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Scientific racism
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Main page "Racial biology" redirects here. For for the biological concept of race, see Race (biology).
Contents
Scientific racism, sometimes termed biological racism, is the pseudoscientific belief that empirical evidence exists to
Current events Race
Random article support or justify racism (racial discrimination), racial inferiority, or racial superiority.[1][2][3][4] Historically, scientific racism
Race (biology)
About Wikipedia received credence throughout the scientific community, but it is no longer considered scientific.[2][3] Dividing humankind into Race (categorization)
Contact us biologically distinct groups is sometimes called racialism, race realism, or race science by its proponents. Modern
Genetics and differences
Donate scientific consensus rejects this view as being irreconcilable with modern genetic research.[5]:360
Race and genetics
Contribute Scientific racism employs anthropology (notably physical anthropology), anthropometry, craniometry, and other disciplines or Human genetic variation

Help pseudo-disciplines, in proposing anthropological typologies supporting the classification of human populations into physically Society
Learn to edit discrete human races, some of which might be asserted to be superior or inferior to others. Scientific racism was common Historical concepts
Community portal
Biblical terminology for race
during the period from the 1600s to the end of World War II. Since the second half of the 20th century, scientific racism has
Race and ethnicity
Recent changes been criticized as obsolete and discredited, yet has persistently been used to support or validate racist world-views, based in Brazil
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upon belief in the existence and significance of racial categories and a hierarchy of superior and inferior races.[6]
Racism
Tools After the end of World War II, scientific racism in theory and action was formally denounced, especially in UNESCO's early in the United States
What links here antiracist statement "The Race Question" (1950): "The biological fact of race and the myth of 'race' should be distinguished. Scientific racism
Related changes Racial inequality in the U.S.
For all practical social purposes 'race' is not so much a biological phenomenon as a social myth. The myth of 'race' has Racial wage gap in the U.S.
Special pages
created an enormous amount of human and social damage. In recent years, it has taken a heavy toll in human lives, and Racial profiling
Permanent link
caused untold suffering."[7] Since that time, developments in human evolutionary genetics and physical anthropology have Racial bias in criminal news
Page information
Cite this page led to a new consensus among anthropologists that human race is a sociopolitical phenomenon rather than a biological Race and...
Wikidata item one.[8][9]:294[10][11] society
crime
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The term scientific racism is generally used pejoratively when applied to more modern theories, such as those in The Bell (in the United Kingdom)
Curve (1994). Critics argue that such works postulate racist conclusions, such as a genetic connection between race and (in the United States)
Download as PDF
Printable version intelligence, that are unsupported by available evidence.[12] Publications such as the Mankind Quarterly, founded explicitly health
as a "race-conscious" journal, are generally regarded as platforms of scientific racism because they publish fringe (in the United States)
In other projects intelligence
interpretations of human evolution, intelligence, ethnography, language, mythology, archaeology, and race. (history of)
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Contents [hide] video games
Languages
1 Antecedents Related topics
‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ 1.1 Enlightenment thinkers Ethnic group
Español
हद 1.1.1 François Bernier Eugenics
Bahasa Indonesia Genetics
1.1.2 Robert Boyle vs. Henri de Boulainvilliers
Italiano Human evolution
1.1.3 Richard Bradley
Bahasa Melayu Index
1.1.4 Lord Kames Category
Português
Русский 1.1.5 Carl Linnaeus
V ·T ·E
Türkçe 1.1.6 John Hunter
1.1.7 Charles White
15 more
1.1.8 Buffon and Blumenbach
Edit links
1.1.9 Benjamin Rush
1.1.10 Christoph Meiners
1.2 Later thinkers
1.2.1 Thomas Jefferson
1.2.2 Samuel Stanhope Smith
1.2.3 Georges Cuvier
1.2.4 Arthur Schopenhauer
1.2.5 Franz Ignaz Pruner
2 Racial theories in physical anthropology (1850–1918)
2.1 Arthur de Gobineau
2.2 Carl Vogt
2.3 Charles Darwin
2.4 Herbert Hope Risley
2.5 Ernst Haeckel
2.6 Nationalism of Lapouge and Herder
2.7 Craniometry and physical anthropology
2.7.1 Samuel George Morton
2.8 Nicolás Palacios
2.9 Monogenism and polygenism
2.10 Typologies
3 Ideological applications
3.1 Nordicism
3.2 Justification of slavery in the United States
3.3 South African apartheid
3.4 Eugenics
4 Interbellum to World War II
4.1 Early intelligence testing and the Immigration Act of 1924
4.2 Sweden
4.3 Nazi Germany
 4.4 United States
5 After 1945
6 See also
7 References
8 Bibliography
9 Further reading
10 External links

Antecedents
Enlightenment thinkers
See also: Race (historical definitions)

During the Age of Enlightenment (an era from the 1650s to the 1780s), concepts of monogenism and polygenism became popular, though they would only be
systematized epistemologically during the 19th century. Monogenism contends that all races have a single origin, while polygenism is the idea that each race
has a separate origin. Until the 18th century, the words "race" and "species" were interchangeable.[13]

François Bernier

François Bernier (1620–1688) was a French physician and traveller. In 1684 he published a brief essay dividing humanity into what he called "races",
distinguishing individuals, and particularly women, by skin color and a few other physical traits. The article was published anonymously in the Journal des
Savants, the earliest academic journal published in Europe, and titled "New Division of the Earth by the Different Species or 'Races' of Man that Inhabit It."[14]

In the essay he distinguished four different races: 1) The first race included populations from Europe, North Africa, the Middle East, India, south-east Asia, and
the Americas, 2) the second race consisted of the sub-Saharan Africans, 3) the third race consisted of the east- and northeast Asians, and 4) the fourth race
were Sámi people. The emphasis on different kinds of female beauty can be explained because the essay was the product of French Salon culture. Bernier
emphasized that his novel classification was based on his personal experience as a traveler in different parts of the world. Bernier offered a distinction
between essential genetic differences and accidental ones that depended on environmental factors. He also suggested that the latter criterion might be
relevant to distinguish sub-types.[15] His biological classification of racial types never sought to go beyond physical traits, and he also accepted the role of
climate and diet in explaining degrees of human diversity. Bernier had been the first to extend the concept of "species of man" to classify racially the entirety of
humanity, but he did not establish a cultural hierarchy between the so-called 'races' that he had conceived. On the other hand he clearly placed white
Europeans as the norm from which other 'races' deviated.[16][15]

The qualities which he attributed to each race were not strictly Eurocentric, because he thought that peoples of temperate Europe, the Americas and India,
culturally very different, belonged to roughly the same racial group, and he explained the differences between the civilizations of India (his main area of
expertise) and Europe through climate and institutional history. By contrast he emphasized the biological difference between Europeans and Africans, and
made very negative comments towards the Sámi (Lapps) of the coldest climates of Northern Europe[16] and about Africans living at the Cape of Good Hope.
He wrote for example "The 'Lappons' compose the 4th race. They are a small and short race with thick legs, wide shoulders, a short neck, and a face that I
don't know how to describe, except that it's long, truly awful and seems reminiscent of a bears face. I've only ever seen them twice in Danzig, but according to
the portraits I've seen and from what I've heard from a number of people they're ugly animals".[17] The significance of Bernier for the emergence of what Joan-
Pau Rubiés call the "modern racial discourse" has been debated, with Siep Stuurman calling it the beginning of modern racial thought,[16] while Joan-Pau
Rubiés think it is less significant if Bernier's entire view of humanity is taken into account.[15]

Robert Boyle vs. Henri de Boulainvilliers

An early scientist who studied race was Robert Boyle (1627–1691), an Anglo-Irish natural philosopher, chemist,
physicist, and inventor. Boyle believed in what today is called 'monogenism', that is, that all races, no matter how
diverse, came from the same source, Adam and Eve. He studied reported stories of parents' giving birth to different
coloured albinos, so he concluded that Adam and Eve were originally white and that whites could give birth to
different coloured races. Theories of Robert Hooke and Isaac Newton about color and light via optical dispersion in
physics were also extended by Robert Boyle into discourses of polygenesis,[13] speculating that maybe these
differences were due to "seminal impressions". However, Boyle's writings mention that at his time, for "European
Eyes", beauty was not measured so much in colour, but in "stature, comely symmetry of the parts of the body, and
good features in the face".[18] Various members of the scientific community rejected his views and described them as
"disturbing" or "amusing".[19]

On the other hand, historian Henri de Boulainvilliers (1658–1722) divided the French as two races: (i) the aristocratic
"French race" descended from the invader Germanic Franks, and (ii) the indigenous Gallo-Roman race (the political Robert Boyle
Third Estate populace). The Frankish aristocracy dominated the Gauls by innate right of conquest.

In his time, Henri de Boulainvilliers, a believer in the "right of conquest", did not understand "race" as biologically
immutable, but as a contemporary cultural construct.[citation needed] His racialist account of French history was not entirely mythical: despite "supporting"
hagiographies and epic poetry, such as The Song of Roland (La Chanson de Roland, c. 12th century), he sought scientific legitimation by basing his racialist
distinction on the historical existence of genetically and linguistically distinguished Germanic and Latin-speaking peoples in France. His theory of race was
distinct from the biological facts manipulated in 19th-century scientific racism[citation needed] (cf. Cultural relativism).

Richard Bradley

Richard Bradley (1688–1732) was an English naturalist. In his book "Philosophical Account of the Works of Nature" (1721), he claimed there to be "five sorts
of men" based on their skin colour and other physical characteristics: white Europeans with beards; white men in America without beards (meaning Native
Americans); men with copper colour skin, small eyes and straight black hair; Blacks with straight black hair; and Blacks with curly hair. It has been speculated
that his account inspired Linnaeus' later categorisation.[20]

Lord Kames

The Scottish lawyer Henry Home, Lord Kames (1696–1782) was a polygenist; he believed God had created different races on Earth in separate regions. In his
1734 book Sketches on the History of Man, Home claimed that the environment, climate, or state of society could not account for racial differences, so the
races must have come from distinct, separate stocks.[21]

Carl Linnaeus

This section may be unbalanced towards certain viewpoints. Please improve the article or discuss the issue
on the talk page. (June 2020)
Carl Linnaeus (1707–1778), the Swedish physician, botanist, and zoologist, modified the established taxonomic
bases of binomial nomenclature for fauna and flora, and also made a classification of humans into different
subgroups. In the twelfth edition of Systema Naturae (1767), he labeled five[22] "varieties"[23][24] of human species.
Each one was described as possessing the following physiognomic characteristics "varying by culture and place":[25]

The Americanus: red, choleric, righteous; black, straight, thick hair; stubborn, zealous, free; painting himself with
red lines, and regulated by customs.[26]
The Europeanus: white, sanguine, browny; with abundant, long hair; blue eyes; gentle, acute, inventive; covered
with close vestments; and governed by laws.[27]
The Asiaticus: yellow, melancholic, stiff; black hair, dark eyes; severe, haughty, greedy; covered with loose
clothing; and ruled by opinions.[28]
The Afer or Africanus: black, phlegmatic, relaxed; black, frizzled hair; silky skin, flat nose, tumid lips; females
without shame; mammary glands give milk abundantly; crafty, sly, lazy, cunning, lustful, careless; anoints himself
with grease; and governed by caprice.[29]
Henry Home, Lord Kames
The Monstrosus were mythologic humans which did not appear in the first editions of Systema Naturae. The sub-
species included the "four-footed, mute, hairy" Homo feralis (Feral man); the animal-reared Juvenis lupinus
hessensis (Hessian wolf boy), the Juvenis hannoveranus (Hannoverian boy), the Puella campanica (Wild-girl of
Champagne), and the agile, but faint-hearted Homo monstrosus (Monstrous man): the Patagonian giant, the Dwarf of the
Alps, and the monorchid Khoikhoi (Hottentot). In Amoenitates academicae (1763), Linnaeus presented the mythologic
Homo anthropomorpha (Anthropomorphic man), humanoid creatures, such as the troglodyte, the satyr, the hydra, and the
phoenix, incorrectly identified as simian creatures.[30]

There are disagreements about the basis for Linnaeus' human taxa. On the one hand, his harshest critics say the
classification was not only ethnocentric but seemed to be based upon skin-color. Renato G Mazzolini have argued the skin-
colour based classification at its core were a white/black polarity, and that Linnaeus thinking became paradigmatic for later
racist thinking.[31] On the other hand, Quintyn (2010) points out that some authors believe the classification was based upon
geographical distribution, being cartographically based, and not hierarchical.[32] In the opinion of Kenneth A.R. Kennedy
(1976), Linnaeus certainly considered his own culture better, but his motives for classification of human varieties were not
race-centered.[33] Paleontologist Stephen Jay Gould (1994) argued that the taxa was "not in the ranked order favored by most
Europeans in the racist tradition", and that Linnaeus' division was influenced by the medical theory of humors which said that Homo monstrosus, or
Patagonian giants, from
a person's temperament may be related to biological fluids.[34][35] In a 1997 essay, Gould added: "I don't mean to deny that
Voyage au pole sud et dans
Linnaeus held conventional beliefs about the superiority of his own European variety over others...nevertheless, and despite l'Océanie (Voyage to the
these implications, the overt geometry of Linnaeus' model is not linear or hierarchical."[36] South Pole, and in Oceania),
by Jules Dumont d'Urville
In a 2008 essay published by the Linnean Society of London, Marie-Christine Skuncke interpreted Linnaeus' statements as
reflecting a view that "Europeans' superiority resides in "culture", and that the decisive factor in Linnaeus' taxa was "culture",
not race. Thus, regarding this topic, they consider Linnaeus' view as merely "eurocentric", arguing that Linnaeus never called for racist action, and did not use
the word "race", which was only introduced later "by his French opponent Buffon".[37] However, the anthropologist Ashley Montagu, in his book Man's Most
Dangerous Myth: the Fallacy of Race, points out that Buffon, indeed "the enemy of all rigid classifications",[38] was diametrically opposed to such broad
categories and did not use the word "race" to describe them. "It was quite clear, after reading Buffon, that he uses the word in no narrowly defined, but rather
in a general sense,"[38] wrote Montagu, pointing out that Buffon did employ the French word la race, but as a collective term for whatever population he
happened to be discussing at the time: for instance, "The Danish, Swedish, and Muscovite Laplanders, the inhabitants of Nova-Zembla, the Borandians, the
Samoiedes, the Ostiacks of the old continent, the Greenlanders, and the savages to the north of the Esquimaux Indians, of the new continent, appear to be of
one common race."[39]

Scholar Stanley A. Rice agrees that Linnaeus' classification was not meant to "imply a hierarchy of humanness or superiority";[40] although modern critics see
that his classification was obviously stereotyped, and erroneous for having included anthropological, non-biological features such as customs or traditions.

John Hunter

John Hunter (1728–1793), a Scottish surgeon, said that originally the Negroid race was white at birth. He thought that
over time because of the sun, the people turned dark skinned, or "black". Hunter also said that blisters and burns
would likely turn white on a Negro, which he believed was evidence that their ancestors were originally white.[41]

Charles White

Charles White (1728–1813), an English physician and surgeon, believed that

races occupied different stations in the "Great Chain of Being", and he tried to
scientifically prove that human races have distinct origins from each other. He
believed that whites and Negroes were two different species. White was a
believer in polygeny, the idea that different races had been created
separately. His Account of the Regular Gradation in Man (1799) provided an
empirical basis for this idea. White defended the theory of polygeny by
rebutting French naturalist Georges-Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon's John Hunter. Painted by John
Jackson in 1813, after an original by
interfertility argument, which said that only the same species can interbreed. Sir Joshua Reynolds, who exhibited his
White pointed to species hybrids such as foxes, wolves, and jackals, which painting at the Royal Academy in 1786.
were separate groups that were still able to interbreed. For White, each race
Charles White
was a separate species, divinely created for its own geographical region.[21]

Buffon and Blumenbach

The French naturalist Georges-Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon (1707–1788) and the German anatomist Johann Blumenbach
(1752–1840) were proponents of monogenism, the concept that all races have a single origin.[42] Buffon and Blumenbach believed a
"degeneration theory" of the origins of racial difference.[42] Both said that Adam and Eve were white and that other races came
about by degeneration owing to environmental factors, such as climate, disease, and diet.[42] According to this model, Negroid
pigmentation arose because of the heat of the tropical sun, that cold wind caused the tawny colour of the Eskimos, and that the
Chinese had fairer skins than the Tartars because the former kept mostly in towns and were protected from environmental
factors.[42] Environmental factors, poverty, and hybridization could make races "degenerate" and differentiate them from the original
Johann Friedrich white race by a process of "raciation".[42] Unusually, both Buffon and Blumenbach believed that the degeneration could be reversed
Blumenbach if proper environmental control was taken, and that all contemporary forms of man could revert to the original white race.[42]
 According to Blumenbach, there are five races, all belonging to a single species: Caucasian, Mongolian, Negroid, American, and the
Malay race. Blumenbach said: "I have allotted the first place to the Caucasian for the reasons given below which make me esteem it the primeval one."[43]

Before James Hutton and the emergence of scientific geology, many believed the earth was only 6,000 years old. Buffon had conducted experiments with
heated balls of iron which he believed were a model for the earth's core and concluded that the earth was 75,000 years old, but did not extend the time since
Adam and the origin of humanity back more than 8,000 years – not much further than the 6,000 years of the prevailing Ussher chronology subscribed to by
most of the monogenists.[42] Opponents of monogenism believed that it would have been difficult for races to change markedly in such a short period of
time.[42]

Benjamin Rush

Benjamin Rush (1745–1813), a Founding Father of the United States and a physician, proposed that being black was a hereditary skin disease, which he
called "negroidism", and that it could be cured. Rush believed non-whites were really white underneath but they were stricken with a non-contagious form of
leprosy which darkened their skin color. Rush drew the conclusion that "whites should not tyrannize over [blacks], for their disease should entitle them to a
double portion of humanity. However, by the same token, whites should not intermarry with them, for this would tend to infect posterity with the 'disorder'...
attempts must be made to cure the disease".[44]

Christoph Meiners

Christoph Meiners (1747–1810) was a German polygenist and believed that each race had a separate origin. Meiner studied the
physical, mental and moral characteristics of each race, and built a race hierarchy based on his findings. Meiners split mankind into
two divisions, which he labelled the "beautiful white race" and the "ugly black race". In Meiners's book The Outline of History of
Mankind, he said that a main characteristic of race is either beauty or ugliness. He thought only the white race to be beautiful. He
considered ugly races to be inferior, immoral and animal-like. He said that the dark, ugly peoples were distinct from the white,
beautiful peoples by their "sad" lack of virtue and their "terrible vices".[45] According to Meiners,[citation needed]

The more intelligent and noble people are by nature, the more adaptable, sensitive, delicate, and soft is their body; on the
other hand, the less they possess the capacity and disposition towards virtue, the more they lack adaptability; and not
only that, but the less sensitive are their bodies, the more can they tolerate extreme pain or the rapid alteration of heat Christoph Meiners

and cold; when they are exposed to illnesses, the more rapid their recovery from wounds that would be fatal for more
sensitive peoples, and the more they can partake of the worst and most indigestible foods ... without noticeable ill effects.

Meiners said the Negro felt less pain than any other race and lacked in emotions. Meiners wrote that the Negro had thick nerves and thus was not sensitive
like the other races. He went as far as to say that the Negro has "no human, barely any animal, feeling". He described a story where a Negro was condemned
to death by being burned alive. Halfway through the burning, the Negro asked to smoke a pipe and smoked it like nothing was happening while he continued
to be burned alive. Meiners studied the anatomy of the Negro and came to the conclusion that Negroes have bigger teeth and jaws than any other race, as
Negroes are all carnivores. Meiners claimed the skull of the Negro was larger but the brain of the Negro was smaller than any other race. Meiners claimed the
Negro was the most unhealthy race on Earth because of its poor diet, mode of living and lack of morals.[46]

Meiners also claimed the "Americans" were an inferior stock of people. He said they could not adapt to different climates, types of food, or modes of life, and
that when exposed to such new conditions, they lapse into a "deadly melancholy". Meiners studied the diet of the Americans and said they fed off any kind of
"foul offal". He thought they consumed very much alcohol. He believed their skulls were so thick that the blades of Spanish swords shattered on them.
Meiners also claimed the skin of an American is thicker than that of an ox.[46]

Meiners wrote that the noblest race was the Celts. They were able to conquer various parts of the world, they were more sensitive to heat and cold, and their
delicacy is shown by the way they are selective about what they eat. Meiners claimed that Slavs are an inferior race, "less sensitive and content with eating
rough food". He described stories of Slavs allegedly eating poisonous fungi without coming to any harm. He claimed that their medical techniques were also
backward: he used as an example their heating sick people in ovens, then making them roll in the snow.[46]

In Meiners's large work entitled Researches on the Variations in Human Nature (1815), he studied also the sexology of each race. He claimed that the African
Negroids have unduly strong and perverted sex drives, whilst only the white Europeans have it just right.

Later thinkers

Thomas Jefferson

Thomas Jefferson (1743–1826) was an American politician, scientist,[47][48] and slave owner. His contributions to scientific racism have been noted by many
historians, scientists and scholars. According to an article published in the McGill Journal of Medicine: "One of the most influential pre-Darwinian racial
theorists, Jefferson's call for science to determine the obvious "inferiority" of African Americans is an extremely important stage in the evolution of scientific
racism."[49] The historian Paul Finkelman described Jefferson in The New York Times as follows: "A scientist, Jefferson nevertheless speculated that
blackness might come "from the color of the blood" and concluded that blacks were "inferior to the whites in the endowments of body and mind."[50] In his
"Notes on the State of Virginia" Jefferson described black people as follows:[51]

They seem to require less sleep. A black, after hard labor through the day, will be induced by the slightest amusements to sit up till midnight, or
later, though knowing he must be out with the first dawn of the morning. They are at least as brave, and more adventuresome. But this may perhaps
proceed from a want of forethought, which prevents their seeing a danger till it be present. When present, they do not go through it with more
coolness or steadiness than the whites. They are more ardent after their female: but love seems with them to be more an eager desire, than a
tender delicate mixture of sentiment and sensation. Their griefs are transient. Those numberless afflictions, which render it doubtful whether heaven
has given life to us in mercy or in wrath, are less felt, and sooner forgotten with them. In general, their existence appears to participate more of
sensation than reflection... Comparing them by their faculties of memory, reason, and imagination, it appears to me, that in memory they are equal
to the whites; in reason much inferior, as I think one [black] could scarcely be found capable of tracing and comprehending the investigations of
Euclid; and that in imagination they are dull, tasteless, and anomalous... I advance it therefore as a suspicion only, that the blacks, whether
originally a distinct race, or made distinct by time and circumstances, are inferior to the whites in the endowments both of body and mind.

However, by 1791, Jefferson had to reassess his earlier suspicions of whether blacks were capable of intelligence when he was presented with a letter and
almanac from Benjamin Banneker, an educated black mathematician. Delighted to have discovered scientific proof for the existence of black intelligence,
Jefferson wrote to Banneker:[52]

No body wishes more than I do to see such proofs as you exhibit, that nature has given to our black brethren, talents equal to those of the other
colors of men, & that the appearance of a want of them is owing merely to the degraded condition of their existence both in Africa & America. I can
 add with truth that no body wishes more ardently to see a good system commenced for raising the condition both of their body & mind to what it
ought to be, as fast as the imbecility of their present existence, and other circumstance which cannot be neglected, will admit.

Samuel Stanhope Smith

Samuel Stanhope Smith (1751–1819) was an American Presbyterian minister and author of Essay on the Causes of Variety of Complexion and Figure in the
Human Species in 1787. Smith claimed that Negro pigmentation was nothing more than a huge freckle that covered the whole body as a result of an
oversupply of bile, which was caused by tropical climates.[53]

Georges Cuvier

Racial studies by Georges Cuvier (1769–1832), the French naturalist and zoologist, influenced scientific polygenism and
scientific racism. Cuvier believed there were three distinct races: the Caucasian (white), Mongolian (yellow) and the Ethiopian
(black). He rated each for the beauty or ugliness of the skull and quality of their civilizations. Cuvier wrote about Caucasians:
"The white race, with oval face, straight hair and nose, to which the civilised people of Europe belong and which appear to us
the most beautiful of all, is also superior to others by its genius, courage and activity".[54]

Regarding Negroes, Cuvier wrote:[55]

The Negro race ... is marked by black complexion, crisped or woolly hair, compressed cranium and a flat nose. The
projection of the lower parts of the face, and the thick lips, evidently approximate it to the monkey tribe: the hordes
of which it consists have always remained in the most complete state of barbarism.
Georges Cuvier

He thought Adam and Eve were Caucasian and hence the original race of mankind. The other two races arose by survivors'
escaping in different directions after a major catastrophe hit the earth 5,000 years ago. He theorized that the survivors lived in complete isolation from each
other and developed separately.[56][57]

One of Cuvier's pupils, Friedrich Tiedemann, was one of the first to make a scientific contestation of racism. He argued based on craniometric and brain
measurements taken by him from Europeans and black people from different parts of the world that the then-common European belief that Negroes have
smaller brains, and are thus intellectually inferior, is scientifically unfounded and based merely on the prejudice of travellers and explorers.[58]

Arthur Schopenhauer

The German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer (1788–1860) attributed civilizational primacy to the white races, who gained sensitivity and intelligence via the
refinement caused by living in the rigorous Northern climate:[59]

The highest civilization and culture, apart from the ancient Hindus and Egyptians, are found exclusively
among the white races; and even with many dark peoples, the ruling caste, or race, is fairer in colour than
the rest, and has, therefore, evidently immigrated, for example, the Brahmins, the Inca, and the rulers of the
South Sea Islands. All this is due to the fact that necessity is the mother of invention, because those tribes
that emigrated early to the north, and there gradually became white, had to develop all their intellectual
 powers, and invent and perfect all the arts in their struggle with need, want, and misery, which, in their
many forms, were brought about by the climate. This they had to do in order to make up for the parsimony
of nature, and out of it all came their high civilization.

Franz Ignaz Pruner

Franz Ignaz Pruner (1808–1882) was a medical doctor who studied the racial structure of Negroes in Egypt. In a book
which he wrote in 1846 he claimed that Negro blood had a negative influence on the Egyptian moral character. He
published a monograph on Negroes in 1861. He claimed that the main feature of the Negro's skeleton is prognathism,
which he claimed was the Negro's relation to the ape. He also claimed that Negroes had brains very similar to those
of apes and that Negroes have a shortened big toe, a characteristic, he said, that connected Negroes closely to
apes.[60]

Arthur Schopenhauer portrait

Racial theories in physical anthropology (1850–1918)
Further information: Historical definitions of race

The scientific classification established by Carl Linnaeus is requisite to any human racial classification scheme.
In the 19th century, unilineal evolution, or classical social evolution, was a conflation of competing sociologic
and anthropologic theories proposing that Western European culture was the acme of human socio-cultural
evolution. The proposal that social status is unilineal—from primitive to civilized, from agricultural to industrial—
became popular among philosophers, including Friedrich Hegel, Immanuel Kant, and Auguste Comte. The
Christian Bible was interpreted to sanction slavery and from the 1820s to the 1850s was often used in the
antebellum Southern United States, by writers such as the Rev. Richard Furman and Thomas R. Cobb, to
enforce the idea that Negroes had been created inferior, and thus suited to slavery.[61]
A late-19th-century illustration by H.
Strickland Constable shows an alleged
Arthur de Gobineau similarity between "Irish Iberian" and "Negro"
features in contrast to the higher "Anglo-
The French aristocrat and writer Arthur de Gobineau (1816–1882), is best known for his book An Essay on the
Teutonic".
Inequality of the Human Races (1853–55) which proposed three human races (black, white and yellow) were
natural barriers and claimed that race mixing would lead to the collapse of culture and civilization. He claimed
that "The white race originally possessed the monopoly of beauty, intelligence and strength" and that any positive accomplishments or thinking of blacks and
Asians were due to an admixture with whites. His works were praised by many white supremacist American pro-slavery thinkers such as Josiah C. Nott and
Henry Hotze.

Gobineau believed that the different races originated in different areas, the white race had originated somewhere in Siberia, the Asians in the Americas and
the blacks in Africa. He believed that the white race was superior, writing:

I will not wait for the friends of equality to show me such and such passages in books written by missionaries or sea captains, who declare some
Wolof is a fine carpenter, some Hottentot a good servant, that a Kaffir dances and plays the violin, that some Bambara knows arithmetic… Let us
leave aside these puerilities and compare together not men, but groups.[62]
Gobineau later used the term "Aryans" to describe the Germanic peoples (la race germanique).[63]

Gobineau's works were also influential to the Nazi Party, which published his works in German. They played a key role in the
master race theory of Nazism.

Carl Vogt
Another polygenist evolutionist was Carl Vogt (1817–1895) who believed that the Negro race was related to the ape. He wrote
the white race was a separate species to Negroes. In Chapter VII of his Lectures of Man (1864) he compared the Negro to the
white race whom he described as "two extreme human types". The difference between them, he claimed are greater than
those between two species of ape; and this proves that Negroes are a separate species from the whites.[64]

Charles Darwin Portrait of Arthur de

Gobineau by the Comtesse
Charles Darwin's views on race have been a topic of much discussion and debate. According to Jackson and Weidman, de la Tour, 1876
Darwin was a moderate in the 19th century debates about race. "He was not a confirmed racist — he was a staunch
abolitionist, for example — but he did think that there were distinct races that could be ranked in a hierarchy."[65]

Darwin's influential 1859 book On the Origin of Species did not discuss human origins. The extended wording on the
title page, which adds by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life,
uses the general terminology of biological races as an alternative for "varieties" and does not carry the modern
connotation of human races. In The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex (1871), Darwin examined the
question of "Arguments in favour of, and opposed to, ranking the so-called races of man as distinct species" and
reported no racial distinctions that would indicate that human races are discrete species.[61][66]

The historian Richard Hofstadter wrote, "Although Darwinism was not the primary source of the belligerent ideology
and dogmatic racism of the late nineteenth century, it did become a new instrument in the hands of the theorists of
race and struggle... The Darwinist mood sustained the belief in Anglo-Saxon racial superiority which obsessed many
American thinkers in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The measure of world domination already achieved by
the 'race' seemed to prove it the fittest."[67] According to the historian Gertrude Himmelfarb, "The subtitle of [The
Origin of Species] made a convenient motto for racists: 'The Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life.'
Darwin, of course, took 'races' to mean varieties or species; but it was no violation of his meaning to extend it to
Charles Darwin in 1868
human races.... Darwin himself, in spite of his aversion to slavery, was not averse to the idea that some races were
more fit than others."[68]

On the other hand, Robert Bannister defended Darwin on the issue of race, writing that "Upon closer inspection, the case against Darwin himself quickly
unravels. An ardent opponent of slavery, he consistently opposed the oppression of nonwhites... Although by modern standards The Descent of Man is
frustratingly inconclusive on the critical issues of human equality, it was a model of moderation and scientific caution in the context of midcentury racism."[69]

Herbert Hope Risley

As an exponent of "race science", colonial administrator Herbert Hope Risley (1851–1911) used the ratio of the width of a nose to its height to divide Indian
people into Aryan and Dravidian races, as well as seven castes.[70][71]
Ernst Haeckel
Like most of Darwin's supporters,[citation needed] Ernst Haeckel (1834–1919) put forward a doctrine of evolutionary polygenism
based on the ideas of the linguist and polygenist August Schleicher, in which several different language groups had arisen
separately from speechless prehuman Urmenschen (German for "original humans"), which themselves had evolved from
simian ancestors. These separate languages had completed the transition from animals to man, and, under the influence of
each main branch of languages, humans had evolved as separate species, which could be subdivided into races. Haeckel
divided human beings into ten races, of which the Caucasian was the highest and the primitives were doomed to
extinction.[72] Haeckel was also an advocate of the out of Asia theory by writing that the origin of humanity was to be found in
Asia; he believed that Hindustan (South Asia) was the actual location where the first humans had evolved. Haeckel argued
that humans were closely related to the primates of Southeast Asia and rejected Darwin's hypothesis of Africa.[73][74]

Haeckel also wrote that Negroes have stronger and more freely movable toes than any other race which is evidence that
Negroes are related to apes because when apes stop climbing in trees they hold on to the trees with their toes. Haeckel
Herbert Hope Risley
compared Negroes to "four-handed" apes. Haeckel also believed Negroes were savages and that whites were the most
civilised.[64]

Nationalism of Lapouge and Herder

At the 19th century's end, scientific racism conflated Greco-Roman eugenicism with Francis Galton's concept of voluntary
eugenics to produce a form of coercive, anti-immigrant government programs influenced by other socio-political discourses
and events. Such institutional racism was effected via Phrenology, telling character from physiognomy; craniometric skull and
skeleton studies; thus skulls and skeletons of black people and other colored volk, were displayed between apes and white
men.

In 1906, Ota Benga, a Pygmy, was displayed as the "Missing Link", in the Bronx Zoo, New York City, alongside apes and
animals. The most influential theorists included the anthropologist Georges Vacher de Lapouge (1854–1936) who proposed
"anthroposociology"; and Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803), who applied "race" to nationalist theory, thereby developing
the first conception of ethnic nationalism. In 1882, Ernest Renan contradicted Herder with a nationalism based upon the "will Ernst Haeckel

to live together", not founded upon ethnic or racial prerequisites (see Civic nationalism). Scientific racist discourse posited the
historical existence of "national races" such as the Deutsche Volk in Germany, and the "French race" being a branch of the basal "Aryan race" extant for
millennia, to advocate for geopolitical borders parallel to the racial ones.

Craniometry and physical anthropology

Further information: Craniometry and physical anthropology

The Dutch scholar Pieter Camper (1722–89), an early craniometric theoretician, used "craniometry" (interior skull-volume measurement) to scientifically justify
racial differences. In 1770, he conceived of the facial angle to measure intelligence among species of men. The facial angle was formed by drawing two lines:
a horizontal line from nostril to ear; and a vertical line from the upper-jawbone prominence to the forehead prominence. Camper's craniometry reported that
antique statues (the Greco-Roman ideal) had a 90-degree facial angle, whites an 80-degree angle, blacks a 70-degree angle, and the orangutan a 58-degree
 facial angle—thus he established a racist biological hierarchy for mankind, per the Decadent conception of history. Such scientific
racist researches were continued by the naturalist Étienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire (1772–1844) and the anthropologist Paul Broca
(1824–1880).

Samuel George Morton

In the 19th century, an early American physical anthropologist, physician and polygenist
Samuel George Morton (1799–1851), collected human skulls from worldwide, and
attempted a logical classification scheme. Influenced by contemporary racialist theory, Dr
Pieter Camper Morton said he could judge racial intellectual capacity by measuring the interior cranial
capacity, hence a large skull denoted a large brain, thus high intellectual capacity.
Conversely, a small skull denoted a small brain, thus low intellectual capacity; superior and
inferior established. After inspecting three mummies from ancient Egyptian catacombs, Morton concluded that
Caucasians and Negroes were already distinct three thousand years ago. Since interpretations of the bible indicated
that Noah's Ark had washed up on Mount Ararat only a thousand years earlier, Morton claimed that Noah's sons could Racialist differences: "a Negro head
... a Caucasian skull ... a Mongol
not possibly account for every race on earth. According to Morton's theory of polygenesis, races have been separate head", Samuel George Morton, 1839.
since the start.[75]

In Morton's Crania Americana, his claims were based on Craniometry data, that the Caucasians had the biggest
brains, averaging 87 cubic inches, Native Americans were in the middle with an average of 82 cubic inches and Negroes had the smallest brains with an
average of 78 cubic inches.[75]

In The Mismeasure of Man (1981), the evolutionary biologist and historian of science Stephen Jay Gould argued that
Samuel Morton had falsified the craniometric data, perhaps inadvertently over-packing some skulls, to so produce
results that would legitimize the racist presumptions he was attempting to prove. A subsequent study by the
anthropologist John Michael found Morton's original data to be more accurate than Gould describes, concluding that "
[c]ontrary to Gould's interpretation... Morton's research was conducted with integrity".[76] Jason Lewis and colleagues
reached similar conclusions as Michael in their reanalysis of Morton's skull collection; however, they depart from
Morton's racist conclusions by adding that "studies have demonstrated that modern human variation is generally
continuous, rather than discrete or "racial", and that most variation in modern humans is within, rather than between,
populations".[77]

In 1873, Paul Broca, founder of the Anthropological Society of Paris (1859), found the same pattern of measures—
that Crania Americana reported—by weighing specimen brains at autopsy. Other historical studies, proposing a black
race–white race, intelligence–brain size difference, include those by Bean (1906), Mall (1909), Pearl (1934), and Vint
(1934).

Nicolás Palacios
After the War of the Pacific (1879–83) there was a rise of racial and national superiority ideas among the Chilean
ruling class.[78] In his 1918 book physician Nicolás Palacios argued for the existence of Chilean race and its
superiority when compared to neighboring peoples. He thought Chileans were a mix of two martial races: the
 Illustration from Types of Mankind indigenous Mapuches and the Visigoths of Spain, who descended ultimately from Götaland in Sweden. Palacios
(1854), whose authors Josiah Clark argued on medical grounds against immigration to Chile from southern Europe claiming that Mestizos who are of
Nott and George Robins Gliddon
implied that "Negroes" were a south European stock lack "cerebral control" and are a social burden.[79]
creational rank between "Greeks" and
chimpanzees. Monogenism and polygenism
Further information: Monogenism and Polygenism

Samuel Morton's followers, especially Dr Josiah C. Nott (1804–1873) and George Gliddon (1809–1857), extended Dr Morton's ideas in Types of Mankind
(1854), claiming that Morton's findings supported the notion of polygenism (mankind has discrete genetic ancestries; the races are evolutionarily unrelated),
which is a predecessor of the modern human multiregional origin hypothesis. Moreover, Morton himself had been reluctant to espouse polygenism, because it
theologically challenged the Christian creation myth espoused in the Bible.

Later, in The Descent of Man (1871), Charles Darwin proposed the single-origin hypothesis, i.e., monogenism—mankind has a common genetic ancestry, the
races are related, opposing everything that the polygenism of Nott and Gliddon proposed.

Typologies
Further information: Race (historical definitions)

One of the first typologies used to classify various human races was invented by Georges Vacher
de Lapouge (1854–1936), a theoretician of eugenics, who published in 1899 L'Aryen et son rôle
social (1899 – "The Aryan and his social role"). In this book, he classified humanity into various,
hierarchized races, spanning from the "Aryan white race, dolichocephalic", to the "brachycephalic",
"mediocre and inert" race, best represented by Southern European, Catholic peasants".[80] Between
these, Vacher de Lapouge identified the "Homo europaeus" (Teutonic, Protestant, etc.), the "Homo
alpinus" (Auvergnat, Turkish, etc.), and finally the "Homo mediterraneus" (Neapolitan, Andalus, etc.)
Jews were brachycephalic like the Aryans, according to Lapouge; but exactly for this reason he
considered them to be dangerous; they were the only group, he thought, threatening to displace the
Aryan aristocracy.[81] Vacher de Lapouge became one of the leading inspirators of Nazi
antisemitism and Nazi racist ideology.[82]

Vacher de Lapouge's classification was mirrored in William Z. Ripley in The Races of Europe
(1899), a book which had a large influence on American white supremacism. Ripley even made a
Cephalic Index William Z. Ripley's European cephalic
map of Europe according to the alleged cephalic index of its inhabitants. He was an important
index map, The Races of Europe (1899).
influence of the American eugenist Madison Grant.

Furthermore, according to John Efron of Indiana University, the late 19th century also witnessed
"the scientizing of anti-Jewish prejudice", stigmatizing Jews with male menstruation, pathological hysteria, and nymphomania.[83][84] At the same time, several
Jews, such as Joseph Jacobs or Samuel Weissenberg, also endorsed the same pseudoscientific theories, convinced that the Jews formed a distinct
race.[83][84] Chaim Zhitlovsky also attempted to define Yiddishkayt (Ashkenazi Jewishness) by turning to contemporary racial theory.[85]

Joseph Deniker (1852–1918) was one of William Z. Ripley's principal opponents; whereas Ripley maintained, as did Vacher de Lapouge, that the European
populace comprised three races, Joseph Deniker proposed that the European populace comprised ten races (six primary and four sub-races). Furthermore,
 he proposed that the concept of "race" was ambiguous, and in its stead proposed the compound word "ethnic group", which later
prominently featured in the works of Julian Huxley and Alfred C. Haddon. Moreover, Ripley argued that Deniker's "race" idea should
be denoted a "type", because it was less biologically rigid than most racial classifications.

Ideological applications
Nordicism
Joseph Deniker's contribution to racist theory was La Race nordique (the Nordic race), a generic, racial-
stock descriptor, which the American eugenicist Madison Grant (1865–1937) presented as the white racial
engine of world civilization. Having adopted Ripley's three-race European populace model, but disliking the
Joseph Deniker
"Teuton" race name, he transliterated la race nordique into "The Nordic race", the acme of the concocted
racial hierarchy, based upon his racial classification theory, popular in the 1910s and 1920s.

State Institute for Racial Biology (Swedish: Statens Institut för Rasbiologi) and its director Herman Lundborg in Sweden were active
in racist research. Furthermore, much of early research on Ural-Altaic languages was coloured by attempts at justifying the view that
Madison Grant,
European peoples east of Sweden were Asian and thus of inferior race, justifying colonialism, eugenics and racial
creator of the "Nordic
hygiene.[citation needed] The book The Passing of the Great Race (Or, The Racial Basis of European History) by American eugenicist, race" term
lawyer, and amateur anthropologist Madison Grant was published in 1916. Though influential, the book was largely ignored when it
first appeared, and it went through several revisions and editions. Nevertheless, the book was used by people who advocated
restricted immigration as justification for what became known as scientific racism.[86]

Justification of slavery in the United States

In the United States, scientific racism justified Black African slavery to assuage moral opposition to the Atlantic slave trade. Alexander
Thomas and Samuell Sillen described black men as uniquely fitted for bondage, because of their "primitive psychological
organization".[87] In 1851, in antebellum Louisiana, the physician Samuel A. Cartwright (1793–1863) wrote of slave escape attempts
as "drapetomania", a treatable mental illness, that "with proper medical advice, strictly followed, this troublesome practice that many
Negroes have of running away can be almost entirely prevented". The term drapetomania (mania of the runaway slave) derives from
the Greek δραπέτης (drapetes, "a runaway [slave]") and μανία (mania, "madness, frenzy")[88] Cartwright also described dysaesthesia
aethiopica, called "rascality" by overseers. The 1840 United States Census claimed that Northern, free blacks suffered mental illness
at higher rates than did their Southern, enslaved counterparts. Though the census was later found to have been severely flawed by
Dr Samuel
Cartwright, M.D. the American Statistical Association, it became a political weapon against abolitionists. Southern slavers concluded that escaping
Negroes were suffering from "mental disorders".[89]

At the time of the American Civil War (1861–65), the matter of miscegenation prompted studies of ostensible physiological differences between Caucasians
and Negroes. Early anthropologists, such as Josiah Clark Nott, George Robins Gliddon, Robert Knox, and Samuel George Morton, aimed to scientifically
prove that Negroes were a human species different from the white people; that the rulers of Ancient Egypt were not African; and that mixed-race offspring (the
product of miscegenation) tended to physical weakness and infertility. After the Civil War, Southern (Confederacy) physicians wrote textbooks of scientific
racism based upon studies claiming that black freemen (ex-slaves) were becoming extinct, because they were inadequate to the demands of being a free man
—implying that black people benefited from enslavement.

In Medical Apartheid, Harriet A. Washington noted the prevalence of two different views on blacks in the 19th century: the belief that they were inferior and
"riddled with imperfections from head to toe", and the idea that they didn't know true pain and suffering because of their primitive nervous systems (and that
slavery was therefore justifiable). Washington noted the failure of scientists to accept the inconsistency between these two viewpoints, writing that "in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, scientific racism was simply science, and it was promulgated by the very best minds at the most prestigious institutions of
the nation. Other, more logical medical theories stressed the equality of Africans and laid poor black health at the feet of their abusers, but these never
enjoyed the appeal of the medical philosophy that justified slavery and, along with it, our nation's profitable way of life."[90]

Even after the end of the Civil War, some scientists continued to justify the institution of slavery by citing the effect of topography and climate on racial
development. Nathaniel Shaler, a prominent geologist at Harvard University from 1869-1906, published the book Man and the Earth in 1905 describing the
physical geography of different continents and linking these geologic settings to the intelligence and strength of human races that inhabited these spaces.
Shaler argued that North American climate and geology was ideally suited for the institution of slavery.[91]

South African apartheid

See also: Carnegie Commission on the Poor White Problem in South Africa

Scientific racism played a role in establishing apartheid in South Africa. In South Africa, white scientists, like Dudly Kidd, who published The essential Kafir in
1904, sought to "understand the African mind". They believed that the cultural differences between whites and blacks in South Africa might be caused by
physiological differences in the brain. Rather than suggesting that Africans were "overgrown children", as early white explorers had, Kidd believed that
Africans were "misgrown with a vengeance". He described Africans as at once "hopelessly deficient", yet "very shrewd".[92]

The Carnegie Commission on the Poor White Problem in South Africa played a key role in establishing apartheid in South Africa. According to one
memorandum sent to Frederick Keppel, then president of the Carnegie Corporation, there was "little doubt that if the natives were given full economic
opportunity, the more competent among them would soon outstrip the less competent whites".[93] Keppel's support for the project of creating the report was
motivated by his concern with the maintenance of existing racial boundaries.[93] The preoccupation of the Carnegie Corporation with the so-called poor white
problem in South Africa was at least in part the outcome of similar misgivings about the state of poor whites in the southern United States.[93]

The report was five volumes in length.[94] Around the start of the 20th century, white Americans, and whites elsewhere in the world, felt uneasy because
poverty and economic depression seemed to strike people regardless of race.[94]

Though the ground work for apartheid began earlier, the report provided support for this central idea of black inferiority. This was used to justify racial
segregation and discrimination[95] in the following decades.[96] The report expressed fear about the loss of white racial pride, and in particular pointed to the
danger that the poor white would not be able to resist the process of "Africanisation".[93]

Although scientific racism played a role in justifying and supporting institutional racism in South Africa, it was not as important in South Africa as it has been in
Europe and the United States. This was due in part to the "poor white problem", which raised serious questions for supremacists about white racial
superiority.[92] Since poor whites were found to be in the same situation as natives in the African environment, the idea that intrinsic white superiority could
overcome any environment did not seem to hold. As such, scientific justifications for racism were not as useful in South Africa.[92]

Eugenics
Further information: Eugenics
Stephen Jay Gould described Madison Grant's The Passing of the Great Race (1916) as "the most influential tract of
American scientific racism." In the 1920s–30s, the German racial hygiene movement embraced Grant's Nordic theory. Alfred
Ploetz (1860–1940) coined the term Rassenhygiene in Racial Hygiene Basics (1895), and founded the German Society for
Racial Hygiene in 1905. The movement advocated selective breeding, compulsory sterilization, and a close alignment of
public health with eugenics.

Racial hygiene was historically tied to traditional notions of public health, but with emphasis on heredity—what philosopher
and historian Michel Foucault has called state racism. In 1869, Francis Galton (1822–1911) proposed the first social
measures meant to preserve or enhance biological characteristics, and later coined the term "eugenics". Galton, a statistician,
introduced correlation and regression analysis and discovered regression toward the mean. He was also the first to study Francis Galton in his later
human differences and inheritance of intelligence with statistical methods. He introduced the use of questionnaires and years
surveys to collect data on population sets, which he needed for genealogical and biographical works and for anthropometric
studies. Galton also founded psychometrics, the science of measuring mental faculties, and differential psychology, a branch of psychology concerned with
psychological differences between people rather than common traits.

Like scientific racism, eugenics grew popular in the early 20th century, and both ideas influenced Nazi racial policies and Nazi eugenics. In 1901, Galton, Karl
Pearson (1857–1936) and Walter F.R. Weldon (1860–1906) founded the Biometrika scientific journal, which promoted biometrics and statistical analysis of
heredity. Charles Davenport (1866–1944) was briefly involved in the review. In Race Crossing in Jamaica (1929), he made statistical arguments that biological
and cultural degradation followed white and black interbreeding. Davenport was connected to Nazi Germany before and during World War II. In 1939 he wrote
a contribution to the festschrift for Otto Reche (1879–1966), who became an important figure within the plan to remove populations considered "inferior" from
eastern Germany.[97]

Interbellum to World War II

Scientific racism continued through the early 20th century, and soon intelligence testing became a new source for racial comparisons. Before World War II
(1939–45), scientific racism remained common to anthropology, and was used as justification for eugenics programs, compulsory sterilization, anti-
miscegenation laws, and immigration restrictions in Europe and the United States. The war crimes and crimes against humanity of Nazi Germany (1933–45)
discredited scientific racism in academia,[citation needed] but racist legislation based upon it remained in some countries until the late 1960s.

Early intelligence testing and the Immigration Act of 1924

Before the 1920s, social scientists agreed that whites were superior to blacks, but they needed a way to prove this in order to back social policy in favor of
whites. They felt the best way to gauge this was through testing intelligence. By interpreting the tests to show favor to whites these test makers' research
results portrayed all minority groups very negatively.[12][98] In 1908, Henry Goddard translated the Binet intelligence test from French and in 1912 began to
apply the test to incoming immigrants on Ellis Island.[99] Some claim that in a study of immigrants Goddard reached the conclusion that 87% of Russians, 83%
of Jews, 80% of Hungarians, and 79% of Italians were feeble-minded and had a mental age less than 12.[100] Some have also claimed that this information
was taken as "evidence" by lawmakers and thus it affected social policy for years.[101] Bernard Davis has pointed out that, in the first sentence of his paper,
Goddard wrote that the subjects of the study were not typical members of their groups but were selected because of their suspected sub-normal intelligence.
Davis has further noted that Goddard argued that the low IQs of the test subjects were more likely due to environmental rather than genetic factors, and that
Goddard concluded that "we may be confident that their children will be of average intelligence and if rightly brought up will be good citizens".[102] In 1996 the
American Psychological Association's Board of Scientific Affairs stated that IQ tests were not discriminatory towards any ethnic/racial groups.[103]

In his book The Mismeasure of Man, Stephen Jay Gould argued that intelligence testing results played a major role in the passage of the Immigration Act of
1924 that restricted immigration to the United States.[104] However, Mark Snyderman and Richard J. Herrnstein, after studying the Congressional Record and
committee hearings related to the Immigration Act, concluded "the [intelligence] testing community did not generally view its findings as favoring restrictive
immigration policies like those in the 1924 Act, and Congress took virtually no notice of intelligence testing".[105]

Juan N. Franco contested the findings of Snyderman and Herrnstein. Franco stated that even though Snyderman and Herrnstein reported that the data
collected from the results of the intelligence tests were in no way used to pass The Immigration Act of 1924, the IQ test results were still taken into
consideration by legislators. As suggestive evidence, Franco pointed to the following fact: Following the passage of the immigration act, information from the
1890 census was used to set quotas based on percentages of immigrants coming from different countries. Based on these data, the legislature restricted the
entrance of immigrants from southern and eastern Europe into the United States and allowed more immigrants from northern and Western Europe into the
country. The use of the 1900, 1910 or 1920 census data sets would have resulted in larger numbers of immigrants from southern and eastern Europe being
allowed into the U.S. However, Franco pointed out that using the 1890 census data allowed congress to exclude southern and eastern Europeans (who
performed worse on IQ tests of the time than did western and northern Europeans) from the U.S. Franco argued that the work Snyderman and Herrnstein
conducted on this matter neither proved or disproved that intelligence testing influenced immigration laws.[106]

Sweden
Following the creation of the first society for the promotion of racial hygiene, the German Society for Racial Hygiene in 1905
—a Swedish society was founded in 1909 as "Svenska sällskapet för rashygien" as third in the world.[107][108] By lobbying
Swedish parliamentarians and medical institutes the society managed to pass a decree creating a government run institute
in the form of the Swedish State Institute for Racial Biology in 1921.[107] By 1922 the institute was built and opened in
Uppsala.[107] It was the first such government-funded institute in the world performing research into "racial biology" and
remains highly controversial to this day.[107][109] It was the most prominent institution for the study of "racial science" in
Sweden.[110] The goal was to cure criminality, alcoholism and psychiatric problems through research in eugenics and racial The Swedish State Institute
hygiene.[107] As a result of the institutes work a law permitting compulsory sterilization of certain groups was enacted in for Racial Biology, founded in
1922, was the world's first
Sweden in 1934.[111] The second president of the institute Gunnar Dahlberg was highly critical of the validity of the science
government-funded institute
performed at the institute and reshaped the institute toward a focus on genetics.[112] In 1958 it closed down and all performing research into racial
remaining research was moved to the Department of medical genetics at Uppsala University.[112] biology. It was housed in what
is now the Dean's house at
Uppsala and was closed down
Nazi Germany
in 1958.
Main article: Racial policy of Nazi Germany

The Nazi Party and its sympathizers published many books on scientific racism, seizing on the eugenicist and antisemitic
ideas with which they were widely associated, although these ideas had been in circulation since the 19th century. Books such as Rassenkunde des
deutschen Volkes ("Racial Science of the German People") by Hans Günther[113] (first published in 1922)[114] and Rasse und Seele ("Race and Soul") by
Ludwig Ferdinand Clauß [de][115] (published under different titles between 1926 and 1934)[116]:394 attempted to scientifically identify differences between the
German, Nordic, or Aryan people and other, supposedly inferior, groups.[citation needed] German schools used these books as texts during the Nazi era.[117] In
the early 1930s, the Nazis used racialized scientific rhetoric based on social Darwinism[citation needed] to push its restrictive and discriminatory social policies.
 During World War II, Nazi racialist beliefs became anathema in the United States, and Boasians such as Ruth
Benedict consolidated their institutional power. After the war, discovery of the Holocaust and Nazi abuses of scientific
research (such as Josef Mengele's ethical violations and other war crimes revealed at the Nuremberg Trials) led most
of the scientific community to repudiate scientific support for racism.

Propaganda for the Nazi eugenics program began with propaganda for eugenic sterilization. Articles in Neues Volk
described the appearance of the mentally ill and the importance of preventing such births.[118] Photographs of
mentally incapacitated children were juxtaposed with those of healthy children.[119]:119 The film Das Erbe showed
Nazi poster promoting eugenics conflict in nature in order to legitimate the Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring by sterilization.

Although the child was "the most important treasure of the people", this did not apply to all children, even German
ones, only to those with no hereditary weaknesses.[120] Nazi Germany's racially based social policies placed the improvement of the Aryan race through
eugenics at the center of Nazis ideology. Those humans were targeted who were identified as "life unworthy of life" (German: Lebensunwertes Leben),
including but not limited to Jewish people, criminals, degenerate, dissident, feeble-minded, homosexual, idle, insane, and the weak, for elimination from the
chain of heredity.[citation needed] Despite their still being regarded as "Aryan", Nazi ideology deemed Slavs (i.e., Poles, Russians, Ukrainians, etc.) to be inferior
to the Germanic master race, suitable for expulsion, enslavement, or even extermination.[121]:180

Adolf Hitler banned intelligence quotient (IQ) testing for being "Jewish".[122]:16

United States
In the 20th century, concepts of scientific racism, which sought to prove the physical and mental inadequacy of groups
deemed "inferior", was relied upon to justify involuntary sterilization programs.[123][124] Such programs, promoted by
eugenicists such as Harry H. Laughlin, were upheld as constitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court in Buck v. Bell (1927). In all,
between 60,000 and 90,000 Americans were subjected to involuntary sterilization.[123]

Scientific racism was also used as a justification for the Emergency Quota Act of 1921 and the Immigration Act of 1924
(Johnson–Reed Act), which imposed racial quotas limiting Italian American immigration to the United States and immigration
from other southern European and eastern European nations. Proponents of these quotas, who sought to block "undesirable"
immigrants, justifying restrictions by invoking scientific racism.[125]

Lothrop Stoddard published many racialist books on what he saw as the peril of immigration, his most famous being The
Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy in 1920. In this book he presented a view of the world situation
pertaining to race focusing concern on the coming population explosion among the "colored" peoples of the world and the way
in which "white world-supremacy" was being lessened in the wake of World War I and the collapse of colonialism.
Lothrop Stoddard (1883–
Stoddard's analysis divided world politics and situations into "white", "yellow", "black", "Amerindian", and "brown" peoples and 1950)
their interactions. Stoddard argued race and heredity were the guiding factors of history and civilization, and that the
elimination or absorption of the "white" race by "colored" races would result in the destruction of Western civilization. Like
Madison Grant, Stoddard divided the white race into three main divisions: Nordic, Alpine, and Mediterranean. He considered all three to be of good stock, and
far above the quality of the colored races, but argued that the Nordic was the greatest of the three and needed to be preserved by way of eugenics. Unlike
Grant, Stoddard was less concerned with which varieties of European people were superior to others (Nordic theory), but was more concerned with what he
called "bi-racialism", seeing the world as being composed of simply "colored" and "white" races. In the years after the Great Migration and World War I,
Grant's racial theory would fall out of favor in the U.S. in favor of a model closer to Stoddard's.[citation needed]

An influential publication was The Races of Europe (1939) by Carleton S. Coon, president of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists from 1930
to 1961. Coon was a proponent of multiregional origin of modern humans. He divided Homo sapiens into five main races: Caucasoid, Mongoloid (including
Native Americans), Australoid, Congoid, and Capoid.

Coon's school of thought was the object of increasing opposition in mainstream anthropology after World War II. Ashley Montagu was particularly vocal in
denouncing Coon, especially in his Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race. By the 1960s, Coon's approach had been rendered obsolete in
mainstream anthropology, but his system continued to appear in publications by his student John Lawrence Angel as late as in the 1970s.

In the late 19th century, the Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) United States Supreme Court decision—which upheld the constitutional legality of racial segregation
under the doctrine of "separate but equal"—was intellectually rooted in the racism of the era, as was the popular support for the decision.[126] Later in the mid
20th century, the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954) decision rejected racialist arguments about the "need" for racial segregation
—especially in public schools.

After 1945
By 1954, 58 years after the Plessy v. Ferguson upholding of racial segregation in the United States, American popular and scholarly opinions of scientific
racism and its sociologic practice had evolved.[126] In 1960, the journal Mankind Quarterly started, which some have described as a venue for scientific
racism. It has been criticized for a claimed ideological bias, and for lacking a legitimate scholarly purpose.[127] The journal was founded in 1960, partly in
response to the Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education which desegregated the American public school system.[128][127]

In April 1966, Alex Haley interviewed American Nazi Party founder George Lincoln Rockwell for Playboy. Rockwell justified his belief that blacks were inferior
to whites by citing a long 1916 study by G. O. Ferguson which claimed to show that the intellectual performance of black students was correlated with their
percentage of white ancestry, stating "pure negroes, negroes three-fourths pure, mulattoes and quadroons have, roughly, 60, 70, 80 and 90 percent,
respectively, of white intellectual efficiency".[129] Playboy later published the interview with an editorial note claiming the study was a "discredited ...
pseudoscientific rationale for racism".[130]

International bodies such as UNESCO attempted to draft resolutions that would summarize the state of scientific knowledge about race and issued calls for
the resolution of racial conflicts. In its 1950 "The Race Question", UNESCO did not reject the idea of a biological basis to racial categories,[131] but instead
defined a race as: "A race, from the biological standpoint, may therefore be defined as one of the group of populations constituting the species Homo
sapiens", which were broadly defined as the Caucasian, Mongoloid, Negroid races but stated that "It is now generally recognized that intelligence tests do not
in themselves enable us to differentiate safely between what is due to innate capacity and what is the result of environmental influences, training and
education."[132]

Despite scientific racism being largely dismissed by the scientific community after World War II, some researchers have continued to propose theories of racial
superiority in the past few decades.[133][134] These authors themselves, while seeing their work as scientific, may dispute the term racism and may prefer
terms such as "race realism" or "racialism".[135] In 2018, British science journalist and author Angela Saini expressed strong concern about the return of these
ideas into the mainstream.[136] Saini followed up on this idea with her 2019 book Superior: The Return of Race Science.[137]

One such post-World War II scientific racism researcher is Arthur Jensen. His most prominent work is The g Factor: The Science of Mental Ability in which he
supports the theory that black people are inherently less intelligent than whites. Jensen argues for differentiation in education based on race, stating that
educators must "take full account of all the facts of [students'] nature."[138] Responses to Jensen criticized his lack of emphasis on environmental factors.[139]
Psychologist Sandra Scarr describes Jensen's work as "conjur[ing] up images of blacks doomed to failure by their own inadequacies".[140]

J. Philippe Rushton, president of the Pioneer Fund (Race, Evolution, and Behavior) and a defender of Jensen's The g Factor,[141] also has multiple
publications perpetuating scientific racism. Rushton argues "race differences in brain size likely underlie their multifarious life history outcomes."[142] Rushton's
theories are defended by other scientific racists such as Glayde Whitney. Whitney published works suggesting higher crime rates among people of African
descent can be partially attributed to genetics.[143] Whitney draws this conclusion from data showing higher crime rates among people of African descent
across different regions. Other researchers point out that proponents of a genetic crime-race link are ignoring confounding social and economic variables,
drawing conclusions from correlations.[144]

Christopher Brand was a proponent of Arthur Jensen's work on racial intelligence differences.[145] Brand's The g Factor: General Intelligence and Its
Implications claims black people are intellectually inferior to whites.[146] He argues the best way to combat IQ disparities is to encourage low-IQ women to
reproduce with high-IQ men.[146] He faced intense public backlash, with his work being described as a promotion of eugenics.[147] Brand's book was
withdrawn by the publisher and he was dismissed from his position at the University of Edinburgh.

Psychologist Richard Lynn has published multiple papers and a book supporting theories of scientific racism. In IQ and the Wealth of Nations, Lynn claims that
national GDP is determined largely by national average IQ.[148] He draws this conclusion from the correlation between average IQ and GDP and argues low
intelligence in African nations is the cause of their low levels of growth. Lynn's theory has been criticized for attributing causal relationship between correlated
statistics.[149][150] Lynn supports scientific racism more directly in his 2002 paper "Skin Color and Intelligence in African Americans", where he proposes "the
level of intelligence in African Americans is significantly determined by the proportion of Caucasian genes."[151] As with IQ and the Wealth of Nations, Lynn's
methodology is flawed, and he purports a causal relationship from what is simply correlation.[152]

Other prominent modern proponents of scientific racism include Charles Murray and Richard Herrnstein (The Bell Curve); and Nicholas Wade (A Troublesome
Inheritance). Wade's book faced strong backlash from the scientific community, with 142 geneticists and biologists signing a letter describing Wade's work as
"misappropriation of research from our field to support arguments about differences among human societies."[153]

On 17 June 2020, Elsevier announced it was retracting an article that J. Philippe Rushton and Donald Templer had published in 2012 in the Elsevier journal
Personality and Individual Differences.[154] The article falsely claimed that there was scientific evidence that skin color was related to aggression and sexuality
in humans.[155]

See also
Biological determinism Italian racial laws Race and health
Environmental determinism Nazism and race Race and intelligence
History of the race and intelligence controversy Racial policy of Nazi Germany Superior: The Return of Race Science
Institute for the Study of Academic Racism Pioneer Fund
Italian Fascism and racism Race and genetics

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Further reading
Saini, Angela (2019). Superior: The Return of Race Science. Beacon Press. ISBN 978-0008341008.
Alexander, Nathan G. (2019). Race in a Godless World: Atheism, Race, and Civilization, 1850-1914. New York/Manchester: New York University
Press/Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-1526142375
Redman, Samuel J. (2016). Bone Rooms: From Scientific Racism to Human Prehistory in Museums. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0674660410.
 Condit, Celeste M. (2010). Rhetorical Engagements in the Scientist's Process of Remaking Race as Genetic. The University of South Carolina Press.
ISBN 978-1299241091.
Spiro, Jonathan P. (2009). Defending the Master Race: Conservation, Eugenics, and the Legacy of Madison Grant. University of Vermont Press.
ISBN 978-1584657156. Lay summary (29 September 2010).

External links
Scientific racism, history of at [Link] (Cengage) Wikimedia Commons has
The Mis-portrayal of Darwin as a Racist – Refutes claims that Darwin was a racist or that his views inspired the media related to Scientific
racism.
Nazis
Purves D; Augustine GJ; Fitzpatrick D; et al., eds. (2001). "Box D. Brain Size and Intelligence" . Neuroscience (2nd ed.). Sunderland, MA: Sinauer
Associates.
Reviews of Race: The Reality of Human Differences
RaceSci: History of Race in Science
Gardner, Dan. Race Science: When Racial Categories Make No Sense . The Globe and Mail, October 27, 1995.
Institute for the study of academic racism (ISAR)
Race, Science, and Social Policy. From Race: The Power of an Illusion. PBS.
"How Can We Curb the Spread of Scientific Racism?" a review of Superior: The Return of Race Science by Angela Saini

V ·T ·E Racism [show]

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Categories: Scientific racism Eugenics Pseudoscience Race and intelligence controversy Social problems in medicine Pseudoarchaeology

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