Ethiopian Journal of Behavioral Studies, 2024, 7(1), 154-181

Begging among Physically Healthy Adults in Addis Ababa:

Reasons and Strategies

Abduselam Kemal1 and Belay Tefera2

Abstract

Currently, in Addis Ababa, several people including physically healthy are leading their life
through begging. The present study sought to examine the reasons that led physically healthy
adults engage in beginning to make a living. The strategies they employed while begging were
also assessed. A total of 33 physically healthy beggars from different begging spots found in
four sub-cities of Addis Ababa were selected through purposive, availability and convenience
sampling techniques. In addition, three officials from the Labor and Social Affairs Bureau of
Addis Ababa city administration were drawn purposely. Physical Health Screening Tool,
developed by the researcher, was used to identify physically healthy participants. Data were
collected using interviews and FGDs and analyzed thematically using a deductive approach.
Findings reveal that poverty, unemployment, and invitations by other beggars were among the
major reasons for begging. The researchers recommend that to decrease or ultimately
eliminate begging, reasons accounting for begging need to be given attention by City
Government Administration, Labor and Social Affairs Bureau and all concerned government
and non-government organizations. Furthermore, serious regulations need to be put in place
by the House of People’s Representatives to discourage begging by physically healthy
individuals.

Key Words: begging, physical health, physically healthy beggars, reason

1
Department of Psychology, Faculty of Education and Behavioral Studies, Woldia University. E-mail:
[email protected]
2
Professor of Psychology, School of Psychology, CEBS, AAU. [email protected]

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Introduction
Depending on the type of people engaged in begging behavior and on the
purpose of begging, the term begging is defined in several ways. Ministry of Labor and
Social Affairs of Ethiopia defined begging as “…A method of earning one's living from
the income obtained by other sectors of the society using age, health, and economic
conditions” (MOLSA, 1992, p. 2). The following definitions were also included in the
document:

Begging is an activity emanating from poverty and destitution where the person
tries to feed him/herself. It is a behavior practiced to obtain from others what
one is unable to get by oneself. Begging is a request directed to the rest of
society to bring oneself out of misery and poverty. Begging is an act of asking
for alms that is essential for survival, for solving temporary problems, or for
fulfilling some cultural and religious commitments.

Groce and his associates defined begging as:

An activity which allows an individual to call upon people with whom he or she has no
close ties for small donations to meet his/her basic needs. It is a mechanism through
which the community ensures that its very poor members will not starve (Groce et al.,
2014, p. 9).

Developing nations, especially those in Africa, suffer from inadequate health

infrastructure, scarce education opportunities, internal conflict, poverty, and the like
(Sireen, 2017). Ethiopia has been characterized as one of the developing countries
stricken by as high unemployment and displacement because of war. Abebaw (2003)

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affirms Ethiopia is entangled with several challenging conditions, including famine,

political instability, unemployment, underemployment, ethnic conflict, and so forth.
Researchers (for instance Güneralp et al. 2017 and Sireen (2017) have found
urbanization to be among the precursors of some social problems in developing nations.
Citizens’ vulnerability to such dire conditions has exacerbated problems such as
begging in Ethiopian cities particularly in Addis Ababa (Abduselam & Belay, 2021;
Jelili, 2006).

Begging is a global issue (Ahamdi, 2010; Groce et al., 2013; Jelili, 2006;
MoLSA, 1992; Woubishet, 2005) with its being more conspicuous in developing
countries (Abebaw, 2003; Ebenezer et al., 2018; Woubishet, 2005). Thes research
works of Abebaw, Ebenezer et al., and Woubishet 2005 have reavealed high prevalence
of begging in several African countries. Research also indicate that the practice of
earning a living is on begging is widespread in Ethiopia (Antehunegn & Abduselam,
2019; Abduselam & Belay, 2021).

In Ethiopia the genesis of begging is linked to religious practices and the

wanting of the tradition of support (Negese, 2008). In the olden times, the needy used
to satisfy their basic necessities mainly with the help from kins, cultural and religious
institutions, and clans. However, the collapse or such a support system, coupled with
the booming individualistic culture, paved the way for begging in the country (MoLSA,
1992; Negese, 2008).

Addis Ababa, a fast-developing city, hosts apparently all Ethiopian ethnic

groups (PEFA, 2008). The city has a size of 527 square kilometers. The population
density is estimated to be around 5,165 persons per a square kilometer available. The

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estimates of the Central Statistics Agency of Ethiopia show that the population of the
city is more than 4.5 million (CSA, 2020). Its better facilities, infrastructure, and
industries has made the city to be the preferred destination for people migrating from
rural locations. The internal migration has been identified to be among the factors
leading the city to suffer from high population density, disintegration of social fabric,
crime, violence and eventually poverty (MoFED, 2006; Netsanet, 2009).

The rate of poverty in Addis Ababa is worsening and a substantial portion of its
inhabitants are presumed to lead a dire life. Netsanet (2009) asserted that poverty is
more severe in the city's center than its outskirts.

Researchers have identified several factors that predispose people to resort to

begging. The major factors include poverty (Fireyihun, 2011; Teweldebrhan, 2011;
Woubishet, 2005), family breakdown (Fireyihun, 2011), societal crumbling and
illiteracy, (Teweldebrhan, 2011), rural-urban migration and drought, famine and war
induced displacement (Tatek, 2009), religious obligation (Kerebih, et al., 2007), peer
pressure and illness (Lucas, 2007), political challenges, unemployment and
underemployment (MOLSA, 1992), and urbanization (Woubishet, 2005). As the local
studies focused on physically unhealthy people making a licing on begging there is the
need to uncover factors that push or pull physically healthy people to engage in begging
In this study, therefore, an attempt was done to examine if there are any different
factors, other than those found amongst physically unhealthy beggars, that pushed the
participants of the study to earn a living from begging.

It has become a common place to see physically healthy adults begging in the
in the streets of Addis Ababa (Abduselam & Belay, 2021; Groce et al., 2014; Negese,

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2008; Samuel, 2017). Albeit social bans, overwhelming evidence exist in written
documents, videos, and television programs that Addis Ababa has become a house of
healthy adults who make a living by begging (Negese, 2008; Tatek, 2009). In Ethiopia,
the practice of begging among physically healthy is unwelcome. Even though beggary
is not encouraged by several religions (Jelili, 2010; Negese, 2008) it is drawing a
substantial number of physically healthy people (Abduselam & Belay, 2021;
Antehunegn & Abduselam, 2019).

Therefore, the objective of this study was to identify the reasons that push
physically healthy adults to earn a living from an activity that is socially and culturally
prohibited in Ethiopia. It was also attempted to identify the strategies they used to get
pity of others so as to earn alms for a living. In the context of this study, begging refers
to asking people with whom one has no close ties for a non-reciprocated charity, such
as money and food, as can be seen when individuals beg in public spaces. Similarly,
physical health refers to a state of external physical well-being enabling an individual
to perform his/her daily activities without restrictions as measured by physical health
screening tools and confirmed by observation. Physical health was also considered as
being free from major diseases such as cancer, diabetes, and heart disease, inhibiting
the person from engaging in various formal businesses.

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Methods

Research Design
To attain the objectives of the study, primary qualitative data collection tools
were employed. Since data were gathered by employing interviews and FGDs, thematic
analysis was conducted to make meaning out of the data. In addition, demographic
characteristics such as sex and age were tapped and analyzed quantitatively.

Research Setting
Addis Ababa is the capital city of Ethiopia and is found 7,726 feet above sea
level. The foundation, growth, and development of Addis Ababa are not linked to
colonization (Bahru, 2001). Nearly every ethnic group in Ethiopia is represented in this
city (PEFA, 2008). The capital city is 527 square kms. It is estimated that about 5,165
people live in a square km area (CSA, 2020).

The population of Addis Ababa is growing at a faster rate mainly due to the
influx of people from rural areas pushed by drought, political instability, regional wars,
government compulsion, depletion of natural resources, pursuit of better job
opportunities, and lack of basic services (Abduselam & Belay, 2021; Woubshet, 2005).
A substantial proportion of the migrants usually are confronted with dire socio-
economic conditions upon their arrival to the city. Many of them are forced to join
various types of jobs to lead their lives without having the opportunity to choose among
the available jobs due to the prevailing soaring unemployment rate in Ethiopia (CSA,
2020).

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Among the ten sub-cities of Addis Ababa, four sub cities namely. Addis
Ketema, Arada, Lideta, and Kirkos were selected for the present study Begging is more
commonly practiced in these sub-cities than in other sub-cities. Additional reasons for
selection of these sub cities as study sites are:

1) These sub-cities host more than 40 % of the capital’s population (Netsanet,

2009).
2) With their locations being at the center they are easily accessible.
3) These places are observed to have high business activities attracting people
who lead their lives by begging.
4) These sub cities have places including bridges, worshipping areas and
marketplaces where beggars can spend their nights.
5) In these places there are popular churches and mosques wherein beggars can
easily find almsgivers.

Population and Participants:

The study's participants were physically healthy adults in Addis Ababa, ranging
in age from 18 to 40, who made their living by begging. The people in this age range
are thought to be the backbone of the nation and are productive. This segment of the
population could have contributed to the economic prosperity of their nation, since
nations primarily depend on this demographic for economic growth.

In an interview with representatives of the Addis Ababa city government's

Labour and Social Affairs Bureau, it was learned that it was unclear how many
physically healthy adults in the city were making a living by begging. However, the
agency has pinpointed the sub-cities were where the majority of physically fit adult

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beggars reside. Additionally, the agency has pinpointed particular locations where
beggars frequently engage in this activity. While there are beggars in every sub-city,
the study's target group was often seen in particular sections of several sub-cities. The
target groups' densely inhabited areas are indicated in Table 1

Table 1:
Specific Areas Where the Target Groups are Highly Populated
Awutobustera Ras Mekonnin Bridge Biherawi Mexico square
Merkato Arat Kilo Sengatera Legehar
Gojam Berenda Megenagna Tikuranbessa Urael church
Teklehaimanot Filwuha Kazanchis Kality

Following the identification of the precise locations where the target population
can be available, four sub-cities and certain areas within them were selected to choose
the participants.
Sample Size and Sampling Techniques

Using purposive and convenience sampling procedures, twenty-three physically

healthy beggars—ten of whom were female and the remaining thirteen of whom were
male—from specific regions of Addis Ketema, Arada, Lideta, and Kirkos sub-cities
were chosen for the interviews. Because the research's target population consisted of
beggars in good physical health, the purposive sampling technique was employed to
ensure that the sample was physically normal. Convenience sampling was also
employed since it makes individuals conveniently accessible. Regarding the Focus
Group Discussion (FGD) samples, six male beggars and four female beggars were
chosen through availability and purposive sampling procedures.

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Because it was so difficult to gather beggars who through other means

availability sampling was used. This was because of making a living by begging
required them to move from one place to another and from one street to another. If
beggars were discovered to be physically healthy and in close proximity to one another,
they were invited to take part in the focus group discussions.

As a result, 33 beggars in all (19 men and 14 women) took part in the research.
The data saturation approach was used to determine this sample size. Through the use
of a purposive sample technique, three officials from the Labour and Social Affairs
Bureau (LSAB) of the Addis Ababa City Government—two men and one woman—
were also included in the study. The Addis Ababa city government's LSAB executives
were invited because their organization was one of the ones that worked directly with
the impoverished and vulnerable populations.

Table 2:
Sub-Cities and Specific Areas from which Samples Were Selected
Addis Ketema Arada Lideta Kirkos
Sub-City Sub-City Sub-City Sub-City
Awutobus Tera Piassa Teklehaimanot Filwuha
GojamBerenda RasMekonnin Bridge TikurAnbessa Biherawi
Megenagna Mexico
Legehar

Data Gathering Tools: In the present study two types of tools were used. The first was
used to. To distinguish obviously physically healthy beggars from other categories of
beggars (such as children, elderly, disabled, etc.). The tools were observation and

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screening tools. The second type of tools were interview and FGD designed to get
firsthand information from participants. A close ended questionnaire was used to tap
data on demographic factors including sex, age and educational level.

Observation: The purpose of the observation checklist was to assess the physical health
of beggars. As the target participants were physically healthy adult beggars, first
beggars were evaluated using an observation checklist. The checklist included measures
evaluating physical conditions such hearing and vision impairments, as well as the state
of hands, legs, and mobility. The screening tool was administered if the beggar satisfied
the requirements listed in the primary observation checklist. Items on this checklist
included "Are the beggar's hands normal?" "How are his/her legs?" "Can she/he hear a
sound at a volume others find audible?" and "Can she/he see and recognize objects at a
distance others can detect?"

Screening Tool: The screening instrument, like the observation checklist, sought to
distinguish between physically healthy and the unhealthy adult beggars. The researcher
created tools to help distinguish physically healthy beggars from unhealthy ones
because the study's participants were beggars who could participate in other legal
businesses requiring physical health and strength and who were physically fit enough
during the data collection period. The tool was created by contacting medical experts
and drawing on medical research studies. The screening tool's components primarily
addressed serious health issues that prevent people from participating in activities that
demand physical fitness and how participants perceive their level of physical strength.

The screening tool comprised of 11 items. Major illnesses including diabetes,

hypertension, heart disease, and the like were the emphasis of the instrument. (e.g.). It

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was also focused on the condition of eyes, legs and hands (.”). On top of these, the
screening test asked participants if they believed their physical health was sufficient to
do any tasks requiring strength. (e

Each item was answered “YES" or "NO." The beggar was regarded as a study
participant if they provided a "YES" response for each question. The beggar was
deemed physically unhealthy and was removed from the study if they answered "NO"
to any of the questions.

Interview Guide: Following the determination of a beggar as a study participant the

interview guide was administered with the help of an observation checklist and
screening tool. The guide consisted of two parts. The first part evaluated demographic
factors such as age, sex, birth place and higher educational level attained (e.g., “Your
Sex”, “Age in Years”, “Level of Education / 1. Unable to read and write, 2. Elementary,
3. High School, 4. Certificate and above/”). The second part assessed causes for begging
(e.g., “Select the reason/s that forced you to begin begging in the street”). This part also
was set to solicit information regarding strategies participants employed to draw
almsgivers’ attention (e.g., “What kind of strategy/strategies you employ to easily
solicit money or other alms from people you beg”).

Focus Group Discussion: The FGD guide comprised of two questions inquiring
participants on the causes for begging and strategies they employ in begging (e.g., “Tell
me the reason/s that forced you to lead your life through begging”, “What kind of
strategy/strategies do you employ to easily get the sympathy of people you beg?”).

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The location of the first FGD was Piazza, Jegole Square. The conversation took
place with four female participants. Six male beggars participated in the second FGD,
which was conducted in the Filwuha neighborhood. The researcher created the FGD
items in English, and he and a language specialist from Addis Ababa University
translated them into Amharic. The duration of each FGD was between 18 to 22 minutes.
The participants were unhappy with the length of time they spent on the discussions
because they took place during their begging hours albeit their consent to participate in
the FGD. It was deemed impossible to conduct the FGDs at other times for it would
have necessitated sufficient compensation.

Data Analysis

In the present study thematic analyses was employed to make meaning of the
qualitative data gathered. A deductive method was used for doing thematic analysis.
Prior to going over the data, the researcher had certain themes ready that he anticipated
might appear in the data. Then, a detailed review of all the data was conducted in order
to become acquainted with the data.
Sentences, phrases, and idioms that were pertinent to the themes were
shaded different colors to generate codes. Each code was designed to represent the
concepts that the participants had mentioned. Codes such as "Undeserving Beggars,"
"Strong Beggars," "Healthy Beggars," "Street Dwellers," "Being Uncertain," "24-hour
Incidence," "Profitable Business," "Well-Known Job," "Qifela," "Yegile," "Derash,"
"Teqetari," etc. were developed. Upon closely examining the codes, the researcher was
able to identify the patterns that led to the themes. Unusual Amharic phrases used by
the participants were replaced with more widely understood terms, and irrelevant codes

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were removed (for example, "Qifela" was changed to "begging" and "Teqetari" to "full-
time beggar). Every theme was identified and given a name based on the codes. (e.g.
‘Undeserving Beggar’ is termed as ‘Physically Healthy Beggar’). At last, the developed
themes included Physically Healthy Beggars‚ Commonness‚ Incidence‚ Full Time
Beggar‚ Attractive Daily Income‚ Profitable Job and Yegile (to mean ‘My Own’. All
the above themes were summarized to two broad themes, namely Reasons and begging
Strategies.
Some interviews were audio recorded with the consent of interviewees. The
researcher first took notes while listening to the recorded audio in order to find pertinent
phrases, statements, and expressions and phrases. The materials were then
finally transcribed and organized by theme. Furthermore, percentages were used to
analyses data regarding demographic factors.

Ethical Considerations:

While ethical considerations remain important in all types of research, their

significance is more pronounced in studies involving populations such as beggars. As
a result, basic ethical principles were closely adhered to.
The data gathering tools, including the audio recorder, were accompanied by an
informed consent form, and participants were made aware that their participation in the
study is entirely voluntary. In order to ensure their anonymity and data confidentiality,
the respondents were identified by letters and numbers they generated

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When respondents received the informed consent form, they expressed that they
were deceived on many occasions by many previous researchers. In the present study
utmost effort was exerted to control and eliminate any attempt of deception.

Findings

Characteristics of Respondents

The study involved 33 physically healthy beggars (14 females and 19 males).
23 participants (10 female and 13 male) took part in interviews, and 10 (4 female and
6 male) participated in the FGD. In addition, 3 other participants (1 female and two
male officials) from LSAB of Addis Ababa City administration participated in an
interview. Thus, a total of 36 people (15 female and 21 male) were participants of the
qualitative section of this study.

Table 3
Summary of the Participants Involved in the Study
Beggars Officials
Male Female Total Male Female
Interview 13 10 23 2 1
FGD 6 4 10 _ _
33 3

The 33 beggars were asked about their place of birth. The data revealed that 10
(30.3%) of the total number of beggars were born in Addis Ababa, the capital city. The
remaining (n= 23, i.e. 69.6%) stated that they were originally from different regions

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outside the capital city. Table 4 presents the overall characteristics of the participants
of the study.

Table 4
Characteristics of Beggar Respondents

Age in Years Level of Education Number of Children

F % f % f %

< 20 7 21.2 Don’t read and 2 6 No children 22 66.6

Write
20-30 16 48.4 Elementary 20 60.6 One child 4 12.1
31-40 10 30.3 High school 9 27.2 Two children 7 21.2
Certificate and 2 6 > two children 0
above
Total 33 33 33

Note: f = frequency; % = percent

One can learn the following points from the data in Table 4:

1) There existed people who made beginning their source of living, even after having
graduated from higher education institutions.

2) Over a third of the beggars had children who were dependents.

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Reasons Accounting for Begging

It has been noted that physically healthy adults tuned their lives into begging as
a means of survival. This section further explored why these individuals were driven to
begging. Prior to that the researchers attempted to understand the pushing factors for
deserving beggars (disabled beggars, child beggars, old-age beggars, etc.). It was
thought that there could be potential reasons why the physically healthy individuals
were driven to make begging their life choice. The findings have indicated some new
perspectives about why the healthy people were pushed to begging (see Table 5). The
reasons accountable for begging to both physically healthy and unhealthy groups to
practice begging were found to be similar.

Results in Table 5 show the factors involved in compelling the participants to

do begging for their survival. Participants were given the chance to select more than
one reasons from the list.

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Table 5
Reasons Accounting for Beginning Life in Streets.
Reasons Female Male
* Recommended by others 6 2

Unable to find job 5 11

Poverty 10 14
Family problems 5 11
Political reason (war, displacement, etc) 2

Profitable job 3 4

* Other jobs are physically too demanding 4 2

I have no one to take charge of me 3

One can see from the characteristics of the respondents section that the majority
of the respondents came to the capital city from regions for various reasons. Eight of
them migrated to the city to make money from begging. In other words, they came to
the capital with the aim of earning a living from begging.

Previous research studies conducted on begging among disabled beggars, old

age beggars and child beggars revealed the reasons such as inability to find job,

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profitability of begging and political reasons as some of the causes forcing individuals
to begin to earn a living through begging; in addition to being disabled and aged
(Ahamdi, 2010; Groce, et al., 2014; Negese, 2008). Although these research works
focused on begging, the nature and characteristics of this study was totally different
from participants of earlier studies. As mentioned frequently in previous sections, the
current study focused on beggars who were physically healthy so that able to do formal
jobs. Nevertheless, the reasons accounting for begging, in previous research findings,
were also found to be identified as reasons pushing participants of this study to earn a
living through begging.

Furthermore, some participants of this study reported that they began to beg in
streets because begging do not require unique knowledge and skill. They did not try to
look for other legal or formal jobs since they are too demanding when compared to
begging. Similarly, some of the participants began to earn a living from begging just by
receiving requests from other beggars who previously joined the activity of begging.

An official working at LSAB of the Addis Ababa City indicated that the factors
that pushed out to streets for begging included religious beliefs, work habits of the
community, profitability of begging, and the culture of the society associated with
almsgiving. One of the participants stated:

Many of the healthy beggars observed in streets are not actually poor. They are
not the right person to beg. They beg because they know that begging is
currently a profitable job. As I heard the healthy beggars are fighting with
disabled beggars in streets. Disabled beggars are complaining to our office that
the healthy ones did not allow them to beg in areas where they are available.

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The reason is clear that if both able bodied and disabled beggars beg together,
obviously people prefer to give to the disabled ones (LSAB, 14).

Another official in the same bureau further explained why people opted to beg,
instead of work.

It is agreed that we, Ethiopians, are lazy people. We want to be rich as fast as
possible. I think religion played its own role on us to develop poor work habit.
We collected beggars and other street dwellers from streets and gave them
training on various professions. After completing the training, we provided
them 12,000.00 birr believing that they can begin their own business. Some of
them were found while begging in streets. Mindless, it is after taking the training
and the money that they were found in streets. This is simply because they don't
want to exert maximum effort to get money from other jobs. You know, begging
is so simple that everybody can do it (LSAB, 15).

Strategies Used by Physically Healthy Adult Beggars

Begging by physically healthy people is conceptualized as asking others for

money, food, and clothing. The data reveals that strategies the healthy and physically
normal beggars employed to ask for money from almsgivers were more or less the same
as those used by beggars with non-healthy ones including people with disability, old-
age beggars, child beggars, and other types of beggars in previous research findings.
The only strategy, especially used by the physically healthy beggars, was to walk
alongside the almsgivers, trying to explain their problems by way of appealing to their
pity.

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Data from the focus group discussion has shown that beggars employed several
techniques to draw the attention of the almsgivers. “In most cases, I show respect for
people I beg by using words of respect such as ‘Yene Geta’ (My Lord), ‘Yemesafint zer’
(Royal Family Member), ‘Yelij Habtam’ (Deep Pocketed Young), etc.” (Discussant
Number 2, Filwuha).

The other participant said:

Although I have to frequently change techniques, I often appear as if I ate

nothing for hours. I sometimes go certain distances with the person I beg so
that I will get room to get sympathy of the person (Discussant Number 1,
Piassa).

A beggar who was 28-year old revealed that she used religious words, dressed
down with older clothes, and occasionally new clothes. She also expressed that she
would show a sign of starvation, telling almsgivers that she had dependent children to
take care of.

In general, the strategies physically healthy beggars employed included:

- Acting as sick
- Wearing worn-out clothes and occasionally new clothes
- Using religious words and pretending to be a religious person or leader
- Making use of words that demonstrate respect to almsgivers
- Looking starved
- Mentioning that they have several responsibilities, such as upbringing
children, educating children, taking care of older parents, etc.
- Going some distance with the person they beg

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As already mentioned in this section, many of the strategies employed by the

participants of the current study to meet their goal (to get money and food) were found
to be similar to strategies previously identified by other researchers. For instance,
Abebaw (2003) and Fireyihun (2011) found that beggars look starved and sick and wear
worn-out and dirty clothes while begging.

Discussion

Reasons for Begging: People who are physically fit to do any type of work opted to
make begging as a means of their survival in the city of Addis Ababa. The reason is
perhaps there is a tradition by the people to help others who are in need, so the beggars
used this as a loophole. According to Groce and his colleagues, the disappearance of
the traditional support systems among the members of societies has been a major factor
for many individuals to get themselves in streets to beg (Groce et al., 2014).

Previous research works on begging mainly focused on beggars who had

culturally accepted reasons (e.g., disability, being old enough) to beg. In doing so, some
of these researchers tried to mention that physically healthy people are being observed
while begging in the streets of Addis Ababa (Elshaday Relief and Development
Association, 2007; Negese, 2008; Ogunkan, 2009). However, this research exclusively
focused on individuals who had no culturally accepted reasons to lead life through
begging.

Among the commonest reasons that pushed people to the practice of begging
were poverty, family problems, and lack of a job or unemployment These reasons or
factors appeared to have been in congruence with the findings of the previous studies

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(e.g., Abebaw, 2003; Fireyihun, 2011; Groce et al., 2014; Samuel, 2017). Many reported
also that the physically healthy beggars went out to the streets because they were
solicited by others who had formerly become beggars themselves, as they observed
begging as a better source of income. Begging is something that is done without any
knowledge or skill unlike what professional careers demand. On the contrary,
professional jobs require one to pass through formal education, preferably higher level
learning.

Strategies Physically Healthy Adult Beggars Used: The initial assumption by the
researchers was that the physically healthy beggars would use begging strategies that
were not previously used by others such as physically disabled, and old-age beggars.
However, the data has shown that there existed no major difference between strategies
used by physically healthy beggars and the others beggars who had some form of
disability in their ways of approaching almsgivers. As indicated earlier, one exception
is a strategy the physically healthy beggars used walking alongside the almsgivers,
panhandling them. This tactic was found very helpful because it allowed them extend
their begging in extra time, the time they try to solicit the almsgivers.

Physically healthy beggars who participated in this study were found engaging
themselves in begging activity without any culturally and legally accepted reasons.
Though some reasons seem justifiable (for instance, war and displacement), physically
healthy beggars should have engaged in culturally acceptable formal businesses.

In general, it was learnt from the findings that physically healthy beggars were
earning a living from begging due to the fact that begging has become a profitable
activity.

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Conclusion

This study has identified the factors that are associated to begging among
physically healthy people. The central reason why people came out to the streets for
begging was poverty. Other reasons included unemployment and family-related
problems. Some beggars were also invited to beg by their other beggar fellows. Friends,
relatives, and former neighbors were among those who invited many to come to the
‘business’ of begging which was considered to be an important source of income.
Begging was considered to be a profitable ‘business’. This study observed that
beginning helped the participants make better income than other professional jobs could
do. Among other responsible factors that contributed for such people to come out for
begging were religion, poor work habit, and the community’s almsgiving tradition
showing compassion and empathy.

Political instability, inter-ethnic conflict and internal war need to be given

attention by future researchers as these factors are believed to play significant roles in
forcing people to resort to socially unaccepted ways of earning a living in the Ethiopian
context.

Recommendations

A very good lesson one may deduce is that no country can prosper in a situation
where a significant number of people are increasingly flooded to the streets with the
aim of making a living from begging. Even though begging may be considered a
righteous practice for those who are physically disabled and hardly find jobs, the
potential risk of begging outweighs. Accordingly, the following recommendations are
forwarded.

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- Poverty, unemployment and political instability were among the major reasons
that forced participants of this study to lead life through begging in the streets. The
researchers of the study believed that these reasons could be improved by
government organizations such as the Labor and Social Affairs Bureau, the Addis
Ababa City Administration and the office of the Prime Minister. If these and other
concerned organizations work on improving poverty, unemployment and political
instability, the number of physically healthy beggars will reduce.
- Government and non-government actors who are concerned about the social and
economic affairs ought to aim to develop strategies that could reduce the rate of
unemployment through targeting poverty eradication.
- The participants of the study did not have any logically acceptable reason to
practice begging as a means to live their lives. Almsgivers therefore need to
discourage the physically healthy beggars by discriminating them from the needy
ones.
- Beggars employed various techniques to get the attention of almsgivers. Those
who give money to beggars and those who regularly support beggars need not be
deceived by mere strategies beggars employ. They have to be able to differentiate
between those who require genuine support from others.

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Declarations

Ethics Approval and consent to participate

The data gathering tools as well as the audio recorder, were used upon consent of
participants was secured through an informed consent form. Participants were made
aware that their participation in the study is voluntary.

The interview and FGD guides, including the methods in the present study, were
approved by the School of Psychology of Addis Ababa University.

Availability of Data and Materials

Data sharing is not applicable to this article.

Competing Interests

The authors of this article declare that there is no competing interest.

Funding

This study was conducted with a forty thousand birr financial grant from Addis Ababa
University. This fund was expended on data collectors and was audited by the
university’s finance department.

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