Unit 3 c

Women’s Movements in India

The beginning of women’s movements can be observed rst from a social reform movement in
the 19th century. During the colonial period women’s movements in India were born out of the
same historical circumstances and social milieu as earlier 19th century social reform
movements, which provoked a new thinking about various social ins tu ons, prac ces and
social reform legisla ons. The women’s movements ideological and social content changed from
me to me and con nued into our mes. The movement in its en rety can be divided into
three dis nct phases.
• Phase I Social reform movement, na onal movement and social reform legisla on in the colonial
period.
• Phase II Women’s movements in the post colonial period.
• Phase III Women’s movements in India since the 1970s.
Patriarchy, caste system and several other social and religious ideas and prac ces which have originated
in the ancient Indian social milieu con nue to dominate our anthropological thinking about the social
status and posi on of Indian women and are s ll relevant issues and therefore when one discusses them
a historical overview is a necessity.
POSITION OF WOMEN IN INDIA

Society has been patriarchal for most part of recorded history. There has been in nite varia on
on the status of women depending on the culture, class, caste, family structure and property
rights. Even while women have right to kinship systems, the en re mechanisms of marriage,
descent, residence and inheritance are rarely organised in such a way as to guarantee women
access to resources or to allow them to secure access for other women.

Posi on of Women in the Medieval Period

India witnessed signi cant socio-economic changes during the medieval period giving rise to
new social groups which could not t into tradi onal hierarchy.rDuring the Mughal period,
household was an ins tu on in which gender rela ons were structured, enforced, and, possibly,
contested. y. The record of rou ne events (like the king’s visits to the royal women, prepara on
of marriages, and distribu on of gi s) were a repertoire of the processes involved in the making
of ‘hierarchical rela onships, building alliances and reinforcing kinship solidari es’ (Lal, 2004).
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 The Mughal rulers a empted to put down Sa . Humayun introduced a system of licensing to
bring it under some control.Jehangir abolished it by law and Aurangazeb pursued the
implementa on of this law (Baig 1976). But none of them could pursue their reforms vigorously.

Posi on of Women in the Bri sh Period

The advent of the Europeans into India did not change the situa on of women. Like other Western
powers, the primary objec ve of the Bri sh in the earlier days was trade. Later when they were faced
with the administra on of newly conquered areas, they thought it safe not only to keep the exis ng
social structure intact but also to induct its religious pundits (Brahmins) to interpret its rules when
necessary. The introduc on of English educa on rst started to train Indians for jobs under Bri sh
administra on. This created upper class elites who began to doubt the ra onale of many of the exis ng
prac ces in their society. The establishment and expansion of the Bri sh rule also encouraged Bri sh
missionaries to enter their colonies and start schools, orphanages and des tute homes especially for
widows. They stood against sa , child marriage, purdah and polygamy. The new Indian elite exposed to
European liberalism of the 18rh century through Western educa on, felt the urgency for reform of their
own society. This produced tangible results in the subsequent periods.

WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS IN THE COLONIAL PERIOD

The women’s movements in the colonial period are mainly of two di erent concerns: (1) social
reform movements and (2) na onalist movements.
Social Reform Movements The women’s movements began as a social reform movement in the
19th century. The Bri sh conquest and its rule over India brought about transforma on in Indian
economy as well as in society. The new land revenue se lements, commercial agriculture and
infrastructural facili es like roads, railways, postal and telegraph services etc. ushered in by the Bri sh
led to a signi cant change in the Indian village economy. The new economic system and administra ve
machinery required a new type of educated personal which resulted in the establishment of Western
educa onal ins tu ons impar ng modern educa on. The Indians who were the bene ciaries of the new
economic system were a racted towards this and as a result a new class of intelligentsia evolved in the
Indian society. The ar culate intelligentsia became the pioneers of all progressive democra c
movements: social, poli cal, economic and cultural. The reform movements were not homogeneous and
varied a lot in terms of the ideas and changes that was to be fostered. They did however share a
common concern for roo ng out the social evils, partly in response to charges of barbarity from the
colonial rulers. This was a period of the hegemonic control and in uence of colonial ideology. This was a
me of transi on, one of the emerging bourgeois society and values of new modes of thought. The
colonial interven on in the 19th century intruded into the areas of our culture and society and this
a ected transforma on in our social fabric. This poten al threat was sensed by the Indian intellectual
reformers, exposed to western ideas and values. At this juncture, the Indian intellectual reformer
sensi ve to the power of colonial domina on and responding to Western ideas of ra onalism and
liberalism sought ways and means of resis ng this colonial hegemony by resor ng to what K. N. Panniker
(Presiden al address, Indian History Congress, 1975) refers to as cultural defense.
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 Women were seen as passive recipients of a more humanitarian treatment to be given by
Western educated elite men. There was thus an a empt to reform women rather than reform
the social condi ons which opposed them. There were no a empts to alter the power structure
and the men-women rela on in the society. This was but natural since the change in the status
of women was being sought only within ques oning patriarchy itself. The a empt was to create
a new Indian woman, truly Indian and yet su ciently educated and tutored in the 19th century
values to suit the new emerging society. Thus educa on for girls was not meant to equip them
to be self-su cient, independent and emancipated and train them to follow some profession
but to be good housewives.

In spite of its limita ons, it cannot be denied that the social reform movement
did help in removing prejudices against women’s educa on and provided a
space for women in the public realm.
The reformers took up issues, such as, sa , female infan cide, polygamy, child marriage,
purdah, absence of educa on among women etc.
There were two groups of social reformers, 1) Liberal Reformers and 2) The Revivalists.
Both the groups undoubtedly recognised the oppressive social ins tu ons’ customs of India.
But the former group on the basis of liberal philosophy put forth their work for the cause of
women whereas the la er group’s work was based on a programme of the revival at the Vedic
society in modern India. While arguing in favour of equal rights for women appealed to logic,
reason, history, the principal of individual freedom and the requirements of social programme,
social reformers such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Keshab Chandra Sen, Iswarachandra Vidya Sagar,
Kandukuri Veeresalingam Panthulu, M. G. Ranade, Karve, Swami Vivekanan a, Swami Dayanand
Saraswathi and others provided leadership to the women’s movement by frankly acknowledging
the degraded posi on of Indian women. The social reformers concentrated their a en on on
important aspects of women like sa , age of marriage the sad plight of widows and their right
to remarry. The social reformers established a number of socie es like Bramho Samaj,
Ramakrishna Mission and others for the cause of Indian women.

Raja ram Mohan roy

The best exponent of liberalism was Raja Ram Mohan Roy who was the rst Indian to ini ate a
social reform movement and campaign for the cause of women. He advocated equality
between the two sexes and declared that women were not inferior to men morally and
intellectually.
Roy’s a en on was drawn towards the inhuman prac ce of sa , a er female infan cide. From
1818 onwards he began his ac ve propaganda through speeches and wri ngs against sa .
Largely because of his e ort and persuasion, the East India Company declared the sa prac ce
illegal and a punishable o ence in 1829. Raja Ram Mohan Roy also opposed other evils like
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 early marriage, polygamy etc. He supported female educa on and widow and inter-caste
marriage. He wanted that women should have the right of inheritance and property. Roy’s
Brahmo Samaj played a signi cant role in the reform ac vi es concerning women. The Brahmo
Samaj, soon a er its incep on became a vigorous social reform movement rst in Bengal which
then quickly spread to other parts of the country and added to the volume and strength of
similarly aimed local reformist movements.
The members of the Brahmo Samaj opposed the caste system and they concentrated greatly on
improving the low condi ons of women and played a very important role in the introduc on of
several bene cial measures. Like Raja Ram Mohan Roy,

Ishwara Chandra Vidya Sagar also helped women. He did so by propaga ng widow
remarriage. The child marriage evil resulted in large numbers of young girls ending up as
widows whose lives were miserable due to the severe restric ons imposed on them. He argued
in favour of widow remarriage and published his work on “Widow Remarriage” in 1853.

Arya Samaj was established by Dayanand Saraswathi in 1875. Dayanand

Saraswathi emphasised compulsory educa on of both boys and girls. A series of schools for
women- Arya Kanya Patasalas - were the rst concerted e ort of the Samaj to promote
women’s educa on in a systema c way.

Prarthana Samaj founded by some Maharashtra Brahmins in 1867 had leaders like M. G.
Ranade, N. G. Chandrasarkar and R. G. Bhandarkar. It concentrated more on sponsoring
educa on for women. Both Brahmo Samaj and Prarthana Samaj made forceful e orts to prove
that Hindu religious tradi on were not the source of legi macy for the sorrowful condi on of
women in society. Under the in uence of the liberal thought of the west the two Samajes strove
to restore to women their digni ed status.

The e orts of Vidya Sagar, Keshub Chandra Sen and D. K. Karve resulted in the
enactment of widow remarriage act of 1856.
In the South Kandukuri Veeresalingam led the widow remarriage movement. In 1874 he
performed 63 widow remarriages throughout the Madras presidency and nancially supported
men who married widows by providing them houses and other bene ts. Another aspect that
the reformers worked on was the age of girls at marriage. In the 19th century the average age of
marriage for girls was 8 or 9. The extensive propaganda by Vidya Sagar and other reformers in
this regard led the Bri sh government to legislate in order to improve the condi on of minor
girls and the age of consent bill was passed in 1860 which made sexual intercourse with a girl of
less than 10 years of age as rape.
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 Na onalist Movements
As a result of the social reform movement of the 19th century, the social evils were eliminated
and opportuni es were provided to women for their educa on. The expansion of women’s
educa on and their admission to educa onal ins tu ons had produced a sizable number of
English educated middle class women by the late 19th century- and they made their presence
felt in poli cal ac vi es. The characteris cs of the second phase of women’s movement i.e.
the na onal movement are: for the rst me many women belonging to the middle class,
started taking part in the poli cal ac vi es. Till 1919, the na onal movement was limited to the
urban upper class and it was later with Gandhi’s entrance into the na onal movement,
par cipa on of the masses began to take place. In this phase, poli cal developments and
women’s par cipa on in the Na onal movement went hand in hand.

The par on of Bengal in 1905 resulted in the launching of Swadeshi movement by the
na onalists. Though there was the absence of mass awakening amongst the women, but
mee ngs were arranged and khadi spinnings were taken up by women.
• Women contributed their bangles, nose rings and bracelets to the na onal fund. In villages,
women started pu ng away a handful of grain daily for such purpose.
• The women of Bengal and Punjab took ac ve part in the Swadeshi movement.
• The women workers of the Arya Samaj were also responsible for arousing na onal spirit
among the people
• . Swarna Kumari, sister of Rabindranath Tagore and her daughter Sarala Devi were strong
supporters of the Swadeshi movement.
• Important women who par cipated in the revolu onary ac vi es were Mrs. Shyamji Krishna
Varma, Ms. P. Nauroji, Ms. M. Che opadhya, and Madam Bhikaji Rustum, K. R. Kame, a
regular among the Indian revolu onaries based in Europe, coordinated to the ac vi es of the
revolu onaries. She also raised issues of women’s equality at interna onal socialist circles
re ec ng the Indian reality.

The period from 1911-18 is of great signi cance in the history of Indian na onal
movement because for the rst me a woman Annie Besant led the na onal
movement as president of Indian Na onal Congress. It was due to women like Annie
Besant that organised movement for the emancipa on of women took place and the demand
for poli cal rights for women came to be rmly established on the poli cal agenda.
Achievements -
• The important achievement of the women’s movement in India during the second phase was
the founding of Women’s Indian Associa on (WIA). Pandita Rama Bai’s Sharda Sadan (1892) in
Poona, Shri Mahipatram Rupram Anathashram in Ahmedabad (1892), Shri Zorastrian Mandal
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 in Bombay (1903), Maternity and Child Welfare League in Baroda (1914) , Bhagini Samaj in
Poona (1916) all were established and worked with the par cular objec ve of improving
women’s lives. These regional organisa ons were followed by na onal organisa ons like
Women’s Indian Associa on (1917) and The Na onal Council of Women in India (1920). All
India Women’s Conference (1926) went on to organise 12 women’s conferences ll 1937 and
Federa on of University Women in India (1920) s mulated the interests of women in civic and
public life and concentrated on the removal of disabili es of women and promoted social,
civil, moral and educa onal welfare of women and children.
The Women’s Indian Associa on was mainly concerned with in uencing the government policy
on women’s su rage, educa onal and social reform issues. Its main objec ves were spread of
women’s educa on, elimina on of child marriage and other social evils, franchise for women
and establishment of equality of rights between men and women. This associa on played an
important role in ar cula ng the women’s movement ll its merger with the All India Women’s
conference. From the beginning, the Indian women’s movement approached the su rage
campaign as a measure to achieve social reform. The leaders believed that enfranchisement of
women would mean addi onal support for reform legisla on. The entry of Mahatma Gandhi
with his experience altered the na onal poli cs drama cally. He realised the importance of
mass base to Indian na onalism, and subsequently an ideology which suited the same was
introduced. Gandhian style of mass mobilisa on had implica ons for the Indian women’s
movement in as much as increasing number of women were sought to be mobilised for
par cipa on in the independent movement.

WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS IN THE POST COLONIAL PERIOD

The period a er India’s independence is called post-colonial period. Immediately a er independence,
India had to deal with a variety of problems. Years of colonial domina on had destroyed our indigenous
cra s and depleted our natural resources. Industrialisa on, changing technologies illiteracy, lack of
mobility all resulted in the inability of women to cope with the new order. During this period the social
reformists tried to channelise the Indian society by introducing cons tu onal and legal provisions and
protec ng the society and the women from discrimina on and by providing equality to all the ci zens
irrespec ve of caste, creed, race, religion and sex. A few of the prominent movements are:
• Telangana Movement;
• Chipko Movement;

• An Arrack Movement.

Telangana Movement
The Telangana Movement began in 1946 and con nued ll 1951. It is one of the two major post-war
insurrec onary peasant struggles in India. The Telangana Movement (1946-51) was a protest of the
people who wanted both food and freedom from the oppressive regime of the Nizam, the Pa ls and the
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 Jagirdars in Hyderabad State. The peasants on the Nizam’s personal estate were bonded to the ruler.
Under Jagirdari system various illegal taxes and forced labour were extracted from peasants by the
landlords. Apart from this there were the Deshmukhs and Despandes (principal revenue o cers of a
district who became land owners over me) or tax collectors of the Nizam who grabbed thousands of
acres of land and made it their own property. Peasants thus became tenants at will. One common social
phenomenon was the Ve system of forced labour and exac ons imposed on all peasant sec ons in
varying degrees. Each family had to send someone to collect wood for fuel, carry post to other villages,
carry supplies etc. Foot wear, agricultural implements, pots or cloth had to be supplied free to landlords.
Another system that prevailed was keeping of peasant girls as slaves in the landlord’s house. When
landlord’s daughters were married these with were o en sent with them to serve as concubines. When
the exac ons of the landlords reached the point of evic ng peasants from their land, the peasants began
to resist. Sporadic struggles were launched in 1946 against the Deshmukhs of Visunur, Suryapet,
Babasahebpet and Kalluru.

Large number of women who were desperate because of extreme poverty, slavery and sexual
exploita on by the feudal lords fought courageously in this movement. In order to mobilise and
develop poli cal acumen among women, the communist party formed a women’s organisa on
which published a woman’s Journal Andhra Vanitha. Through this they campaigned against child
marriage, widow remarriage, increased wages etc. Crucially a ected by the oppression of
landlords and money lenders, women who were a large sec on of the agricultural labour and
tobacco leaf pickers became militant in the struggle for land, be er wages, fair, rent, reasonable
interest on cash and grain loans.

Among the bonded class, rape, becoming concubines to landlords’ married daughters etc. were
prevalent. The oppression of the upper class women was kept under wraps as the violence they
faced was not visible and structural purdah was strictly observed both by high caste Hindu and
Muslim women. Child marriage and early widowhood were common. Educa on for women was
unheard of. In Telangana the cultural dominance of Muslim feudal rule kept women out of the
mainstream for long.
Andhra Maha Sabha, which sprung up to assert the cultural iden ty of the people, added
women’s educa on to their agenda of cons tu onal reform and civil liber es. Thus many
women, who were drawn into the cultural movements, drew closer to the communist party
which was working through the Andhra Maha Sabha. When the Andhra Maha Sabha added
basic agrarian reforms to its programme of ac on these women also plunged into the struggle.
Women from all classes par cipated in the movement with energy and commitment where
both the urban middle class as well as the peasant sec ons of the popula on, drew their
support slowly but surely into the movement.
The communist party which seriously took up issues of social reforms for women like widow
remarriage, prohibi on of child marriage, educa on for women and opportuni es, also began
to iden fy women of ability to make the movement stronger. Some of the women who took
ac ve part in the movement were Dubala Salamma, Ch. Kamalamma, Regulla Achamma,
Chityala Ailamma, Pesaru Satbamma, Malla Swarajyam, Dayani Kausalya, Pramila Tail, Chakilam
Lalithamma, Bullemma, Narasamma, Vajramma, Saidamma, Suganamma, etc.
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 Chipko Movement
Chipko Movement was born in a small hilly village, Advani in Tehri Garhwal district of U er Pradesh. The
illiterate adivasi women led this movement in December 1972. It challenged the old belief that forests
mean only mber and emphasised their roles in making soil, water and pure air as the basis of human
life. This philosophy popularised the movement in many countries. The women symbolically ed sacred
threads around the trees, faced police ring in February 1978 and later courted arrest. This movement
con nued under the leadership of Sri Sunderlal Bahuguna in various villages. The movement’s plan is a
slogan to plant ve F’s- food, fodder, fuel, ber and fer liser to make communi es self su cient in all
their basic needs.

The Chipko movement is inimical to gender in its theore cal underpinnings as well as the
poli cal and economic ones. Women and children gather rewood for domes c consump on.
They rely on the forestry for combus ble crop residues such as rice straw. This, however, is
considered inferior to fuel-wood. Therefore, forestry ac vi es that increase the availability of
fuel-wood and development projects that promote improved stoves both release women’s
labour from fuel collec on and permit its use in other produc ve ac vi es, and improve the
agricultural environment by permi ng crop residues to be be er used for enriching depleted
soil. The movement points out the link between women’s burden as food providers and
gatherers and their militancy in protec ng natural resources from violent devasta on.
The Chipko women believed that the trees were alive and could breathe like them. Thus trees
should be respected. Besides suppor ng agriculture and animal husbandary, the forests grew
medicinal herbs used for healing powers. The hill women used fruit, vegetables or roots from it
in mes of scarcity. This dependency on forest resources was ins tu onalised through some
social and cultural mechanisms, like religion, folklore and oral tradi on. Many wooded areas
bore marks of the hill folk’s ins nct for the planta on and preserva on of the forest.
The Chipko movement against tree felling is a phenomenon no less. On April 1974, these
women whose annual per capita income was Rs.129 rose against tree -felling. It is na onally
and interna onally discussed as the peoples’ ecological movement for the protec on of the
natural environment. Men migrated to the plains and women were le to cope with an
impoverished existence and to provide for the old and the children. Women repeatedly
challenged administrators and poli cians sta ng, planning without fodder, fuel and water is one
eyed planning. In the course of this movement, Garhwal women successfully undertook
leadership roles and ques oned the right of the men to decide the fate of the forests or to enter
into contracts without consul ng them, who were the worst a ected. The forests were these
women’s home, and hence they would not let it be cut down. The police force used all
repressive and terrorising methods to retreat the non-violent strength of the women.
An -Arrack Movement
The an -arrack movement of women in Andhra Pradesh was one of most historic and
signi cant movements of the 1990s. The historic bangle waged by the women of Andhra
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 Pradesh against the social evil of alcohol drinking is a magnum war in Indian social history.
Women have played a historic role in bringing about a ban on consump on and sale of dis lled
liquor in Andhra Pradesh. The movement indeed was not just for elimina on of liquor but for
the protec on and survival of their lives and culture. The rural women in the villages raised
their voices against the degenera on of the progress of their families through the damage
caused by their men to their children and themselves. The movement was started in a small
village, Dubagunta, in Nellore district of Andhra Pradesh. The main reason for the movement
was said to be the successful literacy mission that has been going in Nellore district. The
Na onal literacy Mission (NLM) was o cially launched in Nellore District from 2nd January 1990
and was implemented from January 1991. This program was implemented in a very innova ve
way with recogni on of development as an instrument of change and empowerment of
women. Hence a campaign approach was adopted to spread the message of literacy. Primers
were wri en, popular performances used and a center for people’s awareness created. Besides
this, cultural commi ees were organised to convey the meaning and need for literacy in the
forms of songs, dance-dramas and street plays.
Sharing of problems through such mediums helped women to create a close bonding. They
decided to ght the vice of drinking. The women reasoned that if the arrack shops were closed
the men would not get liquor and hence would not drink. These women then marched together
the next day and were able to get the arrack shop closed in their village. The Dubagunta episode
was soon quoted in another literacy primer, under the tle, Adavallu Ekamaithe, (If Women
Unite). The lesson had an electrifying impact on women in other villages who felt that they
could do the same. In many villages women’s commi ees were formed. Their ght turned into a
larger issue involving contractors, the excise department and the state itself.
The women wanted to know why their village did not have drinking water, schools for children
or proper wages but plenty of arrack shops (ibid). An -arrack movement though started as a
spontaneous outburst of lower class and lower caste women it soon became a rage through
classes and castes against local arrack shops, excise o cials, liquor contractors and all the
machineries of state involved in the trade. Apart from these, the women resisted pressure
tac cs and a acks from those whom they were gh ng. The inspira onal guidance extended by
the veteran freedom ghter Mr. Vavilala Gopala Krishnaiah, added momentum to the
movement organised and spread to all villages in the district. Soon all the arrack supply sources
were blocked. There were spontaneous and simultaneous demonstra ons in all the areas
against the evils of arrack consump on.
The women’s struggle against the sale of arrack in Andhra Pradesh had 20 nonpoli cal
organisa ons that fought for the scraping of auc ons and bring about a complete ban on its
manufacture. Through this movement, women have de nitely emerged out winners because
they are well aware of their strengths and ability to bring about change in society. Most
importantly, the an arrack agita on is a very good example of the ar cula on of a family
violence in public. It showed a feminist way of looking at issues, especially a private issue like
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 family violence and aligning it to a larger issue of state and society. It ques oned the no on
about domes c violence being private and women not being able to do anything about it. This
movement gave tremendous self-con dence and sense of power to women, who realised their
strength and used it to their bene t. Women emerged out winners because they are well aware
of their strengths and ability to bring about change in society.

WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS IN INDIA SINCE THE 1970s

In the post Independence period during the rst few decades, the major concern was for overall
economic growth. This was immediately followed by another decade, which witnessed an
increased concern for equity and poverty allevia on. Gender issues were subsumed in poverty
related concerns and there were no speci c programs which aimed at women. Women during
this period were involved in such movements like the law and famine relief movement but did
not start to pick up issues involving their oppression un l the 1970s. NGOs and other such
organisa ons from the 70s started emphasising on women’s development and provided women
avenues of collec vely voicing their concerns. These grass root organisa ons have ques oned
the welfare approach to women and incorporated an empowerment par cipatory approach.
While ques ons about the success of these organisa ons are o en raised, it is o en seen that
women exposed to some amount of mobilisa on show great poten ali es, recep veness and
de ning capaci es.
In the post independence period, the women’s movement has concerned itself with a large
number of issues such as dowry, women’s work, price rise, land rights, poli cal par cipa on of
women, Dalit marginalised women’s right, growing fundamentalism, women’s representa on in
the media etc. It has also been able to draw a large number of women around three major
issues: girl child, gender violence and globalisa on.
The important characteris cs of the 3rd phase of women’s movement i.e. from post
independence era to 1985 are as follows: ll the 1970s a kind of passivity or accommoda on
due to the socio-economic circumstances of free India in uenced the women’s movement.
The economic crisis of 1960s created an atmosphere in which issues concerning women are
more and in which women started taking place (1975-1985- Interna onal Women’s Decade)
saw the emergence of autonomous women’s movement in which autonomous women’s groups
and organisa ons started gh ng for libera on. Ideals of equal status and important provisions
for the welfare of women were incorporated into the Indian cons tu on, while the pre-
independent legisla ve acts con nued to be in force.
The cons tu on guaranteed equal rights to both the sexes. Ar cle 15 and Ar cle 16 (2) of the
cons tu on forbids discrimina on and accepts all as equal in the eyes of the law (Ar cle 14). In
the early 1950s a series of legisla ons such as the Hindu Marriage Act, Hindu Succession Act,
Dowry Prohibi on Act and Equal Remunera on Act were passed. The emergence of
independent India as a welfare state also a ected the contours of Indian women’s movement.
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 The government Central Social Welfare Board (CSWB) promotes welfare and development
services for women, children and under privileged sec ons of the society. It has a na on wide
programme for grants-in-aid for welfare ac vi es with a special emphasis on women’s welfare.
The period from the late 1960s has been marked by an economic crisis and stagna on, rising
prices, increasing landlessness and generalised discontent both in the rural and urban areas.
The le par es took interest in the economic crisis and started organising movements. Through
women’s issues were not taken up, women were mobilised in large number and they
par cipated in the general struggle of the rural poor, tribals and industrial working class.
Women’s organisa ons such as Shramik Mahila Sangathana (the working women’s organisa on)
took up the issue of rising prices of essen al goods, adultera on etc. This saw its culmina on in
the an price movement of 1973 as a united front organisa on of women belonging to poli cal
par es such as CPI (M), Socialist Party, Congress and even non-poli cal women. The poli cal
par es mobilised women to achieve their own poli cal gains.
This resulted in the establishment of Na onal Federa on of Indian Women (NFIW) by the
Communist Party of India. The economic hardships of the rural masses also drew the a en on
of some poli cal par es. While pressing for be er working condi ons for peasant women,
issues like wife bea ng, alcoholism, dowry and sexual harassment from the upper castes were
also given a en on. Thus in the early 1970s while elite women’s organisa ons were conduc ng
cultural ac vi es and beauty shows, the poor women were ge ng entrenched into serious
movements.
The decade from 1975 to 1985 saw the emergence of autonomous women’s movement. The year 1975
was declared as the Interna onal Women’s Year (IWY) which was later extended to a decade. The
government appointed the Commi ee on the Status of Indian Women (CSIW) in 1971 to examine the
rights and status of Indian women and to suggest certain measures to enable women to play their
proper role in the building up of the na on.

The women’s organisa ons that emerged during the autonomous movement period could be
divided into six categories:
i) Autonomous groups whose main propaganda is agita on and to raise consciousness.
ii) Grass root or mass based organisa ons like trade unions, agricultural labourers’
organisa ons, democra c groups, tribal organisa ons etc. in which women’s issues like
wife bea ng, sexual harassment by the landlords, alcoholism of men have been taken
up.
iii) Groups that concentrate on providing services, shelter homes etc. to needy women.
iv) Professional women’s organisa ons such as doctors, lawyers etc. that seek to agitate
against discrimina on and more o en create alternate channels for professional
ac vity.
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 v) Women’s wings or fronts of the poli cal par es.

vi) Groups involved in research and documenta on on women’s issues.

Conclusion
Unlike the women’s movements in America and Britain, in India, the concern for women’s freedom was
rst espoused by enlightened males during the Bris sh era who had imbibed liberal ideas. Upto the
1920s the struggle was carried on by men. It was only a er Mahatma Gandhi’s entry into poli cs, that
the na onalist movement under his leadership was transformed from a middle class movement into a
mass movement where women for the rst me raised their voices against the disabili es that they
su ered. It is the women’s movement in India that has been the force behind the long struggle of
women’s advancement from subordina on to gender equality and nally to women’s empowerment.
Though a lot needs to be achieved and there are various impediments in making this reality available to
a large sec on of women, the women’s movement has brought women’s issues centre stage and made
them more visible.
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