by the wonderful progress in science, is assuming gigantic
proportion and power, causing the upset of man's moral balance, obscuring
his human side under the shadow of soul-less organization. We have felt its
iron grip at the root of our life, and for the sake of humanity we must stand
up and give warning to all, that this nationalism is a cruel epidemic of evil
that is sweeping over the human world of the present age, and eating into its
moral vitality.

I have a deep love and a great respect for the British race as human beings. It
has produced great-hearted men, thinkers of great thoughts, doers of great
deeds. It has given rise to a great literature. I know that these people love
justice and freedom, and hate lies. They are clean in their minds, frank in
their manners, true in their friendships; in their behaviour they are honest and
reliable. The personal experience which I have had of their literary men has
roused my admiration not merely for their power of thought or expression but
for their chivalrous humanity. We have felt the greatness of this people as we
feel the sun; but as for the Nation, it is for us a thick mist of a stifling nature
covering the sun itself.

This government by the Nation is neither British nor anything else; it is an

applied science and therefore more or less similar in its principles wherever it
is used. It is like a hydraulic press, whose pressure is impersonal, and on that
account completely effective. The amount of its power may vary in different
engines. Some may even be driven by hand, thus leaving a margin of
comfortable looseness in their tension, but in spirit and in method their
differences are small. Our government might have been Dutch, or French, or
Portuguese, and its essential features would have remained much the same as
they are now. Only perhaps, in some cases, the organization might not have
been so densely perfect, and, therefore, some shreds of the human might still
have been clinging to the wreck, allowing us to deal with something which
resembles our own throbbing heart.

Before the Nation came to rule over us we had other governments which
were foreign, and these, like all governments, had some element of the
machine in them. But the difference between them and the government by the
Nation is like the difference between the hand-loom and the power-loom. In
the products of the hand-loom the magic of man's living fingers finds its
expression, and its hum harmonizes with the music of life. But the power-
loom is relentlessly lifeless and accurate and monotonous in its production.

We must admit that during the personal government of the former days there
have been instances of tyranny, injustice and extortion. They caused
sufferings and unrest from which we are glad to be rescued. The protection of
law is not only a boon, but it is a valuable lesson to us. It is teaching us the
discipline which is necessary for the stability of civilization and for
continuity of progress. We are realizing through it that there is a universal
standard of justice to which all men, irrespective of their caste and colour,
have their equal claim.

This reign of law in our present Government in India has established order in
this vast land inhabited by peoples different in their races and customs. It has
made it possible for these peoples to come in closer touch with one another
and cultivate a communion of aspiration.

But this desire for a common bond of comradeship among the different races
of India has been the work of the spirit of the West, not that of the Nation of
the West. Wherever in Asia the people have received the true lesson of the
West it is in spite of the Western Nation. Only because Japan had been able
to resist the dominance of this Western Nation could she acquire the benefit
of the Western Civilization in fullest measure. Though China has been
poisoned at the very spring of her moral and physical life by this Nation, her
struggle to receive the best lessons of the West may yet be successful if not
hindered by the Nation. It was only the other day that Persia woke up from
her age-long sleep at the call of the West to be instantly trampled into
stillness by the Nation. The same phenomenon prevails in this country also,
where the people are hospitable, but the Nation has proved itself to be
otherwise, making an Eastern guest feel humiliated to stand before you as a
member of the humanity of his own motherland.

In India we are suffering from this conflict between the spirit of the West and
the Nation of the West. The benefit of the Western civilization is doled out to
us in a miserly measure by the Nation, which tries to regulate the degree of
nutrition as near the zero-point of vitality as possible. The portion of
education allotted to us is so raggedly insufficient that it ought to outrage the
sense of decency of a Western humanity. We have seen in these countries
how the people are encouraged and trained and given every facility to fit
themselves for the great movements of commerce and industry spreading
over the world, while in India the only assistance we get is merely to be
jeered at by the Nation for lagging behind. While depriving us of our
opportunities and reducing our education to the minimum required for
conducting a foreign government, this Nation pacifies its conscience by
calling us names, by sedulously giving currency to the arrogant cynicism that
the East is east and the West is west and never the twain shall meet. If we
must believe our schoolmaster in his taunt that, after nearly two centuries of
his tutelage, India not only remains unfit for self-government but unable to
display originality in her intellectual attainments, must we ascribe it to
something in the nature of Western culture and our inherent incapacity to
receive it or to the judicious niggardliness of the Nation that has taken upon
itself the white man's burden of civilizing the East? That Japanese people
have some qualities which we lack we may admit, but that our intellect is
naturally unproductive compared to theirs we cannot accept even from them
whom it is dangerous for us to contradict.

The truth is that the spirit of conflict and conquest is at the origin and in the
centre of Western nationalism; its basis is not social co-operation. It has
evolved a perfect organization of power, but not spiritual idealism. It is like
the pack of predatory creatures that must have its victims. With all its heart it
cannot bear to see its hunting-grounds converted into cultivated fields. In
fact, these nations are fighting among themselves for the extension of their
victims and their reserve forests. Therefore the Western Nation acts like a
dam to check the free flow of Western civilization into the country of the No-
Nation. Because this civilization is the civilization of power, therefore it is
exclusive, it is naturally unwilling to open its sources of power to those
whom it has selected for its purposes of exploitation.

But all the same moral law is the law of humanity, and the exclusive
civilization which thrives upon others who are barred from its benefit carries
its own death-sentence in its moral limitations. The slavery that it gives rise
to unconsciously drains its own love of freedom dry. The helplessness with
which it weighs down its world of victims exerts its force of gravitation every
moment upon the power that creates it. And the greater part of the world
which is being denuded of its self-sustaining life by the Nation will one day
become the most terrible of all its burdens, ready to drag it down into the
bottom of destruction. Whenever Power removes all checks from its path to
make its career easy, it triumphantly rides into its ultimate crash of death. Its
moral brake becomes slacker every day without its knowing it, and its
slippery path of ease becomes its path of doom.

Of all things in Western civilization, those which this Western Nation has
given us in a most generous measure are law and order. While the small
feeding-bottle of our education is nearly dry, and sanitation sucks its own
thumb in despair, the military organization, the magisterial offices, the police,
the Criminal Investigation Department, the secret spy system, attain to an
abnormal girth in their waists, occupying every inch of our country. This is to
maintain order. But is not this order merely a negative good? Is it not for
giving people's life greater opportunities for the freedom of development? Its
perfection is the perfection of an egg-shell, whose true value lies in the
security it affords to the chick and its nourishment and not in the convenience
it offers to the person at the breakfast table. Mere administration is
unproductive, it is not creative, not being a living thing. It is a steam-roller,
formidable in its weight and power, having its uses, but it does not help the
soil to become fertile. When after its enormous toil it comes to offer us its
boon of peace we can but murmur under our breath that "peace is good, but
not more so than life, which is God's own great boon."

On the other hand, our former governments were woefully lacking in many of
the advantages of the modern government. But because those were not the
governments by the Nation, their texture was loosely woven, leaving big gaps
through which our own life sent its threads and imposed its designs. I am
quite sure in those days we had things that were extremely distasteful to us.
But we know that when we walk barefooted upon ground strewn with gravel,
our feet come gradually to adjust themselves to the caprices of the
inhospitable earth; while if the tiniest particle of gravel finds its lodgment
inside our shoes we can never forget and forgive its intrusion. And these
shoes are the government by the Nation,—it is tight, it regulates our steps
with a closed-up system, within which our feet have only the slightest liberty
to make their own adjustments. Therefore, when you produce your statistics
to compare the number of gravels which our feet had to encounter in former
days with the paucity in the present régime, they hardly touch the real points.
It is not a question of the number of outside obstacles but the comparative
powerlessness of the individual to cope with them. This narrowness of
freedom is an evil which is more radical, not because of its quantity but
because of its nature. And we cannot but acknowledge this paradox, that
while the spirit of the West marches under its banner of freedom, the Nation
of the West forges its iron chains of organization which are the most
relentless and unbreakable that have ever been manufactured in the whole
history of man.

When the humanity of India was not under the government of the
Organization, the elasticity of change was great enough to encourage men of
power and spirit to feel that they had their destinies in their own hands. The
hope of the unexpected was never absent, and a freer play of imagination, on
the part both of the governor and the governed, had its effect in the making of
history. We were not confronted with a future, which was a dead white wall
of granite blocks eternally guarding against the expression and extension of
our own powers, the hopelessness of which lies in the reason that these
powers are becoming atrophied at their very roots by the scientific process of
paralysis. For every single individual in the country of the No-Nation is
completely in the grip of a whole nation,—whose tireless vigilance, being the
vigilance of a machine, has not the human power to overlook or to
discriminate. At the least pressing of its button the monster organization
becomes all eyes, whose ugly stare of inquisitiveness cannot be avoided by a
single person amongst the immense multitude of the ruled. At the least turn
of its screw, by the fraction of an inch, the grip is tightened to the point of
suffocation around every man, woman and child of a vast population, for
whom no escape is imaginable in their own country, or even in any country
outside their own.

It is the continual and stupendous dead pressure of this inhuman upon the
living human under which the modern world is groaning. Not merely the
subject races, but you who live under the delusion that you are free, are every
day sacrificing your freedom and humanity to this fetich of nationalism,
living in the dense poisonous atmosphere of world-wide suspicion and greed
and panic.

I have seen in Japan the voluntary submission of the whole people to the
trimming of their minds and clipping of their freedom by their government,
which through various educational agencies regulates their thoughts,
manufactures their feelings, becomes suspiciously watchful when they show
signs of inclining toward the spiritual, leading them through a narrow path
not toward what is true but what is necessary for the complete welding of
them into one uniform mass according to its own recipe. The people accept
this all-pervading mental slavery with cheerfulness and pride because of their
nervous desire to turn themselves into a machine of power, called the Nation,
and emulate other machines in their collective worldliness.

When questioned as to the wisdom of its course the newly converted fanatic
of nationalism answers that "so long as nations are rampant in this world we
have not the option freely to develop our higher humanity. We must utilize
every faculty that we possess to resist the evil by assuming it ourselves in the
fullest degree. For the only brotherhood possible in the modern world is the
brotherhood of hooliganism." The recognition of the fraternal bond of love
between Japan and Russia, which has lately been celebrated with an immense
display of rejoicing in Japan, was not owing to any sudden recrudescence of
the spirit of Christianity or of Buddhism, but it was a bond established
according to the modern faith in a surer relationship of mutual menace of
bloodshedding. Yes, one cannot but acknowledge that these facts are the facts
of the world of the Nation, and the only moral of it is that all the peoples of
the earth should strain their physical, moral and intellectual resources to the
utmost to defeat one another in the wrestling match of powerfulness. In the
ancient days Sparta paid all her attention to becoming powerful; she did
become so by crippling her humanity, and died of the amputation.

But it is no consolation to us to know that the weakening of humanity from

which the present age is suffering is not limited to the subject races, and that
its ravages are even more radical because insidious and voluntary in peoples
who are hypnotized into believing that they are free. This bartering of your
higher aspirations of life for profit and power has been your own free choice,
and I leave you there, at the wreckage of your soul, contemplating your
protuberant prosperity. But will you never be called to answer for organizing
the instincts of self-aggrandizement of whole peoples into perfection and
calling it good? I ask you what disaster has there ever been in the history of
man, in its darkest period, like this terrible disaster of the Nation fixing its
fangs deep into the naked flesh of the world, taking permanent precautions
against its natural relaxation?

You, the people of the West, who have manufactured this abnormality, can
you imagine the desolating despair of this haunted world of suffering man
possessed by the ghastly abstraction of the organizing man? Can you put
yourself into the position of the peoples, who seem to have been doomed to
an eternal damnation of their own humanity, who not only must suffer
continual curtailment of their manhood, but even raise their voices in pæans
of praise for the benignity of a mechanical apparatus in its interminable
parody of providence?

Have you not seen, since the commencement of the existence of the Nation,
that the dread of it has been the one goblin-dread with which the whole world
has been trembling? Wherever there is a dark corner, there is the suspicion of
its secret malevolence; and people live in a perpetual distrust of its back
where it has no eyes. Every sound of a footstep, every rustle of movement in
the neighbourhood, sends a thrill of terror all around. And this terror is the
parent of all that is base in man's nature. It makes one almost openly
unashamed of inhumanity. Clever lies become matters of self-congratulation.
Solemn pledges become a farce,—laughable for their very solemnity. The
Nation, with all its paraphernalia of power and prosperity, its flags and pious
hymns, its blasphemous prayers in the churches, and the literary mock
thunders of its patriotic bragging, cannot hide the fact that the Nation is the
greatest evil for the Nation, that all its precautions are against it, and any new
birth of its fellow in the world is always followed in its mind by the dread of
a new peril. Its one wish is to trade on the feebleness of the rest of the world,
like some insects that are bred in the paralysed flesh of victims kept just
enough alive to make them toothsome and nutritious. Therefore it is ready to
send its poisonous fluid into the vitals of the other living peoples, who, not
being nations, are harmless. For this the Nation has had and still has its
richest pasture in Asia. Great China, rich with her ancient wisdom and social
ethics, her discipline of industry and self-control, is like a whale awakening
the lust of spoil in the heart of the Nation. She is already carrying in her
quivering flesh harpoons sent by the unerring aim of the Nation, the creature
of science and selfishness. Her pitiful attempt to shake off her traditions of
humanity, her social ideals, and spend her last exhausted resources in drilling
herself into modern efficiency, is thwarted at every step by the Nation. It is
tightening its financial ropes round her, trying to drag her up on the shore and
cut her into pieces, and then go and offer public thanksgiving to God for
supporting the one existing evil and shattering the possibility of a new one.
And for all this the Nation has been claiming the gratitude of history, and all
eternity for its exploitation; ordering its band of praise to be struck up from
end to end of the world, declaring itself to be the salt of the earth, the flower
of humanity, the blessing of God hurled with all His force upon the naked
skulls of the world of No-Nations.

I know what your advice will be. You will say, form yourselves into a nation,
and resist this encroachment of the Nation. But is this the true advice? that of
a man to a man? Why should this be a necessity? I could well believe you if
you had said, Be more good, more just, more true in your relation to man,
control your greed, make your life wholesome in its simplicity and let your
consciousness of the divine in humanity be more perfect in its expression.
But must you say that it is not the soul, but the machine, which is of the
utmost value to ourselves, and that man's salvation depends upon his
disciplining himself into a perfection of the dead rhythm of wheels and
counterwheels? that machine must be pitted against machine, and nation
against nation, in an endless bull-fight of politics?

You say, these machines will come into an agreement, for their mutual
protection, based upon a conspiracy of fear. But will this federation of steam-
boilers supply you with a soul, a soul which has her conscience and her God?
What is to happen to that larger part of the world where fear will have no
hand in restraining you? Whatever safety they now enjoy, those countries of
No-Nation, from the unbridled license of forge and hammer and turn-screw,
results from the mutual jealousy of the powers. But when, instead of being
numerous separate machines, they become riveted into one organized
gregariousness of gluttony, commercial and political, what remotest chance
of hope will remain for those others, who have lived and suffered, have loved
and worshipped, have thought deeply and worked with meekness, but whose
only crime has been that they have not organized?

But, you say, "That does not matter, the unfit must go to the wall—they shall
die, and this is science."

No, for the sake of your own salvation, I say, they shall live, and this is truth.
It is extremely bold of me to say so, but I assert that man's world is a moral
world, not because we blindly agree to believe it, but because it is so in truth
which would be dangerous for us to ignore. And this moral nature of man
cannot be divided into convenient compartments for its preservation. You
cannot secure it for your home consumption with protective tariff walls,
while in foreign parts making it enormously accommodating in its free trade
of license.

Has not this truth already come home to you now, when this cruel war has
driven its claws into the vitals of Europe? when her hoard of wealth is
bursting into smoke and her humanity is shattered into bits on her
battlefields? You ask in amazement what has she done to deserve this? The
answer is, that the West has been systematically petrifying her moral nature
in order to lay a solid foundation for her gigantic abstractions of efficiency.
She has all along been starving the life of the personal man into that of the
professional.

In your mediæval age in Europe, the simple and the natural man, with all his
violent passions and desires, was engaged in trying to find out a
reconciliation in the conflict between the flesh and the spirit. All through the
turbulent career of her vigorous youth the temporal and the spiritual forces
both acted strongly upon her nature, and were moulding it into completeness
of moral personality. Europe owes all her greatness in humanity to that period
of discipline,—the discipline of the man in his human integrity.

Then came the age of intellect, of science. We all know that intellect is
impersonal. Our life, and our heart, are one with us, but our mind can be
detached from the personal man and then only can it freely move in its world
of thoughts. Our intellect is an ascetic who wears no clothes, takes no food,
knows no sleep, has no wishes, feels no love or hatred or pity for human
limitations, who only reasons, unmoved, through the vicissitudes of life. It
burrows to the roots of things, because it has no personal concern with the
thing itself. The grammarian walks straight through all poetry and goes to the
root of words without obstruction, because he is not seeking reality, but law.
When he finds the law, he is able to teach people how to master words. This
is a power,—the power which fulfils some special usefulness, some particular
need of man.

Reality is the harmony which gives to the component parts of a thing the
equilibrium of the whole. You break it, and have in your hands the nomadic
atoms fighting against one another, therefore unmeaning. Those who covet
power try to get mastery of these aboriginal fighting elements, and through
some narrow channels force them into some violent service for some
particular needs of man.

This satisfaction of man's needs is a great thing. It gives him freedom in the
material world. It confers on him the benefit of a greater range of time and
space. He can do things in a shorter time and occupies a larger space with
more thoroughness of advantage. Therefore he can easily outstrip those who
live in a world of a slower time and of space less fully occupied.

This progress of power attains more and more rapidity of pace. And, for the
reason that it is a detached part of man, it soon outruns the complete
humanity. The moral man remains behind, because it has to deal with the
whole reality, not merely with the law of things, which is impersonal and
therefore abstract.

Thus, man with his mental and material power far outgrowing his moral
strength, is like an exaggerated giraffe whose head has suddenly shot up
miles away from the rest of him, making normal communication difficult to
establish. This greedy head, with its huge dental organization, has been
munching all the topmost foliage of the world, but the nourishment is too late
in reaching his digestive organs, and his heart is suffering from want of
blood. Of this present disharmony in man's nature the West seems to have
been blissfully unconscious. The enormity of its material success has diverted
all its attention toward self-congratulation on its bulk. The optimism of its
logic goes on basing the calculations of its good fortune upon the indefinite
prolongation of its railway lines toward eternity. It is superficial enough to
think that all to-morrows are merely to-days, with the repeated additions of
twenty-four hours. It has no fear of the chasm, which is opening wider every
day, between man's ever-growing storehouses and the emptiness of his
hungry humanity. Logic does not know that, under the lowest bed of endless
strata of wealth and comforts, earthquakes are being hatched to restore the
balance of the moral world, and one day the gaping gulf of spiritual vacuity
will draw into its bottom the store of things that have their eternal love for the
dust.

Man in his fulness is not powerful, but perfect. Therefore, to turn him into
mere power, you have to curtail his soul as much as possible. When we are
fully human, we cannot fly at one another's throats; our instincts of social life,
our traditions of moral ideals stand in the way. If you want me to take to
butchering human beings, you must break up that wholeness of my humanity
through some discipline which makes my will dead, my thoughts numb, my
movements automatic, and then from the dissolution of the complex personal
man will come out that abstraction, that destructive force, which has no
relation to human truth, and therefore can be easily brutal or mechanical.
Take away man from his natural surroundings, from the fulness of his
communal life, with all its living associations of beauty and love and social
obligations, and you will be able to turn him into so many fragments of a
machine for the production of wealth on a gigantic scale. Turn a tree into a
log and it will burn for you, but it will never bear living flowers and fruit.

This process of dehumanizing has been going on in commerce and politics.

And out of the long birth-throes of mechanical energy has been born this
fully developed apparatus of magnificent power and surprising appetite
which has been christened in the West as the Nation. As I have hinted before,
because of its quality of abstraction it has, with the greatest ease, gone far
ahead of the complete moral man. And having the conscience of a ghost and
the callous perfection of an automaton, it is causing disasters of which the
volcanic dissipations of the youthful moon would be ashamed to be brought
into comparison. As a result, the suspicion of man for man stings all the
limbs of this civilization like the hairs of the nettle. Each country is casting its
net of espionage into the slimy bottom of the others, fishing for their secrets,
the treacherous secrets which brew in the oozy depths of diplomacy. And
what is their secret service but the nation's underground trade in kidnapping,
murder and treachery and all the ugly crimes bred in the depth of rottenness?
Because each nation has its own history of thieving and lies and broken faith,
therefore there can only flourish international suspicion and jealousy, and
international moral shame becomes anæmic to a degree of ludicrousness. The
nation's bagpipe of righteous indignation has so often changed its tune
according to the variation of time and to the altered groupings of the alliances
of diplomacy, that it can be enjoyed with amusement as the variety
performance of the political music hall.

I am just coming from my visit to Japan, where I exhorted this young nation
to take its stand upon the higher ideals of humanity and never to follow the
West in its acceptance of the organized selfishness of Nationalism as its
religion, never to gloat upon the feebleness of its neighbours, never to be
unscrupulous in its behaviour to the weak, where it can be gloriously mean
with impunity, while turning its right cheek of brighter humanity for the kiss
of admiration to those who have the power to deal it a blow. Some of the
newspapers praised my utterances for their poetical qualities, while adding
with a leer that it was the poetry of a defeated people. I felt they were right.
Japan had been taught in a modern school the lesson how to become
powerful. The schooling is done and she must enjoy the fruits of her lessons.
The West in the voice of her thundering cannon had said at the door of Japan,
Let there be a nation—and there was a Nation. And now that it has come into
existence, why do you not feel in your heart of hearts a pure feeling of
gladness and say that it is good? Why is it that I saw in an English paper an
expression of bitterness at Japan's boasting of her superiority of civilization—
the thing that the British, along with other nations, has been carrying on for
ages without blushing? Because the idealism of selfishness must keep itself
drunk with a continual dose of self-laudation. But the same vices which seem
so natural and innocuous in its own life make it surprised and angry at their
unpleasantness when seen in other nations. Therefore, when you see the
Japanese nation, created in your own image, launched in its career of national
boastfulness you shake your head and say, it is not good. Has it not been one
of the causes that raise the cry on these shores for preparedness to meet one
more power of evil with a greater power of injury? Japan protests that she has
her bushido, that she can never be treacherous to America, to whom she owes
her gratitude. But you find it difficult to believe her,—for the wisdom of the
Nation is not in its faith in humanity but in its complete distrust. You say to
yourself that it is not with Japan of the bushido, the Japan of the moral ideals,
that you have to deal—it is with the abstraction of the popular selfishness, it
is with the Nation; and Nation can only trust Nation where their interests
coalesce, or at least do not conflict. In fact your instinct tells you that the
advent of another people into the arena of nationality makes another addition
to the evil which contradicts all that is highest in Man and proves by its
success that unscrupulousness is the way to prosperity,—and goodness is
good for the weak and God is the only remaining consolation of the defeated.

Yes, this is the logic of the Nation. And it will never heed the voice of truth
and goodness. It will go on in its ring-dance of moral corruption, linking steel
unto steel, and machine unto machine; trampling under its tread all the sweet
flowers of simple faith and the living ideals of man.

But we delude ourselves into thinking that humanity in the modern days is
more to the front than ever before. The reason of this self-delusion is because
man is served with the necessaries of life in greater profusion, and his
physical ills are being alleviated with more efficacy. But the chief part of this
is done, not by moral sacrifice, but by intellectual power. In quantity it is
great, but it springs from the surface and spreads over the surface.
Knowledge and efficiency are powerful in their outward effect, but they are
the servants of man, not the man himself. Their service is like the service in a
hotel, where it is elaborate, but the host is absent; it is more convenient than
hospitable.

Therefore we must not forget that the scientific organizations vastly

spreading in all directions are strengthening our power, but not our humanity.
With the growth of power the cult of the self-worship of the Nation grows in
ascendancy; and the individual willingly allows the Nation to take donkey-
rides upon his back; and there happens the anomaly which must have such
disastrous effects, that the individual worships with all sacrifices a god which
is morally much inferior to himself. This could never have been possible if
the god had been as real as the individual.

Let me give an illustration of this in point. In some parts of India it has been
enjoined as an act of great piety for a widow to go without food and water on
a particular day every fortnight. This often leads to cruelty, unmeaning and
inhuman. And yet men are not by nature cruel to such a degree. But this piety
being a mere unreal abstraction completely deadens the moral sense of the
individual, just as the man, who would not hurt an animal unnecessarily,
would cause horrible suffering to a large number of innocent creatures when
he drugs his feelings with the abstract idea of "sport." Because these ideas are
the creations of our intellect, because they are logical classifications,
therefore they can so easily hide in their mist the personal man.

And the idea of the Nation is one of the most powerful anæsthetics that man
has invented. Under the influence of its fumes the whole people can carry out
its systematic programme of the most virulent self-seeking without being in
the least aware of its moral perversion,—in fact feeling dangerously resentful
if it is pointed out.

But can this go on indefinitely? continually producing barrenness of moral

insensibility upon a large tract of our living nature? Can it escape its nemesis
for ever? Has this giant power of mechanical organization no limit in this
world against which it may shatter itself all the more completely because of
its terrible strength and velocity? Do you believe that evil can be permanently
kept in check by competition with evil, and that conference of prudence can
keep the devil chained in its makeshift cage of mutual agreement?

This European war of Nations is the war of retribution. Man, the person, must
protest for his very life against the heaping up of things where there should
be the heart, and systems and policies where there should flow living human
relationship. The time has come when, for the sake of the whole outraged
world, Europe should fully know in her own person the terrible absurdity of
the thing called the Nation.

The Nation has thriven long upon mutilated humanity. Men, the fairest
creations of God, came out of the National manufactory in huge numbers as
war-making and money-making puppets, ludicrously vain of their pitiful
perfection of mechanism. Human society grew more and more into a
marionette show of politicians, soldiers, manufacturers and bureaucrats,
pulled by wire arrangements of wonderful efficiency.

But the apotheosis of selfishness can never make its interminable breed of
hatred and greed, fear and hypocrisy, suspicion and tyranny, an end in
themselves. These monsters grow into huge shapes but never into harmony.
And this Nation may grow on to an unimaginable corpulence, not of a living
body, but of steel and steam and office buildings, till its deformity can
contain no longer its ugly voluminousness,—till it begins to crack and gape,
breathe gas and fire in gasps, and its death-rattles sound in cannon roars. In
this war the death-throes of the Nation have commenced. Suddenly, all its
mechanism going mad, it has begun the dance of the Furies, shattering its
own limbs, scattering them into the dust. It is the fifth act of the tragedy of
the unreal.

Those who have any faith in Man cannot but fervently hope that the tyranny
of the Nation will not be restored to all its former teeth and claws, to its far-
reaching iron arms and its immense inner cavity, all stomach and no heart;
that man will have his new birth, in the freedom of his individuality, from the
enveloping vagueness of abstraction.

The veil has been raised, and in this frightful war the West has stood face to
face with her own creation, to which she had offered her soul. She must know
what it truly is.

She had never let herself suspect what slow decay and decomposition were
secretly going on in her moral nature, which often broke out in doctrines of
scepticism, but still oftener and in still more dangerously subtle manner
showed itself in her unconsciousness of the mutilation and insult that she had
been inflicting upon a vast part of the world. Now she must know the truth
nearer home.

And then there will come from her own children those who will break
themselves free from the slavery of this illusion, this perversion of
brotherhood founded upon self-seeking, those who will own themselves as
God's children and as no bond-slaves of machinery, which turns souls into
commodities and life into compartments, which, with its iron claws, scratches
out the heart of the world and knows not what it has done.

And we of no nations of the world, whose heads have been bowed to the dust,
will know that this dust is more sacred than the bricks which build the pride
of power. For this dust is fertile of life, and of beauty and worship. We shall
thank God that we were made to wait in silence through the night of despair,
had to bear the insult of the proud and the strong man's burden, yet all
through it, though our hearts quaked with doubt and fear, never could we
blindly believe in the salvation which machinery offered to man, but we held
fast to our trust in God and the truth of the human soul. And we can still
cherish the hope that, when power becomes ashamed to occupy its throne and
is ready to make way for love, when the morning comes for cleansing the
blood-stained steps of the Nation along the highroad of humanity, we shall be
called upon to bring our own vessel of sacred water—the water of worship—
to sweeten the history of man into purity, and with its sprinkling make the
trampled dust of the centuries blessed with fruitfulness.

NATIONALISM IN JAPAN

NATIONALISM IN JAPAN

The worst form of bondage is the bondage of dejection, which keeps men
hopelessly chained in loss of faith in themselves. We have been repeatedly
told, with some justification, that Asia lives in the past,—it is like a rich
mausoleum which displays all its magnificence in trying to immortalize the
dead. It was said of Asia that it could never move in the path of progress, its
face was so inevitably turned backwards. We accepted this accusation, and
came to believe it. In India, I know, a large section of our educated
community, grown tired of feeling the humiliation of this charge against us,
is trying all its resources of self-deception to turn it into a matter of boasting.
But boasting is only a masked shame, it does not truly believe in itself.

When things stood still like this, and we in Asia hypnotized ourselves into the
belief that it could never by any possibility be otherwise, Japan rose from her
dreams, and in giant strides left centuries of inaction behind, overtaking the
present time in its foremost achievement. This has broken the spell under
which we lay in torpor for ages, taking it to be the normal condition of certain
races living in certain geographical limits. We forgot that in Asia great
kingdoms were founded, philosophy, science, arts and literatures flourished,
and all the great religions of the world had their cradles. Therefore it cannot
be said that there is anything inherent in the soil and climate of Asia to
produce mental inactivity and to atrophy the faculties which impel men to go
forward. For centuries we did hold torches of civilization in the East when
the West slumbered in darkness, and that could never be the sign of sluggish
mind or narrowness of vision.

Then fell the darkness of night upon all the lands of the East. The current of
time seemed to stop at once, and Asia ceased to take any new food, feeding
upon its own past, which is really feeding upon itself. The stillness seemed
like death, and the great voice was silenced which sent forth messages of
eternal truth that have saved man's life from pollution for generations, like the
ocean of air that keeps the earth sweet, ever cleansing its impurities.

But life has its sleep, its periods of inactivity, when it loses its movements,
takes no new food, living upon its past storage. Then it grows helpless, its
muscles relaxed, and it easily lends itself to be jeered at for its stupor. In the
rhythm of life, pauses there must be for the renewal of life. Life in its activity
is ever spending itself, burning all its fuel. This extravagance cannot go on
indefinitely, but is always followed by a passive stage, when all expenditure
is stopped and all adventures abandoned in favour of rest and slow
recuperation.

The tendency of mind is economical, it loves to form habits and move in

grooves which save it the trouble of thinking anew at each of its steps. Ideals
once formed make the mind lazy. It becomes afraid to risk its acquisitions in
fresh endeavours. It tries to enjoy complete security by shutting up its
belongings behind fortifications of habits. But this is really shutting oneself
up from the fullest enjoyment of one's own possessions. It is miserliness. The
living ideals must not lose their touch with the growing and changing life.
Their real freedom is not within the boundaries of security, but in the
highroad of adventures, full of the risk of new experiences.

One morning the whole world looked up in surprise when Japan broke
through her walls of old habits in a night and came out triumphant. It was
done in such an incredibly short time that it seemed like a change of dress
and not like the building up of a new structure. She showed the confident
strength of maturity, and the freshness and infinite potentiality of new life at
the same moment. The fear was entertained that it was a mere freak of
history, a child's game of Time, the blowing up of a soap-bubble, perfect in
its rondure and colouring, hollow in its heart and without substance. But
Japan has proved conclusively that this sudden revealment of her power is
not a short-lived wonder, a chance product of time and tide, thrown up from
the depth of obscurity to be swept away the next moment into the sea of
oblivion.

The truth is that Japan is old and new at the same time. She has her legacy of
ancient culture from the East,—the culture that enjoins man to look for his
true wealth and power in his inner soul, the culture that gives self-possession
in the face of loss and danger, self-sacrifice without counting the cost or
hoping for gain, defiance of death, acceptance of countless social obligations
that we owe to men as social beings. In a word, modern Japan has come out
of the immemorial East like a lotus blossoming in easy grace, all the while
keeping its firm hold upon the profound depth from which it has sprung.

And Japan, the child of the Ancient East, has also fearlessly claimed all the
gifts of the modern age for herself. She has shown her bold spirit in breaking
through the confinements of habits, useless accumulations of the lazy mind,
which seeks safety in its thrift and its locks and keys. Thus she has come in
contact with the living time and has accepted with eagerness and aptitude the
responsibilities of modern civilization.

This it is which has given heart to the rest of Asia. We have seen that the life
and the strength are there in us, only the dead crust has to be removed. We
have seen that taking shelter in the dead is death itself, and only taking all the
risk of life to the fullest extent is living.

I, for myself, cannot believe that Japan has become what she is by imitating
the West. We cannot imitate life, we cannot simulate strength for long, nay,
what is more, a mere imitation is a source of weakness. For it hampers our
true nature, it is always in our way. It is like dressing our skeleton with
another man's skin, giving rise to eternal feuds between the skin and the
bones at every movement.

The real truth is that science is not man's nature, it is mere knowledge and
training. By knowing the laws of the material universe you do not change
your deeper humanity. You can borrow knowledge from others, but you
cannot borrow temperament.
But at the imitative stage of our schooling we cannot distinguish between the
essential and the non-essential, between what is transferable and what is not.
It is something like the faith of the primitive mind in the magical properties
of the accidents of outward forms which accompany some real truth. We are
afraid of leaving out something valuable and efficacious by not swallowing
the husk with the kernel. But while our greed delights in wholesale
appropriation, it is the function of our vital nature to assimilate, which is the
only true appropriation for a living organism. Where there is life it is sure to
assert itself by its choice of acceptance and refusal according to its
constitutional necessity. The living organism does not allow itself to grow
into its food, it changes its food into its own body. And only thus can it grow
strong and not by mere accumulation, or by giving up its personal identity.

Japan has imported her food from the West, but not her vital nature. Japan
cannot altogether lose and merge herself in the scientific paraphernalia she
has acquired from the West and be turned into a mere borrowed machine. She
has her own soul, which must assert itself over all her requirements. That she
is capable of doing so, and that the process of assimilation is going on, have
been amply proved by the signs of vigorous health that she exhibits. And I
earnestly hope that Japan may never lose her faith in her own soul, in the
mere pride of her foreign acquisition. For that pride itself is a humiliation,
ultimately leading to poverty and weakness. It is the pride of the fop who sets
more store on his new headdress than on his head itself.

The whole world waits to see what this great Eastern nation is going to do
with the opportunities and responsibilities she has accepted from the hands of
the modern time. If it be a mere reproduction of the West, then the great
expectation she has raised will remain unfulfilled. For there are grave
questions that the Western civilization has presented before the world but not
completely answered. The conflict between the individual and the state,
labour and capital, the man and the woman; the conflict between the greed of
material gain and the spiritual life of man, the organized selfishness of
nations and the higher ideals of humanity; the conflict between all the ugly
complexities inseparable from giant organizations of commerce and state and
the natural instincts of man crying for simplicity and beauty and fulness of
leisure,—all these have to be brought to a harmony in a manner not yet
dreamt of.
We have seen this great stream of civilization choking itself from débris
carried by its innumerable channels. We have seen that with all its vaunted
love of humanity it has proved itself the greatest menace to Man, far worse
than the sudden outbursts of nomadic barbarism from which men suffered in
the early ages of history. We have seen that, in spite of its boasted love of
freedom, it has produced worse forms of slavery than ever were current in
earlier societies,—slavery whose chains are unbreakable, either because they
are unseen, or because they assume the names and appearance of freedom.
We have seen, under the spell of its gigantic sordidness, man losing faith in
all the heroic ideals of life which have made him great.

Therefore you cannot with a light heart accept the modern civilization with
all its tendencies, methods and structures, and dream that they are inevitable.
You must apply your Eastern mind, your spiritual strength, your love of
simplicity, your recognition of social obligation, in order to cut out a new
path for this great unwieldy car of progress, shrieking out its loud discords as
it runs. You must minimize the immense sacrifice of man's life and freedom
that it claims in its every movement. For generations you have felt and
thought and worked, have enjoyed and worshipped in your own special
manner; and this cannot be cast off like old clothes. It is in your blood, in the
marrow of your bones, in the texture of your flesh, in the tissue of your
brains; and it must modify everything you lay your hands upon, without your
knowing, even against your wishes. Once you did solve the problems of man
to your own satisfaction, you had your philosophy of life and evolved your
own art of living. All this you must apply to the present situation, and out of
it will arise a new creation and not a mere repetition, a creation which the
soul of your people will own for itself and proudly offer to the world as its
tribute to the welfare of man. Of all countries in Asia, here in Japan you have
the freedom to use the materials you have gathered from the West according
to your genius and your need. Therefore your responsibility is all the greater,
for in your voice Asia shall answer the questions that Europe has submitted to
the conference of Man. In your land the experiments will be carried on by
which the East will change the aspects of modern civilization, infusing life in
it where it is a machine, substituting the human heart for cold expediency, not
caring so much for power and success as for harmonious and living growth,
for truth and beauty.
I cannot but bring to your mind those days when the whole of Eastern Asia
from Burma to Japan was united with India in the closest tie of friendship, the
only natural tie which can exist between nations. There was a living
communication of hearts, a nervous system evolved through which messages
ran between us about the deepest needs of humanity. We did not stand in fear
of each other, we had not to arm ourselves to keep each other in check; our
relation was not that of self-interest, of exploration and spoliation of each
other's pockets; ideas and ideals were exchanged, gifts of the highest love
were offered and taken; no difference of languages and customs hindered us
in approaching each other heart to heart; no pride of race or insolent
consciousness of superiority, physical or mental, marred our relation; our arts
and literatures put forth new leaves and flowers under the influence of this
sunlight of united hearts; and races belonging to different lands and
languages and histories acknowledged the highest unity of man and the
deepest bond of love. May we not also remember that in those days of peace
and goodwill, of men uniting for those supreme ends of life, your nature laid
by for itself the balm of immortality which has helped your people to be born
again in a new age, to be able to survive its old outworn structures and take
on a new young body, to come out unscathed from the shock of the most
wonderful revolution that the world has ever seen?

The political civilization which has sprung up from the soil of Europe and is
overrunning the whole world, like some prolific weed, is based upon
exclusiveness. It is always watchful to keep the aliens at bay or to
exterminate them. It is carnivorous and cannibalistic in its tendencies, it feeds
upon the resources of other peoples and tries to swallow their whole future. It
is always afraid of other races achieving eminence, naming it as a peril, and
tries to thwart all symptoms of greatness outside its own boundaries, forcing
down races of men who are weaker, to be eternally fixed in their weakness.
Before this political civilization came to its power and opened its hungry
jaws wide enough to gulp down great continents of the earth, we had wars,
pillages, changes of monarchy and consequent miseries, but never such a
sight of fearful and hopeless voracity, such wholesale feeding of nation upon
nation, such huge machines for turning great portions of the earth into mince-
meat, never such terrible jealousies with all their ugly teeth and claws ready
for tearing open each other's vitals. This political civilization is scientific, not
human. It is powerful because it concentrates all its forces upon one purpose,
like a millionaire acquiring money at the cost of his soul. It betrays its trust, it
weaves its meshes of lies without shame, it enshrines gigantic idols of greed
in its temples, taking great pride in the costly ceremonials of its worship,
calling this patriotism. And it can be safely prophesied that this cannot go on,
for there is a moral law in this world which has its application both to
individuals and to organized bodies of men. You cannot go on violating these
laws in the name of your nation, yet enjoy their advantage as individuals.
This public sapping of ethical ideals slowly reacts upon each member of
society, gradually breeding weakness, where it is not seen, and causing that
cynical distrust of all things sacred in human nature, which is the true
symptom of senility. You must keep in mind that this political civilization,
this creed of national patriotism, has not been given a long trial. The lamp of
ancient Greece is extinct in the land where it was first lighted, the power of
Rome lies dead and buried under the ruins of its vast empire. But the
civilization, whose basis is society and the spiritual ideal of man, is still a
living thing in China and in India. Though it may look feeble and small,
judged by the standard of the mechanical power of modern days, yet like
small seeds it still contains life and will sprout and grow, and spread its
beneficent branches, producing flowers and fruits when its time comes and
showers of grace descend upon it from heaven. But ruins of sky-scrapers of
power and broken machinery of greed, even God's rain is powerless to raise
up again; for they were not of life, but went against life as a whole,—they are
relics of the rebellion that shattered itself to pieces against the eternal.

But the charge is brought against us that the ideals we cherish in the East are
static, that they have not the impetus in them to move, to open out new vistas
of knowledge and power, that the systems of philosophy which are the
mainstays of the time-worn civilizations of the East despise all outward
proofs, remaining stolidly satisfied in their subjective certainty. This proves
that when our knowledge is vague we are apt to accuse of vagueness our
object of knowledge itself. To a Western observer our civilization appears as
all metaphysics, as to a deaf man piano-playing appears to be mere
movements of fingers and no music. He cannot think that we have found
some deep basis of reality upon which we have built our institutions.

Unfortunately all proofs of reality are in realization. The reality of the scene
before you depends only upon the fact that you can see, and it is difficult for
us to prove to an unbeliever that our civilization is not a nebulous system of
abstract speculations, that it has achieved something which is a positive truth,
—a truth that can give man's heart its shelter and sustenance. It has evolved
an inner sense,—a sense of vision, the vision of the infinite reality in all finite
things.

But he says, "You do not make any progress, there is no movement in you." I
ask him, "How do you know it? You have to judge progress according to its
aim. A railway train makes its progress towards the terminus station,—it is
movement. But a full-grown tree has no definite movement of that kind, its
progress is the inward progress of life. It lives, with its aspiration towards
light tingling in its leaves and creeping in its silent sap."

We also have lived for centuries, we still live, and we have our aspiration for
a reality that has no end to its realization,—a reality that goes beyond death,
giving it a meaning, that rises above all evils of life, bringing its peace and
purity, its cheerful renunciation of self. The product of this inner life is a
living product. It will be needed when the youth returns home weary and
dust-laden, when the soldier is wounded, when the wealth is squandered
away and pride is humbled, when man's heart cries for truth in the immensity
of facts and harmony in the contradiction of tendencies. Its value is not in its
multiplication of materials, but in its spiritual fulfilment.

There are things that cannot wait. You have to rush and run and march if you
must fight or take the best place in the market. You strain your nerves and are
on the alert when you chase opportunities that are always on the wing. But
there are ideals which do not play hide-and-seek with our life; they slowly
grow from seed to flower, from flower to fruit; they require infinite space and
heaven's light to mature, and the fruits that they produce can survive years of
insult and neglect. The East with her ideals, in whose bosom are stored the
ages of sunlight and silence of stars, can patiently wait till the West, hurrying
after the expedient, loses breath and stops. Europe, while busily speeding to
her engagements, disdainfully casts her glance from her carriage window at
the reaper reaping his harvest in the field, and in her intoxication of speed
cannot but think him as slow and ever receding backwards. But the speed
comes to its end, the engagement loses its meaning and the hungry heart
clamours for food, till at last she comes to the lowly reaper reaping his
harvest in the sun. For if the office cannot wait, or the buying and selling, or
the craving for excitement, love waits and beauty and the wisdom of
suffering and the fruits of patient devotion and reverent meekness of simple
faith. And thus shall wait the East till her time comes.

I must not hesitate to acknowledge where Europe is great, for great she is
without doubt. We cannot help loving her with all our heart, and paying her
the best homage of our admiration,—the Europe who, in her literature and
art, pours out an inexhaustible cascade of beauty and truth fertilizing all
countries and all time; the Europe who, with a mind which is titanic in its
untiring power, is sweeping the height and the depth of the universe, winning
her homage of knowledge from the infinitely great and the infinitely small,
applying all the resources of her great intellect and heart in healing the sick
and alleviating those miseries of man which up till now we were contented to
accept in a spirit of hopeless resignation; the Europe who is making the earth
yield more fruit than seemed possible, coaxing and compelling the great
forces of nature into man's service. Such true greatness must have its motive
power in spiritual strength. For only the spirit of man can defy all limitations,
have faith in its ultimate success, throw its search-light beyond the immediate
and the apparent, gladly suffer martyrdom for ends which cannot be achieved
in its lifetime and accept failure without acknowledging defeat. In the heart of
Europe runs the purest stream of human love, of love of justice, of spirit of
self-sacrifice for higher ideals. The Christian culture of centuries has sunk
deep in her life's core. In Europe we have seen noble minds who have ever
stood up for the rights of man irrespective of colour and creed; who have
braved calumny and insult from their own people in fighting for humanity's
cause and raising their voices against the mad orgies of militarism, against
the rage for brutal retaliation or rapacity that sometimes takes possession of a
whole people; who are always ready to make reparation for wrongs done in
the past by their own nations and vainly attempt to stem the tide of cowardly
injustice that flows unchecked because the resistance is weak and innocuous
on the part of the injured. There are these knight-errants of modern Europe
who have not lost their faith in the disinterested love of freedom, in the ideals
which own no geographical boundaries or national self-seeking. These are
there to prove that the fountainhead of the water of everlasting life has not
run dry in Europe, and from thence she will have her rebirth time after time.
Only there, where Europe is too consciously busy in building up her power,
defying her deeper nature and mocking it, she is heaping up her iniquities to
the sky, crying for God's vengeance and spreading the infection of ugliness,
physical and moral, over the face of the earth with her heartless commerce
heedlessly outraging man's sense of the beautiful and the good. Europe is
supremely good in her beneficence where her face is turned to all humanity;
and Europe is supremely evil in her maleficent aspect where her face is
turned only upon her own interest, using all her power of greatness for ends
which are against the infinite and the eternal in Man.

Eastern Asia has been pursuing its own path, evolving its own civilization,
which was not political but social, not predatory and mechanically efficient
but spiritual and based upon all the varied and deeper relations of humanity.
The solutions of the life problems of peoples were thought out in seclusion
and carried out behind the security of aloofness, where all the dynastic
changes and foreign invasions hardly touched them. But now we are
overtaken by the outside world, our seclusion is lost for ever. Yet this we
must not regret, as a plant should never regret when the obscurity of its seed-
time is broken. Now the time has come when we must make the world
problem our own problem; we must bring the spirit of our civilization into
harmony with the history of all nations of the earth; we must not, in foolish
pride, still keep ourselves fast within the shell of the seed and the crust of the
earth which protected and nourished our ideals; for these, the shell and the
crust, were meant to be broken, so that life may spring up in all its vigour and
beauty, bringing its offerings to the world in open light.

In this task of breaking the barrier and facing the world Japan has come out
the first in the East. She has infused hope in the heart of all Asia. This hope
provides the hidden fire which is needed for all works of creation. Asia now
feels that she must prove her life by producing living work, she must not lie
passively dormant, or feebly imitate the West, in the infatuation of fear or
flattery. For this we offer our thanks to this Land of the Rising Sun and
solemnly ask her to remember that she has the mission of the East to fulfil.
She must infuse the sap of a fuller humanity into the heart of modern
civilization. She must never allow it to get choked with the noxious
undergrowth, but lead it up towards light and freedom, towards the pure air
and broad space, where it can receive, in the dawn of its day and the darkness
of its night, heaven's inspiration. Let the greatness of her ideals become
visible to all men like her snow-crowned Fuji rising from the heart of the
country into the region of the infinite, supremely distinct from its
surroundings, beautiful like a maiden in its magnificent sweep of curve, yet
firm and strong and serenely majestic.

II

I have travelled in many countries and have met with men of all classes, but
never in my travels did I feel the presence of the human so distinctly as in
this land. In other great countries signs of man's power loomed large, and I
saw vast organizations which showed efficiency in all their features. There,
display and extravagance, in dress, in furniture, in costly entertainments, are
startling. They seem to push you back into a corner, like a poor intruder at a
feast; they are apt to make you envious, or take your breath away with
amazement. There, you do not feel man as supreme; you are hurled against a
stupendousness of things that alienates. But in Japan it is not the display of
power, or wealth, that is the predominating element. You see everywhere
emblems of love and admiration, and not mostly of ambition and greed. You
see a people whose heart has come out and scattered itself in profusion in its
commonest utensils of everyday life, in its social institutions, in its manners,
which are carefully perfect, and in its dealings with things which are not only
deft but graceful in every movement.

What has impressed me most in this country is the conviction that you have
realized nature's secrets, not by methods of analytical knowledge, but by
sympathy. You have known her language of lines, and music of colours, the
symmetry in her irregularities, and the cadence in her freedom of movements;
you have seen how she leads her immense crowds of things yet avoids all
frictions; how the very conflicts in her creations break out in dance and
music; how her exuberance has the aspect of the fulness of self-abandonment,
and not a mere dissipation of display. You have discovered that nature
reserves her power in forms of beauty; and it is this beauty which, like a
mother, nourishes all the giant forces at her breast, keeping them in active
vigour, yet in repose. You have known that energies of nature save
themselves from wearing out by the rhythm of a perfect grace, and that she
with the tenderness of her curved lines takes away fatigue from the world's
muscles. I have felt that you have been able to assimilate these secrets into
your life, and the truth which lies in the beauty of all things has passed into
your souls. A mere knowledge of things can be had in a short enough time,
but their spirit can only be acquired by centuries of training and self-control.
Dominating nature from outside is a much simpler thing than making her
your own in love's delight, which is a work of true genius. Your race has
shown that genius, not by acquirement, but by creation; not by display of
things, but by manifestation of its own inner being. This creative power there
is in all nations, and it is ever active in getting hold of men's natures and
giving them a form according to its ideals. But here, in Japan, it seems to
have achieved its success, and deeply sunk into the minds of all men, and
permeated their muscles and nerves. Your instincts have become true, your
senses keen, and your hands have acquired natural skill. The genius of
Europe has given her people the power of organization, which has specially
made itself manifest in politics and commerce and in co-ordinating scientific
knowledge. The genius of Japan has given you the vision of beauty in nature
and the power of realizing it in your life.

All particular civilization is the interpretation of particular human experience.

Europe seems to have felt emphatically the conflict of things in the universe,
which can only be brought under control by conquest. Therefore she is ever
ready for fight, and the best portion of her attention is occupied in organizing
forces. But Japan has felt, in her world, the touch of some presence, which
has evoked in her soul a feeling of reverent adoration. She does not boast of
her mastery of nature, but to her she brings, with infinite care and joy, her
offerings of love. Her relationship with the world is the deeper relationship of
heart. This spiritual bond of love she has established with the hills of her
country, with the sea and the streams, with the forests in all their flowery
moods and varied physiognomy of branches; she has taken into her heart all
the rustling whispers and sighing of the woodlands and sobbing of the waves;
the sun and the moon she has studied in all the modulations of their lights and
shades, and she is glad to close her shops to greet the seasons in her orchards
and gardens and cornfields. This opening of the heart to the soul of the world
is not confined to a section of your privileged classes, it is not the forced
product of exotic culture, but it belongs to all your men and women of all
conditions. This experience of your soul, in meeting a personality in the heart
of the world, has been embodied in your civilization. It is a civilization of
human relationship. Your duty towards your state has naturally assumed the
character of filial duty, your nation becoming one family with your Emperor
as its head. Your national unity has not been evolved from the comradeship
of arms for defensive and offensive purpose, or from partnership in raiding
adventures, dividing among each member the danger and spoils of robbery. It
is not an outcome of the necessity of organization for some ulterior purpose,
but it is an extension of the family and the obligations of the heart in a wide
field of space and time. The ideal of "maitri" is at the bottom of your culture,
—"maitri" with men and "maitri" with Nature. And the true expression of this
love is in the language of beauty, which is so abundantly universal in this
land. This is the reason why a stranger, like myself, instead of feeling envy or
humiliation before these manifestations of beauty, these creations of love,
feels a readiness to participate in the joy and glory of such revealment of the
human heart.

And this has made me all the more apprehensive of the change which
threatens Japanese civilization, as something like a menace to one's own
person. For the huge heterogeneity of the modern age, whose only common
bond is usefulness, is nowhere so pitifully exposed against the dignity and
hidden power of reticent beauty as in Japan.

But the danger lies in this, that organized ugliness storms the mind and
carries the day by its mass, by its aggressive persistence, by its power of
mockery directed against the deeper sentiments of heart. Its harsh
obtrusiveness makes it forcibly visible to us, overcoming our senses,—and
we bring sacrifices to its altar, as does a savage to the fetich which appears
powerful because of its hideousness. Therefore its rivalry with things that are
modest and profound and have the subtle delicacy of life is to be dreaded.

I am quite sure that there are men in your country who are not in sympathy
with your inherited ideals; whose object is to gain, and not to grow. They are
loud in their boast that they have modernized Japan. While I agree with them
so far as to say that the spirit of the race should harmonize with the spirit of
the time, I must warn them that modernizing is a mere affectation of
modernism, just as affectation of poesy is poetizing. It is nothing but
mimicry, only affectation is louder than the original, and it is too literal. One
must bear in mind that those who have the true modern spirit need not
modernize, just as those who are truly brave are not braggarts. Modernism is
not in the dress of the Europeans; or in the hideous structures, where their
children are interned when they take their lessons; or in the square houses
with flat, straight wall-surfaces, pierced with parallel lines of windows, where
these people are caged in their lifetime; certainly modernism is not in their
ladies' bonnets, carrying on them loads of incongruities. These are not
modern, but merely European. True modernism is freedom of mind, not
slavery of taste. It is independence of thought and action, not tutelage under
European schoolmasters. It is science, but not its wrong application in life,—
a mere imitation of our science teachers who reduce it into a superstition,
absurdly invoking its aid for all impossible purposes.

Life based upon mere science is attractive to some men, because it has all the
characteristics of sport; it feigns seriousness, but is not profound. When you
go a-hunting, the less pity you have the better; for your one object is to chase
the game and kill it, to feel that you are the greater animal, that your method
of destruction is thorough and scientific. And the life of science is that
superficial life. It pursues success with skill and thoroughness, and takes no
account of the higher nature of man. But those whose minds are crude
enough to plan their lives upon the supposition that man is merely a hunter
and his paradise the paradise of sportsmen will be rudely awakened in the
midst of their trophies of skeletons and skulls.

I do not for a moment suggest that Japan should be unmindful of acquiring

modern weapons of self-protection. But this should never be allowed to go
beyond her instinct of self-preservation. She must know that the real power is
not in the weapons themselves, but in the man who wields those weapons;
and when he, in his eagerness for power, multiplies his weapons at the cost of
his own soul, then it is he who is in even greater danger than his enemies.

Things that are living are so easily hurt; therefore they require protection. In
nature, life protects itself within its coverings, which are built with life's own
material. Therefore they are in harmony with life's growth, or else when the
time comes they easily give way and are forgotten. The living man has his
true protection in his spiritual ideals, which have their vital connection with
his life and grow with his growth. But, unfortunately, all his armour is not
living,—some of it is made of steel, inert and mechanical. Therefore, while
making use of it, man has to be careful to protect himself from its tyranny. If
he is weak enough to grow smaller to fit himself to his covering, then it
becomes a process of gradual suicide by shrinkage of the soul. And Japan
must have a firm faith in the moral law of existence to be able to assert to
herself that the Western nations are following that path of suicide, where they
are smothering their humanity under the immense weight of organizations in
order to keep themselves in power and hold others in subjection.

What is dangerous for Japan is, not the imitation of the outer features of the
West, but the acceptance of the motive force of the Western nationalism as
her own. Her social ideals are already showing signs of defeat at the hands of
politics. I can see her motto, taken from science, "Survival of the Fittest,"
writ large at the entrance of her present-day history—the motto whose
meaning is, "Help yourself, and never heed what it costs to others"; the motto
of the blind man who only believes in what he can touch, because he cannot
see. But those who can see know that men are so closely knit that when you
strike others the blow comes back to yourself. The moral law, which is the
greatest discovery of man, is the discovery of this wonderful truth, that man
becomes all the truer the more he realizes himself in others. This truth has not
only a subjective value, but is manifested in every department of our life.
And nations who sedulously cultivate moral blindness as the cult of
patriotism will end their existence in a sudden and violent death. In past ages
we had foreign invasions, but they never touched the soul of the people
deeply. They were merely the outcome of individual ambitions. The people
themselves, being free from the responsibilities of the baser and more
heinous side of those adventures, had all the advantage of the heroic and the
human disciplines derived from them. This developed their unflinching
loyalty, their single-minded devotion to the obligations of honour, their
power of complete self-surrender and fearless acceptance of death and
danger. Therefore the ideals, whose seats were in the hearts of the people,
would not undergo any serious change owing to the policies adopted by the
kings or generals. But now, where the spirit of the Western nationalism
prevails, the whole people is being taught from boyhood to foster hatreds and
ambitions by all kinds of means—by the manufacture of half-truths and
untruths in history, by persistent misrepresentation of other races and the
culture of unfavourable sentiments towards them, by setting up memorials of
events, very often false, which for the sake of humanity should be speedily
forgotten, thus continually brewing evil menace towards neighbours and
nations other than their own. This is poisoning the very fountainhead of
humanity. It is discrediting the ideals, which were born of the lives of men
who were our greatest and best. It is holding up gigantic selfishness as the
one universal religion for all nations of the world. We can take anything else
from the hands of science, but not this elixir of moral death. Never think for a
moment that the hurts you inflict upon other races will not infect you, or that
the enmities you sow around your homes will be a wall of protection to you
for all time to come. To imbue the minds of a whole people with an abnormal
vanity of its own superiority, to teach it to take pride in its moral callousness
and ill-begotten wealth, to perpetuate humiliation of defeated nations by
exhibiting trophies won from war, and using these in schools in order to
breed in children's minds contempt for others, is imitating the West where she
has a festering sore, whose swelling is a swelling of disease eating into its
vitality.

Our food crops, which are necessary for our sustenance, are products of
centuries of selection and care. But the vegetation, which we have not to
transform into our lives, does not require the patient thoughts of generations.
It is not easy to get rid of weeds; but it is easy, by process of neglect, to ruin
your food crops and let them revert to their primitive state of wildness.
Likewise the culture, which has so kindly adapted itself to your soil—so
intimate with life, so human—not only needed tilling and weeding in past
ages, but still needs anxious work and watching. What is merely modern—as
science and methods of organization—can be transplanted; but what is vitally
human has fibres so delicate, and roots so numerous and far-reaching, that it
dies when moved from its soil. Therefore I am afraid of the rude pressure of
the political ideals of the West upon your own. In political civilization, the
state is an abstraction and relationship of men utilitarian. Because it has no
root in sentiments, it is so dangerously easy to handle. Half a century has
been enough for you to master this machine; and there are men among you
whose fondness for it exceeds their love for the living ideals, which were
born with the birth of your nation and nursed in your centuries. It is like a
child who, in the excitement of his play, imagines he likes his playthings
better than his mother.

Where man is at his greatest, he is unconscious. Your civilization, whose

mainspring is the bond of human relationship, has been nourished in the
depth of a healthy life beyond reach of prying self-analysis. But a mere
political relationship is all-conscious; it is an eruptive inflammation of
aggressiveness. It has forcibly burst upon your notice. And the time has come
when you have to be roused into full consciousness of the truth by which you
live, so that you may not be taken unawares. The past has been God's gift to
you; about the present, you must make your own choice.

So the questions you have to put to yourselves are these—"Have we read the
world wrong, and based our relation to it upon an ignorance of human
nature? Is the instinct of the West right, where she builds her national welfare
behind the barricade of a universal distrust of humanity?"

You must have detected a strong accent of fear whenever the West has
discussed the possibility of the rise of an Eastern race. The reason of it is this,
that the power by whose help she thrives is an evil power; so long as it is held
on her own side she can be safe, while the rest of the world trembles. The
vital ambition of the present civilization of Europe is to have the exclusive
possession of the devil. All her armaments and diplomacy are directed upon
this one object. But these costly rituals for invocation of the evil spirit lead
through a path of prosperity to the brink of cataclysm. The furies of terror,
which the West has let loose upon God's world, come back to threaten herself
and goad her into preparations of more and more frightfulness; this gives her
no rest, and makes her forget all else but the perils that she causes to others
and incurs herself. To the worship of this devil of politics she sacrifices other
countries as victims. She feeds upon their dead flesh and grows fat upon it, so
long as the carcasses remain fresh,—but they are sure to rot at last, and the
dead will take their revenge, by spreading pollution far and wide and
poisoning the vitality of the feeder. Japan had all her wealth of humanity, her
harmony of heroism and beauty, her depth of self-control and richness of
self-expression; yet the Western nations felt no respect for her till she proved
that the bloodhounds of Satan are not only bred in the kennels of Europe but
can also be domesticated in Japan and fed with man's miseries. They admit
Japan's equality with themselves, only when they know that Japan also
possesses the key to open the floodgate of hell-fire upon the fair earth
whenever she chooses, and can dance, in their own measure, the devil dance
of pillage, murder and ravishment of innocent women, while the world goes
to ruin. We know that, in the early stage of man's moral immaturity, he only
feels reverence for the god whose malevolence he dreads. But is this the ideal
of man which we can look up to with pride? After centuries of civilization
nations fearing each other like the prowling wild beasts of the night-time;
shutting their doors of hospitality; combining only for purpose of aggression
or defence; hiding in their holes their trade secrets, state secrets, secrets of
their armaments; making peace-offerings to each other's barking dogs with
the meat which does not belong to them; holding down fallen races which
struggle to stand upon their feet; with their right hands dispensing religion to
weaker peoples, while robbing them with their left,—is there anything in this
to make us envious? Are we to bend our knees to the spirit of this
nationalism, which is sowing broadcast over all the world seeds of fear,
greed, suspicion, unashamed lies of its diplomacy, and unctuous lies of its
profession of peace and good-will and universal brotherhood of Man? Can
our minds be free from doubt when we rush to the Western market to buy this
foreign product in exchange for our own inheritance? I am aware how
difficult it is to know one's self; and the man who is intoxicated furiously
denies his drunkenness; yet the West herself is anxiously thinking of her
problems and trying experiments. But she is like a glutton, who has not the
heart to give up his intemperance in eating, and fondly clings to the hope that
he can cure his nightmares of indigestion by medicine. Europe is not ready to
give up her political inhumanity, with all the baser passions of man attendant
upon it; she believes only in modification of systems, and not in change of
heart.

We are willing to buy their machine-made systems, not with our hearts, but
with our brains. We shall try them and build sheds for them, but not enshrine
them in our homes or temples. There are races who worship the animals they
kill; we can buy meat from them when we are hungry, but not the worship
which goes with the killing. We must not vitiate our children's minds with the
superstition that business is business, war is war, politics is politics. We must
know that man's business has to be more than mere business, and so should
be his war and politics. You had your own industry in Japan; how
scrupulously honest and true it was, you can see by its products,—by their
grace and strength, their conscientiousness in details, where they can hardly
be observed. But the tidal wave of falsehood has swept over your land from
that part of the world where business is business, and honesty is followed
merely as the best policy. Have you never felt shame when you see the trade
advertisements, not only plastering the whole town with lies and
exaggerations, but invading the green fields, where the peasants do their
honest labour, and the hill-tops, which greet the first pure light of the
morning? It is so easy to dull our sense of honour and delicacy of mind with
constant abrasion, while falsehoods stalk abroad with proud steps in the name
of trade, politics and patriotism, that any protest against their perpetual
intrusion into our lives is considered to be sentimentalism, unworthy of true
manliness.

And it has come to pass that the children of those heroes who would keep
their word at the point of death, who would disdain to cheat men for vulgar
profit, who even in their fight would much rather court defeat than be
dishonourable, have become energetic in dealing with falsehoods and do not
feel humiliated by gaining advantage from them. And this has been effected
by the charm of the word "modern." But if undiluted utility be modern,
beauty is of all ages; if mean selfishness be modern, the human ideals are no
new inventions. And we must know for certain that however modern may be
the proficiency which cripples man for the sake of methods and machines, it
will never live to be old.

But while trying to free our minds from the arrogant claims of Europe and to
help ourselves out of the quicksands of our infatuation, we may go to the
other extreme and blind ourselves with a wholesale suspicion of the West.
The reaction of disillusionment is just as unreal as the first shock of illusion.
We must try to come to that normal state of mind by which we can clearly
discern our own danger and avoid it without being unjust towards the source
of that danger. There is always the natural temptation in us of wishing to pay
back Europe in her own coin, and return contempt for contempt and evil for
evil. But that again would be to imitate Europe in one of her worst features,
which comes out in her behaviour to people whom she describes as yellow or
red, brown or black. And this is a point on which we in the East have to
acknowledge our guilt and own that our sin has been as great, if not greater,
when we insulted humanity by treating with utter disdain and cruelty men
who belonged to a particular creed, colour or caste. It is really because we are
afraid of our own weakness, which allows itself to be overcome by the sight
of power, that we try to substitute for it another weakness which makes itself
blind to the glories of the West. When we truly know the Europe which is
great and good, we can effectively save ourselves from the Europe which is
mean and grasping. It is easy to be unfair in one's judgment when one is
faced with human miseries,—and pessimism is the result of building theories
while the mind is suffering. To despair of humanity is only possible if we
lose faith in truth which brings to it strength, when its defeat is greatest, and
calls out new life from the depth of its destruction. We must admit that there
is a living soul in the West which is struggling unobserved against the
hugeness of the organizations under which men, women and children are
being crushed, and whose mechanical necessities are ignoring laws that are
spiritual and human,—the soul whose sensibilities refuse to be dulled
completely by dangerous habits of heedlessness in dealings with races for
whom it lacks natural sympathy. The West could never have risen to the
eminence she has reached if her strength were merely the strength of the
brute or of the machine. The divine in her heart is suffering from the injuries
inflicted by her hands upon the world,—and from this pain of her higher
nature flows the secret balm which will bring healing to those injuries. Time
after time she has fought against herself and has undone the chains which
with her own hands she had fastened round helpless limbs; and though she
forced poison down the throat of a great nation at the point of the sword for
gain of money, she herself woke up to withdraw from it, to wash her hands
clean again. This shows hidden springs of humanity in spots which look dead
and barren. It proves that the deeper truth in her nature, which can survive
such a career of cruel cowardliness, is not greed, but reverence for unselfish
ideals. It would be altogether unjust, both to us and to Europe, to say that she
has fascinated the modern Eastern mind by the mere exhibition of her power.
Through the smoke of cannons and dust of markets the light of her moral
nature has shone bright, and she has brought to us the ideal of ethical
freedom, whose foundation lies deeper than social conventions and whose
province of activity is world-wide.

The East has instinctively felt, even through her aversion, that she has a great
deal to learn from Europe, not merely about the materials of power, but about
its inner source, which is of mind and of the moral nature of man. Europe has
been teaching us the higher obligations of public good above those of the
family and the clan, and the sacredness of law, which makes society
independent of individual caprice, secures for it continuity of progress, and
guarantees justice to all men of all positions in life. Above all things Europe
has held high before our minds the banner of liberty, through centuries of
martyrdom and achievement,—liberty of conscience, liberty of thought and
action, liberty in the ideals of art and literature. And because Europe has won
our deep respect, she has become so dangerous for us where she is
turbulently weak and false,—dangerous like poison when it is served along
with our best food. There is one safety for us upon which we hope we may
count, and that is, that we can claim Europe herself as our ally in our
resistance to her temptations and to her violent encroachments; for she has
ever carried her own standard of perfection, by which we can measure her
falls and gauge her degrees of failure, by which we can call her before her
own tribunal and put her to shame,—the shame which is the sign of the true
pride of nobleness.

But our fear is, that the poison may be more powerful than the food, and what
is strength in her to-day may not be the sign of health, but the contrary; for it
may be temporarily caused by the upsetting of the balance of life. Our fear is
that evil has a fateful fascination when it assumes dimensions which are
colossal,—and though at last it is sure to lose its centre of gravity by its
abnormal disproportion, the mischief which it creates before its fall may be
beyond reparation.

Therefore I ask you to have the strength of faith and clarity of mind to know
for certain that the lumbering structure of modern progress, riveted by the
iron bolts of efficiency, which runs upon the wheels of ambition, cannot hold
together for long. Collisions are certain to occur; for it has to travel upon
organized lines, it is too heavy to choose its own course freely; and once it is
off the rails, its endless train of vehicles is dislocated. A day will come when
it will fall in a heap of ruin and cause serious obstruction to the traffic of the
world. Do we not see signs of this even now? Does not the voice come to us,
through the din of war, the shrieks of hatred, the wailings of despair, through
the churning up of the unspeakable filth which has been accumulating for
ages in the bottom of this nationalism,—the voice which cries to our soul that
the tower of national selfishness, which goes by the name of patriotism,
which has raised its banner of treason against heaven, must totter and fall
with a crash, weighed down by its own bulk, its flag kissing the dust, its light
extinguished? My brothers, when the red light of conflagration sends up its
crackle of laughter to the stars, keep your faith upon those stars and not upon
the fire of destruction. For when this conflagration consumes itself and dies
down, leaving its memorial in ashes, the eternal light will again shine in the
East,—the East which has been the birthplace of the morning sun of man's
history. And who knows if that day has not already dawned, and the sun not
risen, in the Easternmost horizon of Asia? And I offer, as did my ancestor
rishis, my salutation to that sunrise of the East, which is destined once again
to illumine the whole world.

I know my voice is too feeble to raise itself above the uproar of this bustling
time, and it is easy for any street urchin to fling against me the epithet of
"unpractical." It will stick to my coat-tail, never to be washed away,
effectively excluding me from the consideration of all respectable persons. I
know what a risk one runs from the vigorously athletic crowds in being styled
an idealist in these days, when thrones have lost their dignity and prophets
have become an anachronism, when the sound that drowns all voices is the
noise of the market-place. Yet when, one day, standing on the outskirts of
Yokohama town, bristling with its display of modern miscellanies, I watched
the sunset in your southern sea, and saw its peace and majesty among your
pine-clad hills,—with the great Fujiyama growing faint against the golden
horizon, like a god overcome with his own radiance,—the music of eternity
welled up through the evening silence, and I felt that the sky and the earth
and the lyrics of the dawn and the dayfall are with the poets and idealists, and
not with the marketmen robustly contemptuous of all sentiment,—that, after
the forgetfulness of his own divinity, man will remember again that heaven is
always in touch with his world, which can never be abandoned for good to
the hounding wolves of the modern era, scenting human blood and howling
to the skies.

NATIONALISM IN INDIA

NATIONALISM IN INDIA

Our real problem in India is not political. It is social. This is a condition not
only prevailing in India, but among all nations. I do not believe in an
exclusive political interest. Politics in the West have dominated Western
ideals, and we in India are trying to imitate you. We have to remember that in
Europe, where peoples had their racial unity from the beginning, and where
natural resources were insufficient for the inhabitants, the civilization has
naturally taken the character of political and commercial aggressiveness. For
on the one hand they had no internal complications, and on the other they had
to deal with neighbours who were strong and rapacious. To have perfect
combination among themselves and a watchful attitude of animosity against
others was taken as the solution of their problems. In former days they
organized and plundered, in the present age the same spirit continues—and
they organize and exploit the whole world.

But from the earliest beginnings of history India has had her own problem
constantly before her—it is the race problem. Each nation must be conscious
of its mission, and we, in India, must realize that we cut a poor figure when
we are trying to be political, simply because we have not yet been finally able
to accomplish what was set before us by our providence.

This problem of race unity which we have been trying to solve for so many
years has likewise to be faced by you here in America. Many people in this
country ask me what is happening as to the caste distinctions in India. But
when this question is asked me, it is usually done with a superior air. And I
feel tempted to put the same question to our American critics with a slight
modification, "What have you done with the Red Indian and the Negro?" For
you have not got over your attitude of caste toward them. You have used
violent methods to keep aloof from other races, but until you have solved the
question here in America, you have no right to question India.

In spite of our great difficulty, however, India has done something. She has
tried to make an adjustment of races, to acknowledge the real differences
between them where these exist, and yet seek for some basis of unity. This
basis has come through our saints, like Nanak, Kabir, Chaitnaya and others,
preaching one God to all races of India.

In finding the solution of our problem we shall have helped to solve the
world problem as well. What India has been, the whole world is now. The
whole world is becoming one country through scientific facility. And the
moment is arriving when you also must find a basis of unity which is not
political. If India can offer to the world her solution, it will be a contribution
to humanity. There is only one history—the history of man. All national
histories are merely chapters in the larger one. And we are content in India to
suffer for such a great cause.

Each individual has his self-love. Therefore his brute instinct leads him to
fight with others in the sole pursuit of his self-interest. But man has also his
higher instincts of sympathy and mutual help. The people who are lacking in
this higher moral power and who therefore cannot combine in fellowship
with one another must perish or live in a state of degradation. Only those
peoples have survived and achieved civilization who have this spirit of co-
operation strong in them. So we find that from the beginning of history men
had to choose between fighting with one another and combining, between
serving their own interest or the common interest of all.

In our early history, when the geographical limits of each country and also
the facilities of communication were small, this problem was comparatively
small in dimension. It was sufficient for men to develop their sense of unity
within their area of segregation. In those days they combined among
themselves and fought against others. But it was this moral spirit of
combination which was the true basis of their greatness, and this fostered
their art, science and religion. At that early time the most important fact that
man had to take count of was the fact of the members of one particular race
of men coming in close contact with one another. Those who truly grasped
this fact through their higher nature made their mark in history.

The most important fact of the present age is that all the different races of
men have come close together. And again we are confronted with two
alternatives. The problem is whether the different groups of peoples shall go
on fighting with one another or find out some true basis of reconciliation and
mutual help; whether it will be interminable competition or co-operation.

I have no hesitation in saying that those who are gifted with the moral power
of love and vision of spiritual unity, who have the least feeling of enmity
against aliens, and the sympathetic insight to place themselves in the position
of others, will be the fittest to take their permanent place in the age that is
lying before us, and those who are constantly developing their instinct of
fight and intolerance of aliens will be eliminated. For this is the problem
before us, and we have to prove our humanity by solving it through the help
of our higher nature. The gigantic organizations for hurting others and
warding off their blows, for making money by dragging others back, will not
help us. On the contrary, by their crushing weight, their enormous cost and
their deadening effect upon living humanity, they will seriously impede our
freedom in the larger life of a higher civilization.

During the evolution of the Nation the moral culture of brotherhood was
limited by geographical boundaries, because at that time those boundaries
were true. Now they have become imaginary lines of tradition divested of the
qualities of real obstacles. So the time has come when man's moral nature
must deal with this great fact with all seriousness or perish. The first impulse
of this change of circumstance has been the churning up of man's baser
passions of greed and cruel hatred. If this persists indefinitely, and armaments
go on exaggerating themselves to unimaginable absurdities, and machines
and storehouses envelop this fair earth with their dirt and smoke and ugliness,
then it will end in a conflagration of suicide. Therefore man will have to exert
all his power of love and clarity of vision to make another great moral
adjustment which will comprehend the whole world of men and not merely
the fractional groups of nationality. The call has come to every individual in
the present age to prepare himself and his surroundings for this dawn of a
new era, when man shall discover his soul in the spiritual unity of all human
beings.

If it is given at all to the West to struggle out of these tangles of the lower
slopes to the spiritual summit of humanity then I cannot but think that it is the
special mission of America to fulfil this hope of God and man. You are the
country of expectation, desiring something else than what is. Europe has her
subtle habits of mind and her conventions. But America, as yet, has come to
no conclusions. I realize how much America is untrammelled by the
traditions of the past, and I can appreciate that experimentalism is a sign of
America's youth. The foundation of her glory is in the future, rather than in
the past; and if one is gifted with the power of clairvoyance, one will be able
to love the America that is to be.

America is destined to justify Western civilization to the East. Europe has

lost faith in humanity, and has become distrustful and sickly. America, on the
other hand, is not pessimistic or blasé. You know, as a people, that there is
such a thing as a better and a best; and that knowledge drives you on. There
are habits that are not merely passive but aggressively arrogant. They are not
like mere walls, but are like hedges of stinging nettles. Europe has been
cultivating these hedges of habits for long years, till they have grown round
her dense and strong and high. The pride of her traditions has sent its roots
deep into her heart. I do not wish to contend that it is unreasonable. But pride
in every form breeds blindness at the end. Like all artificial stimulants its first
effect is a heightening of consciousness, and then with the increasing dose it
muddles it and brings an exultation that is misleading. Europe has gradually
grown hardened in her pride in all her outer and inner habits. She not only
cannot forget that she is Western, but she takes every opportunity to hurl this
fact against others to humiliate them. This is why she is growing incapable of
imparting to the East what is best in herself, and of accepting in a right spirit
the wisdom that the East has stored for centuries.

In America national habits and traditions have not had time to spread their
clutching roots round your hearts. You have constantly felt and complained
of your disadvantages when you compared your nomadic restlessness with
the settled traditions of Europe—the Europe which can show her picture of
greatness to the best advantage because she can fix it against the background
of the Past. But in this present age of transition, when a new era of
civilization is sending its trumpet-call to all peoples of the world across an
unlimited future, this very freedom of detachment will enable you to accept
its invitation and to achieve the goal for which Europe began her journey but
lost herself midway. For she was tempted out of her path by her pride of
power and greed of possession.

Not merely your freedom from habits of mind in individuals, but also the
freedom of your history from all unclean entanglements, fits you in your
career of holding the banner of civilization of the future. All the great nations
of Europe have their victims in other parts of the world. This not only
deadens their moral sympathy but also their intellectual sympathy, which is
so necessary for the understanding of races which are different from one's
own. Englishmen can never truly understand India, because their minds are
not disinterested with regard to that country. If you compare England with
Germany or France you will find she has produced the smallest number of
scholars who have studied Indian literature and philosophy with any amount
of sympathetic insight or thoroughness. This attitude of apathy and contempt
is natural where the relationship is abnormal and founded upon national
selfishness and pride. But your history has been disinterested, and that is why
you have been able to help Japan in her lessons in Western civilization, and
that is why China can look upon you with her best confidence in this her
darkest period of danger. In fact you are carrying all the responsibility of a
great future because you are untrammelled by the grasping miserliness of a
past. Therefore of all countries of the earth America has to be fully conscious
of this future, her vision must not be obscured and her faith in humanity must
be strong with the strength of youth.

A parallelism exists between America and India—the parallelism of welding

together into one body various races.

In my country we have been seeking to find out something common to all

races, which will prove their real unity. No nation looking for a mere political
or commercial basis of unity will find such a solution sufficient. Men of
thought and power will discover the spiritual unity, will realize it, and preach
it.

India has never had a real sense of nationalism. Even though from childhood
I had been taught that idolatry of the Nation is almost better than reverence
for God and humanity, I believe I have outgrown that teaching, and it is my
conviction that my countrymen will truly gain their India by fighting against
the education which teaches them that a country is greater than the ideals of
humanity.

The educated Indian at present is trying to absorb some lessons from history
contrary to the lessons of our ancestors. The East, in fact, is attempting to
take unto itself a history which is not the outcome of its own living. Japan,
for example, thinks she is getting powerful through adopting Western
methods, but, after she has exhausted her inheritance, only the borrowed
weapons of civilization will remain to her. She will not have developed
herself from within.

Europe has her past. Europe's strength therefore lies in her history. We, in
India, must make up our minds that we cannot borrow other people's history,
and that if we stifle our own we are committing suicide. When you borrow
things that do not belong to your life, they only serve to crush your life.

And therefore I believe that it does India no good to compete with Western
civilization in its own field. But we shall be more than compensated if, in
spite of the insults heaped upon us, we follow our own destiny.

There are lessons which impart information or train our minds for intellectual
pursuits. These are simple and can be acquired and used with advantage. But
there are others which affect our deeper nature and change our direction of
life. Before we accept them and pay their value by selling our own
inheritance, we must pause and think deeply. In man's history there come
ages of fireworks which dazzle us by their force and movement. They laugh
not only at our modest household lamps but also at the eternal stars. But let
us not for that provocation be precipitate in our desire to dismiss our lamps.
Let us patiently bear our present insult and realize that these fireworks have
splendour but not permanence, because of the extreme explosiveness which is
the cause of their power, and also of their exhaustion. They are spending a
fatal quantity of energy and substance compared to their gain and production.

Anyhow, our ideals have been evolved through our own history, and even if
we wished we could only make poor fireworks of them, because their
materials are different from yours, as is also their moral purpose. If we
cherish the desire of paying our all to buy a political nationality it will be as
absurd as if Switzerland had staked her existence on her ambition to build up
a navy powerful enough to compete with that of England. The mistake that
we make is in thinking that man's channel of greatness is only one—the one
which has made itself painfully evident for the time being by its depth of
insolence.

We must know for certain that there is a future before us and that future is
waiting for those who are rich in moral ideals and not in mere things. And it
is the privilege of man to work for fruits that are beyond his immediate reach,
and to adjust his life not in slavish conformity to the examples of some
present success or even to his own prudent past, limited in its aspiration, but
to an infinite future bearing in its heart the ideals of our highest expectations.

We must recognize that it is providential that the West has come to India.
And yet some one must show the East to the West, and convince the West
that the East has her contribution to make to the history of civilization. India
is no beggar of the West. And yet even though the West may think she is, I
am not for thrusting off Western civilization and becoming segregated in our
independence. Let us have a deep association. If Providence wants England
to be the channel of that communication, of that deeper association, I am
willing to accept it with all humility. I have great faith in human nature, and I
think the West will find its true mission. I speak bitterly of Western
civilization when I am conscious that it is betraying its trust and thwarting its
own purpose. The West must not make herself a curse to the world by using
her power for her own selfish needs, but, by teaching the ignorant and
helping the weak, she should save herself from the worst danger that the
strong is liable to incur by making the feeble acquire power enough to resist
her intrusion. And also she must not make her materialism to be the final
thing, but must realize that she is doing a service in freeing the spiritual being
from the tyranny of matter.

I am not against one nation in particular, but against the general idea of all
nations. What is the Nation?

It is the aspect of a whole people as an organized power. This organization

incessantly keeps up the insistence of the population on becoming strong and
efficient. But this strenuous effort after strength and efficiency drains man's
energy from his higher nature where he is self-sacrificing and creative. For
thereby man's power of sacrifice is diverted from his ultimate object, which is
moral, to the maintenance of this organization, which is mechanical. Yet in
this he feels all the satisfaction of moral exaltation and therefore becomes
supremely dangerous to humanity. He feels relieved of the urging of his
conscience when he can transfer his responsibility to this machine which is
the creation of his intellect and not of his complete moral personality. By this
device the people which loves freedom perpetuates slavery in a large portion
of the world with the comfortable feeling of pride of having done its duty;
men who are naturally just can be cruelly unjust both in their act and their
thought, accompanied by a feeling that they are helping the world to receive
its deserts; men who are honest can blindly go on robbing others of their
human rights for self-aggrandizement, all the while abusing the deprived for
not deserving better treatment. We have seen in our everyday life even small
organizations of business and profession produce callousness of feeling in
men who are not naturally bad, and we can well imagine what a moral havoc
it is causing in a world where whole peoples are furiously organizing
themselves for gaining wealth and power.

Nationalism is a great menace. It is the particular thing which for years has
been at the bottom of India's troubles. And inasmuch as we have been ruled
and dominated by a nation that is strictly political in its attitude, we have tried
to develop within ourselves, despite our inheritance from the past, a belief in
our eventual political destiny.

There are different parties in India, with different ideals. Some are struggling
for political independence. Others think that the time has not arrived for that,
and yet believe that India should have the rights that the English colonies
have. They wish to gain autonomy as far as possible.

In the beginning of the history of political agitation in India there was not the
conflict between parties which there is to-day. At that time there was a party
known as the Indian Congress; it had no real programme. They had a few
grievances for redress by the authorities. They wanted larger representation in
the Council House, and more freedom in Municipal government. They
wanted scraps of things, but they had no constructive ideal. Therefore I was
lacking in enthusiasm for their methods. It was my conviction that what India
most needed was constructive work coming from within herself. In this work
we must take all risks and go on doing the duties which by right are ours,
though in the teeth of persecution; winning moral victory at every step, by
our failure and suffering. We must show those who are over us that we have
in ourselves the strength of moral power, the power to suffer for truth. Where
we have nothing to show, we have only to beg. It would be mischievous if the
gifts we wish for were granted to us at once, and I have told my countrymen,
time and again, to combine for the work of creating opportunities to give vent
to our spirit of self-sacrifice, and not for the purpose of begging.

The party, however, lost power because the people soon came to realize how
futile was the half policy adopted by them. The party split, and there arrived
the Extremists, who advocated independence of action, and discarded the
begging method,—the easiest method of relieving one's mind from his
responsibility towards his country. Their ideals were based on Western
history. They had no sympathy with the special problems of India. They did
not recognize the patent fact that there were causes in our social organization
which made the Indian incapable of coping with the alien. What should we
do if, for any reason, England was driven away? We should simply be
victims for other nations. The same social weaknesses would prevail. The
thing we in India have to think of is this—to remove those social customs and
ideals which have generated a want of self-respect and a complete
dependence on those above us,—a state of affairs which has been brought
about entirely by the domination in India of the caste system, and the blind
and lazy habit of relying upon the authority of traditions that are incongruous
anachronisms in the present age.

Once again I draw your attention to the difficulties India has had to encounter
and her struggle to overcome them. Her problem was the problem of the
world in miniature. India is too vast in its area and too diverse in its races. It
is many countries packed in one geographical receptacle. It is just the
opposite of what Europe truly is, namely, one country made into many. Thus
Europe in its culture and growth has had the advantage of the strength of the
many as well as the strength of the one. India, on the contrary, being naturally
many, yet adventitiously one, has all along suffered from the looseness of its
diversity and the feebleness of its unity. A true unity is like a round globe, it
rolls on, carrying its burden easily; but diversity is a many-cornered thing
which has to be dragged and pushed with all force. Be it said to the credit of
India that this diversity was not her own creation; she has had to accept it as a
fact from the beginning of her history. In America and Australia, Europe has
simplified her problem by almost exterminating the original population. Even
in the present age this spirit of extermination is making itself manifest, in the
inhospitable shutting out of aliens, by those who themselves were aliens in
the lands they now occupy. But India tolerated difference of races from the
first, and that spirit of toleration has acted all through her history.

Her caste system is the outcome of this spirit of toleration. For India has all
along been trying experiments in evolving a social unity within which all the
different peoples could be held together, while fully enjoying the freedom of
maintaining their own differences. The tie has been as loose as possible, yet
as close as the circumstances permitted. This has produced something like a
United States of a social federation, whose common name is Hinduism.
India had felt that diversity of races there must be and should be, whatever
may be its drawback, and you can never coerce nature into your narrow limits
of convenience without paying one day very dearly for it. In this India was
right; but what she failed to realize was that in human beings differences are
not like the physical barriers of mountains, fixed for ever—they are fluid with
life's flow, they are changing their courses and their shapes and volume.

Therefore in her caste regulations India recognized differences, but not the
mutability which is the law of life. In trying to avoid collisions she set up
boundaries of immovable walls, thus giving to her numerous races the
negative benefit of peace and order but not the positive opportunity of
expansion and movement. She accepted nature where it produces diversity,
but ignored it where it uses that diversity for its world-game of infinite
permutations and combinations. She treated life in all truth where it is
manifold, but insulted it where it is ever moving. Therefore Life departed
from her social system and in its place she is worshipping with all ceremony
the magnificent cage of countless compartments that she has manufactured.

The same thing happened where she tried to ward off the collisions of trade
interests. She associated different trades and professions with different castes.
This had the effect of allaying for good the interminable jealousy and hatred
of competition—the competition which breeds cruelty and makes the
atmosphere thick with lies and deception. In this also India laid all her
emphasis upon the law of heredity, ignoring the law of mutation, and thus
gradually reduced arts into crafts and genius into skill.

However, what Western observers fail to discern is that in her caste system
India in all seriousness accepted her responsibility to solve the race problem
in such a manner as to avoid all friction, and yet to afford each race freedom
within its boundaries. Let us admit India has not in this achieved a full
measure of success. But this you must also concede, that the West, being
more favourably situated as to homogeneity of races, has never given her
attention to this problem, and whenever confronted with it she has tried to
make it easy by ignoring it altogether. And this is the source of her anti-
Asiatic agitations for depriving aliens of their right to earn their honest living
on these shores. In most of your colonies you only admit them on condition
of their accepting the menial position of hewers of wood and drawers of
water. Either you shut your doors against the aliens or reduce them into
slavery. And this is your solution of the problem of race-conflict. Whatever
may be its merits you will have to admit that it does not spring from the
higher impulses of civilization, but from the lower passions of greed and
hatred. You say this is human nature—and India also thought she knew
human nature when she strongly barricaded her race distinctions by the fixed
barriers of social gradations. But we have found out to our cost that human
nature is not what it seems, but what it is in truth; which is in its infinite
possibilities. And when we in our blindness insult humanity for its ragged
appearance it sheds its disguise to disclose to us that we have insulted our
God. The degradation which we cast upon others in our pride or self-interest
degrades our own humanity—and this is the punishment which is most
terrible, because we do not detect it till it is too late.

Not only in your relation with aliens but with the different sections of your
own society you have not achieved harmony of reconciliation. The spirit of
conflict and competition is allowed the full freedom of its reckless career.
And because its genesis is the greed of wealth and power it can never come to
any other end but to a violent death. In India the production of commodities
was brought under the law of social adjustments. Its basis was co-operation,
having for its object the perfect satisfaction of social needs. But in the West it
is guided by the impulse of competition, whose end is the gain of wealth for
individuals. But the individual is like the geometrical line; it is length without
breadth. It has not got the depth to be able to hold anything permanently.
Therefore its greed or gain can never come to finality. In its lengthening
process of growth it can cross other lines and cause entanglements, but will
ever go on missing the ideal of completeness in its thinness of isolation.

In all our physical appetites we recognize a limit. We know that to exceed

that limit is to exceed the limit of health. But has this lust for wealth and
power no bounds beyond which is death's dominion? In these national
carnivals of materialism are not the Western peoples spending most of their
vital energy in merely producing things and neglecting the creation of ideals?
And can a civilization ignore the law of moral health and go on in its endless
process of inflation by gorging upon material things? Man in his social ideals
naturally tries to regulate his appetites, subordinating them to the higher
purpose of his nature. But in the economic world our appetites follow no
other restrictions but those of supply and demand which can be artificially
fostered, affording individuals opportunities for indulgence in an endless
feast of grossness. In India our social instincts imposed restrictions upon our
appetites,—maybe it went to the extreme of repression,—but in the West the
spirit of economic organization with no moral purpose goads the people into
the perpetual pursuit of wealth; but has this no wholesome limit?

The ideals that strive to take form in social institutions have two objects. One
is to regulate our passions and appetites for the harmonious development of
man, and the other is to help him to cultivate disinterested love for his fellow-
creatures. Therefore society is the expression of those moral and spiritual
aspirations of man which belong to his higher nature.

Our food is creative, it builds our body; but not so wine, which stimulates.
Our social ideals create the human world, but when our mind is diverted from
them to greed of power then in that state of intoxication we live in a world of
abnormality where our strength is not health and our liberty is not freedom.
Therefore political freedom does not give us freedom when our mind is not
free. An automobile does not create freedom of movement, because it is a
mere machine. When I myself am free I can use the automobile for the
purpose of my freedom.

We must never forget in the present day that those people who have got their
political freedom are not necessarily free, they are merely powerful. The
passions which are unbridled in them are creating huge organizations of
slavery in the disguise of freedom. Those who have made the gain of money
their highest end are unconsciously selling their life and soul to rich persons
or to the combinations that represent money. Those who are enamoured of
their political power and gloat over their extension of dominion over foreign
races gradually surrender their own freedom and humanity to the
organizations necessary for holding other peoples in slavery. In the so-called
free countries the majority of the people are not free, they are driven by the
minority to a goal which is not even known to them. This becomes possible
only because people do not acknowledge moral and spiritual freedom as their
object. They create huge eddies with their passions, and they feel dizzily
inebriated with the mere velocity of their whirling movement, taking that to
be freedom. But the doom which is waiting to overtake them is as certain as
death—for man's truth is moral truth and his emancipation is in the spiritual
life.

The general opinion of the majority of the present-day nationalists in India is

that we have come to a final completeness in our social and spiritual ideals,
the task of the constructive work of society having been done several
thousand years before we were born, and that now we are free to employ all
our activities in the political direction. We never dream of blaming our social
inadequacy as the origin of our present helplessness, for we have accepted as
the creed of our nationalism that this social system has been perfected for all
time to come by our ancestors, who had the superhuman vision of all eternity
and supernatural power for making infinite provision for future ages.
Therefore, for all our miseries and shortcomings, we hold responsible the
historical surprises that burst upon us from outside. This is the reason why we
think that our one task is to build a political miracle of freedom upon the
quicksand of social slavery. In fact we want to dam up the true course of our
own historical stream, and only borrow power from the sources of other
peoples' history.

Those of us in India who have come under the delusion that mere political
freedom will make us free have accepted their lessons from the West as the
gospel truth and lost their faith in humanity. We must remember whatever
weakness we cherish in our society will become the source of danger in
politics. The same inertia which leads us to our idolatry of dead forms in
social institutions will create in our politics prison-houses with immovable
walls. The narrowness of sympathy which makes it possible for us to impose
upon a considerable portion of humanity the galling yoke of inferiority will
assert itself in our politics in creating the tyranny of injustice.

When our nationalists talk about ideals they forget that the basis of
nationalism is wanting. The very people who are upholding these ideals are
themselves the most conservative in their social practice. Nationalists say, for
example, look at Switzerland where, in spite of race differences, the peoples
have solidified into a nation. Yet, remember that in Switzerland the races can
mingle, they can intermarry, because they are of the same blood. In India
there is no common birthright. And when we talk of Western Nationality we
forget that the nations there do not have that physical repulsion, one for the
other, that we have between different castes. Have we an instance in the
whole world where a people who are not allowed to mingle their blood shed
their blood for one another except by coercion or for mercenary purposes?
And can we ever hope that these moral barriers against our race
amalgamation will not stand in the way of our political unity?

Then again we must give full recognition to this fact that our social
restrictions are still tyrannical, so much so as to make men cowards. If a man
tells me he has heterodox ideas, but that he cannot follow them because he
would be socially ostracized, I excuse him for having to live a life of untruth,
in order to live at all. The social habit of mind which impels us to make the
life of our fellow-beings a burden to them where they differ from us even in
such a thing as their choice of food, is sure to persist in our political
organization and result in creating engines of coercion to crush every rational
difference which is the sign of life. And tyranny will only add to the
inevitable lies and hypocrisy in our political life. Is the mere name of freedom
so valuable that we should be willing to sacrifice for its sake our moral
freedom?

The intemperance of our habits does not immediately show its effects when
we are in the vigour of our youth. But it gradually consumes that vigour, and
when the period of decline sets in then we have to settle accounts and pay off
our debts, which leads us to insolvency. In the West you are still able to carry
your head high, though your humanity is suffering every moment from its
dipsomania of organizing power. India also in the heyday of her youth could
carry in her vital organs the dead weight of her social organizations stiffened
to rigid perfection, but it has been fatal to her, and has produced a gradual
paralysis of her living nature. And this is the reason why the educated
community of India has become insensible of her social needs. They are
taking the very immobility of our social structures as the sign of their
perfection,—and because the healthy feeling of pain is dead in the limbs of
our social organism they delude themselves into thinking that it needs no
ministration. Therefore they think that all their energies need their only scope
in the political field. It is like a man whose legs have become shrivelled and
useless, trying to delude himself that these limbs have grown still because
they have attained their ultimate salvation, and all that is wrong about him is
the shortness of his sticks.
So much for the social and the political regeneration of India. Now we come
to her industries, and I am very often asked whether there is in India any
industrial regeneration since the advent of the British Government. It must be
remembered that at the beginning of the British rule in India our industries
were suppressed, and since then we have not met with any real help or
encouragement to enable us to make a stand against the monster commercial
organizations of the world. The nations have decreed that we must remain
purely an agricultural people, even forgetting the use of arms for all time to
come. Thus India is being turned into so many predigested morsels of food
ready to be swallowed at any moment by any nation which has even the most
rudimentary set of teeth in its head.

India therefore has very little outlet for her industrial originality. I personally
do not believe in the unwieldy organizations of the present day. The very fact
that they are ugly shows that they are in discordance with the whole creation.
The vast powers of nature do not reveal their truth in hideousness, but in
beauty. Beauty is the signature which the Creator stamps upon His works
when He is satisfied with them. All our products that insolently ignore the
laws of perfection and are unashamed in their display of ungainliness bear the
perpetual weight of God's displeasure. So far as your commerce lacks the
dignity of grace it is untrue. Beauty and her twin brother Truth require leisure
and self-control for their growth. But the greed of gain has no time or limit to
its capaciousness. Its one object is to produce and consume. It has pity neither
for beautiful nature nor for living human beings. It is ruthlessly ready without
a moment's hesitation to crush beauty and life out of them, moulding them
into money. It is this ugly vulgarity of commerce which brought upon it the
censure of contempt in our earlier days, when men had leisure to have an
unclouded vision of perfection in humanity. Men in those times were rightly
ashamed of the instinct of mere money-making. But in this scientific age
money, by its very abnormal bulk, has won its throne. And when from its
eminence of piled-up things it insults the higher instincts of man, banishing
beauty and noble sentiments from its surroundings, we submit. For we in our
meanness have accepted bribes from its hands and our imagination has
grovelled in the dust before its immensity of flesh.

But its very unwieldiness and its endless complexities are its true signs of
failure. The swimmer who is an expert does not exhibit his muscular force by
violent movements, but exhibits some power which is invisible and which
shows itself in perfect grace and reposefulness. The true distinction of man
from animals is in his power and worth which are inner and invisible. But the
present-day commercial civilization of man is not only taking too much time
and space but killing time and space. Its movements are violent, its noise is
discordantly loud. It is carrying its own damnation because it is trampling
into distortion the humanity upon which it stands. It is strenuously turning out
money at the cost of happiness. Man is reducing himself to his minimum in
order to be able to make amplest room for his organizations. He is deriding
his human sentiments into shame because they are apt to stand in the way of
his machines.

In our mythology we have the legend that the man who performs penances
for attaining immortality has to meet with temptations sent by Indra, the Lord
of the immortals. If he is lured by them he is lost. The West has been striving
for centuries after its goal of immortality. Indra has sent her the temptation to
try her. It is the gorgeous temptation of wealth. She has accepted it, and her
civilization of humanity has lost its path in the wilderness of machinery.

This commercialism with its barbarity of ugly decorations is a terrible

menace to all humanity, because it is setting up the ideal of power over that
of perfection. It is making the cult of self-seeking exult in its naked
shamelessness. Our nerves are more delicate than our muscles. Things that
are the most precious in us are helpless as babes when we take away from
them the careful protection which they claim from us for their very
preciousness. Therefore, when the callous rudeness of power runs amuck in
the broad-way of humanity it scares away by its grossness the ideals which
we have cherished with the martyrdom of centuries.

The temptation which is fatal for the strong is still more so for the weak. And
I do not welcome it in our Indian life, even though it be sent by the lord of the
Immortals. Let our life be simple in its outer aspect and rich in its inner gain.
Let our civilization take its firm stand upon its basis of social co-operation
and not upon that of economic exploitation and conflict. How to do it in the
teeth of the drainage of our life-blood by the economic dragons is the task set
before the thinkers of all oriental nations who have faith in the human soul. It
is a sign of laziness and impotency to accept conditions imposed upon us by
others who have other ideals than ours. We should actively try to adapt the
world powers to guide our history to its own perfect end.

From the above you will know that I am not an economist. I am willing to
acknowledge that there is a law of demand and supply and an infatuation of
man for more things than are good for him. And yet I will persist in believing
that there is such a thing as the harmony of completeness in humanity, where
poverty does not take away his riches, where defeat may lead him to victory,
death to immortality, and where in the compensation of Eternal Justice those
who are the last may yet have their insult transmuted into a golden triumph.

THE SUNSET OF THE CENTURY

THE SUNSET OF THE CENTURY

(Written in the Bengali on the last day of last century)

The last sun of the century sets amidst the blood-red clouds of the West and
the whirlwind of hatred.
The naked passion of self-love of Nations, in its drunken delirium of greed, is
dancing to the clash of steel and the howling verses of vengeance.

The hungry self of the Nation shall burst in a violence of fury from its own
shameless feeding.
For it has made the world its food,
And licking it, crunching it and swallowing it in big morsels,
It swells and swells
Till in the midst of its unholy feast descends the sudden shaft of heaven
piercing its heart of grossness.

3
 The crimson glow of light on the horizon is not the light of thy dawn of
peace, my Motherland.
It is the glimmer of the funeral pyre burning to ashes the vast flesh,—the self-
love of the Nation—dead under its own excess.
Thy morning waits behind the patient dark of the East,
Meek and silent.

Keep watch, India.

Bring your offerings of worship for that sacred sunrise.
Let the first hymn of its welcome sound in your voice and sing
"Come, Peace, thou daughter of God's own great suffering.
Come with thy treasure of contentment, the sword of fortitude,
And meekness crowning thy forehead."

Be not ashamed, my brothers, to stand before the proud and the powerful
With your white robe of simpleness.
Let your crown be of humility, your freedom the freedom of the soul.
Build God's throne daily upon the ample bareness of your poverty
And know that what is huge is not great and pride is not everlasting.

THE END

Printed by R. & R. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh.