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International Journal of Modern Anthropology

Int. J. Mod. Anthrop.2023. Vol. 2, Issue 19, pp: 1110 - 1127
DOI: [Link]
Available online at: [Link] & [Link]

Research Report

Krobo girls and Dipo puberty rites of passage in the

eastern region of Ghana
Elizabeth Anorkor Abbey1, Nadir A. Nasidi2 *
1 2
Department of Psychology, University of Ghana, Legon; Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University,
Zaria/Lisa Maskell Fellow, University of Ghana, Legon
*
Corresponding author: Nadir A. Nasidi, E-mail: nanasidi@[Link].

(Received 18 February 2023; Accepted 20 April 2023; Published 25 June 2023)

Abstract - Globalization, which seems to have broken all socio-cultural, and economic
barriers, and the growing rate of societal awareness has no doubt challenged many African
cultural rites such as female genital mutilation. Despite the fact that Dipo, a Krobo cultural
puberty rite, has been criticised by many people, especially on the basis of its treatment of
young girls, the Krobo have managed to sustain it due to its centrality to their culture as the
ceremony is instituted to promote personal hygiene, home management, and morality. This
paper, therefore, examines 35 girls between the ages of 12 to 20 comprising 21 initiates and
14 non-initiates from Odumase-Krobo in the Eastern Region of Ghana. The participants
were engaged in one-on-one and focused group discussions. Using both primary and
secondary data, which is augmented with a qualitative research methodology, this paper
examines the perception of girls passing through the Dipo puberty rite. The study reveals
two main findings; the belief that Dipo is traditionally ungodly and true Christians must not
participate in such activities and the belief that Dipo is a cultural puberty rite of passage
that is binding upon the Krobo. It is established that the observance of the Dipo rite in this
modern era has attracted a number of criticisms based on the way and manner the rite is
conducted, especially from the Christians in Ghana, which causes serious psychological
distress among Krobo girls.

Keywords: Dipo, rite, Ghana, puberty.

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International Journal of Modern Anthropology (2023)

Introduction
Among the Krobo people of Ghana, the Dipo is a traditional puberty rite of passage for
girls, marking their transition from childhood to womanhood. The ceremony typically takes
place once a year, usually in the months of March and April. During the Dipo ceremony,
girls are secluded from the community for several weeks and undergo a series of rituals and
teachings. These rituals include purification ceremonies, during which the girls are bathed
in special herbs and receive special blessings from the priestess (Abbey 2016). The girls
also receive instruction on adult responsibilities and etiquette, including how to be good
wives and mothers.
One of the most distinctive aspects of the Dipo ceremony is the girls‟ wearing of
beads and cloth called „dip-yo‟ (Adinku 2016; Osei et al. 2021). These are specially
designed for the occasion and are meant to symbolize the girls‟ newfound status as women.
The beads and cloth are also believed to have spiritual significance and are thought to offer
protection to the girls. At the end of the seclusion period, there is a public ceremony in
which the girls dance and display their newly acquired skills and knowledge. This
ceremony is a source of pride and celebration for the entire community, and it marks the
girls‟ formal entry into adulthood (Anarfi & Owusu 2011; Kissi-Abrokwah et al. 2021).
In most African societies today, social, political, and economic changes have
broken down different cultural practices and rapid social change is posing different
challenges to meanings of events among the youth (Tetteh 2006; Kariuki et al. 2014).
These factors include urbanization, educational opportunities, access to global media, and
social mobility. Social change has also influenced the youth‟s participation in traditional
initiation (Monyenye 2004).
With regards to social change from the past to the present, life on Shai Hills
where the Krobo first settled to the present Krobo-Odumase in the Eastern Region of Ghana
was orderly and popular in relation to their culture. Dipo rites of passage, which for time
immemorial were believed to be instituted by elders in the community under the
stewardship of one priestess called Nana Kloweki still remain crucial and ever-changing for
the Krobo. The stages of Dipo rites were defined by elders of the time and violation of the
 1112

rite was very detrimental to community members. Until now, a number of the stages of
Dipo rites were modified whereas other stages were maintained to reflect ideas relating to
the belief system and practices, which have been passed on from one generation to the other
(Adjaye 1999; Salm and Falola 2002; Steegstra 2005; Abbey 2016; Abbey et al. 2021).
Dipo rites of passage were generally accepted by the Krobo, but it became a
major obstacle to the acceptance of a new faith, teachings, and ideas which were largely
introduced by the Christian missionaries and through the imposition of the British colonial
administration (Teyegaga 1985). Over the years, Dipo became a means of socialization,
cultural identification, and personal maturation, which could not be replaced fully by
Christian education. Through purposive sampling of 35 girls between the ages of 12 to 20
comprising 21 initiates and 14 non-initiates recruited from Odumase-Krobo in the Eastern
Region of Ghana, this paper, therefore, examines the perceptions of Krobo girls who
participated in Dipo rites for a period of three (3) days about their cultural values, its
significance, and attitudes to Dipo with much focus on the psychological implication. The
criteria used in sampling the girls are (1) they must be Krobo (2) the age category and (3)
willingness to participate by both initiates and non-initiates. It also examined the sexual
behaviour of Krobo girls, which may be related to various effects of Dipo. This is because;
the retention of Dipo has aroused the interest of many individuals who studied it from the
anthropological point of view despite various attempts to eradicate it.
In order to gain much insight into the current perception of Dipo rites, this study
also raised some important questions regarding the conduct of the rites viz.: What has been
the perception and experiences of Christian girls who have undergone Dipo? Has the
current period of training fully reflected the essence of Dipo in society today? It should also
be noted that there is the need to ascertain their perception on Dipo rites and what is
actually sustaining it in the Krobo community among the contemporary growing
adolescents.
This study is relevant and would benefit all Ga-Adangme people such as the
Shai, Krobo, Ningo, and Prampram communities, opinion leaders of cultural rites, as well
as initiates and non-initiates about Dipo rites. It would inform, influence and direct Krobo
in general about the relationship that exists between current practices and the perception
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regarding different concepts that Dipo is believed to address personal hygiene, promiscuity,
and teenage pregnancy.
The qualitative data employed thematic analysis to identify, analyse and
interpret various aspects of the research objectives. The qualitative data focused on two
main objectives. The first objective considered girls‟ general perception of Dipo rites in the
community. Under this objective four main themes emerged. These include the source of
income, early and late initiation period, love life, and traditional rites. These themes reflect
a mixed perception among initiates and non-initiates as the stated objective was expressed
in both positive and negative statements. The second objective of this paper assessed the
influence of Dipo rites on girls‟ sexual behaviours and choices in sexual-related issues.
Two themes that emerged from the narratives include good morals and the lesson from the
Dipo rites. Views of initiates and non-initiates concerning different issues regarding sexual
activities resulted in these two dissenting opinions.
The choice of the Eastern Region for this study, however, was informed by the
fact that the Krobo people whose rites of passage are the focus of this paper primarily
reside there. Besides, the region is known for its rich cultural heritage and many traditional
practices and customs, including the Dipo rites. Above all, the Shai hills located in the
Eastern Region where the Dipo is held served as the embodiments of the historical and
cultural significance of the Krobo people.

Theoretical Framework
Transition-Rite Theory inspired by Gennep (2011) has explained the essence of female
initiation ceremonies that announce a woman„s social maturity as essential. The term, rite
of passage was first coined by the Dutch–German-French ethnographer and folklorist,
Arnold van Gennep, to describe a three-part structure that he observed in various cultural
rituals that marked a person‟s transition from one social status to another (Gennep 2011).
According to Gennep, this three-part structure of the rites of passage is; (1) the phase of
separation from a previous world (2) the exposure (3) the experience executed during the
transitional phase, as well as incorporation into the new world. These stages were also
described as the pre-liminal, liminal, and post-liminal stages (Gennep 2011).
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According to Gennep (2011), the first phase of most initiation rites is marked by
the withdrawal of people from their current status to another in a particular social structure.
Activities during the first stage include different food taboos, social segregation, and
avoidance of sexual activities. The transition phase (second phase) is the period during
which one prepares to enter the final phase. The second phase was described as the
threshold of different rites of passage. The transitional stage is a period accompanied by
testing and education. Practical lessons involve the avoidance of specific meals, sexual and
behavioural reversals. These activities help growing girls acquire a new status in society.
The third phase was described by Gennep (2011) as a period of incorporation, which is
typically signified with outdoor adventure programmes. These programmes include
religious ceremonies, dancing, receiving of gifts, and community participation, which are
more focused on individuals who have completed the rites.
As Gennep, Teyegaga (1985) also observes that Dipo transitional rites were
classified into three main stages. The stages seek to explain key ideas for which Dipo was
originally performed by Nana Kloweki. These include social, religious, and outdoor aspects
(Teyegaga 1985).
Froggatt (1997) reported that the phases as proposed by Gennep would be
prominent depending on the type of life event. For example, the separation phase would be
notable during bereavement whereas the transitional phase, during new parenting, and
finally the incorporation phase, is during the early marriage. Gennep„s order was believed
to reduce harmful effects on the individual and on social stability and order. However,
according to Turner (1982), the acquisition of social identity during the transitional phase
was described as unclear and ambiguous as people found themselves outside the normal
social values and systems. These people are believed to share and communicate with other
initiates, which comes with its own structure (anti-structural).
The concept of anti-structure indicates that human beings gain a form of
understanding of their humanity and spirituality through interaction with others. Thus,
humans provide continuity and the spiritual aspect affirms the significance of discontinuity.
Gennep‟s Theory is, therefore, adopted in this study to explain the stages the Krobo girls
pass through the Dipo rites with particular references to their personal experiences, as well
as the impact of such rites on their lives.
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Krobo girls and Dipo puberty rites in the eastern region of Ghana / Abbey & Nasidi

Methodology
Fourteen (14) initiates as well as fourteen (14) non-initiates were conveniently selected to
participate in the focused group discussion. A different set of seven (7) Dipo initiates were
interviewed individually. This one-on-one interview process was to give the girls an
opportunity to share their private and personal experiences that some may be unwilling to
share in a group. These two methods used for the qualitative data collection were to give
girls an equal opportunity to the initiates so as to express themselves and to cater for
individual differences with regard to much flexibility in sharing information. In all, 35
Krobo girls participated in the qualitative study, which include twenty-one (21) initiates
and fourteen (14) non-initiates.
Girls between the ages of twelve (12) to twenty (20) years who were relatively
educated and may be thinking separately from a majority of the populace were
conveniently selected from different secondary institutions at Odumase-Krobo. The major
secondary institutions include Odumase Presbyterian Junior High School and Akro Senior
Secondary/ Technical School. The study started with a focused group discussion (1st phase)
followed by a one-on-one interview (2nd phase). In each of these phases, participants were
introduced to the subject matter, aim, objectives, as well as their expected contributions to
the study. During this process, rapport was created and participants did not feel intimidated
by the researchers‟ presence.
During the first phase (focused group discussion), four (4) focused groups were
formed, which consist of two different group of initiates and two (2) different groups of
non-initiates. Each group had 7 participants. A question guide was used to tease out two
major ideas in relation to the objectives. The second phase was a follow up individual
interview with seven (7) other participants from each category of initiates.

Views about Dipo

Dipo rites are performed for majority of Krobo girls at puberty stage. Whereas most
initiates expressed much joy to have undergone the rites due to various reasons, others have
expressed criticisms about some of the stages of the rites. Some initiates evaluated some of
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the stages of Dipo rites as embarrassing and a form of ridicule in modern times because
they were forced to undergo the ceremony. Some initiates reported different psychological
challenges as photographs of their exposed body were used for souvenirs. Few other
initiates left the community because the men have seen their naked bodies (Emefa & Selase
2014). According to Boakye (2010), a girl was initiated without knowing any reasons
except to make her a Krobo woman.
A school of thought outlines the importance of Dipo. For instance, Salm and
Falola (2002) opine that the Dipo is quite beneficial to the people. These according to them
include the propagation of a lineage, status, family organization, and future lineage
relationship. Others believe that Dipo serves as a traditional means of preventing
promiscuity in the area (Schroeder & Danquah 2000).
The current state of society, however, has influenced the perception of
individuals who believe that religion is most crucial, as well as formal education without
traditions, which were transferred from one generation to another (Teyegaga 1985).
Irrespective of these facts, can the belief system pose any psychological challenge among
growing girls regarding their perception of traditions (Dipo) within a specific period of
time? Is there a need to pay close attention to the belief systems of girls in a scientific way?
Academic disciplines have emphasized different influences of psychological
variables in different social contexts on adolescent development into adulthood.
Psychologists, for instance, emphasize different phenomena, their meanings (cognitive
outcomes), and associated behavioural implication(s). Rites of passage have usually been
studied from the perspective of other disciplines such as folklorists, mythologists, and
anthropologists, which mostly contribute to our understanding of the history of life
transitions (Scheer et al. 2007). For example, Gennep (2011) explains the essence of
female initiation ceremonies that announce a woman‟s social maturity as essential.

Findings
Source of Income
According to some initiates and most non-initiates used for the study, Dipo was seen as a
source of income for the organizers of the rites, which mostly include the elderly women in
the community. The idea was expressed in statements such as:
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“One can avoid certain aspects of Dipo by paying a token to the elderly women.” (Initiate;
17 years- S.H.S)

“My mother paid some amount of money and I was excluded from particular aspects which
my mother didn‟t want them to do for me” (Initiate; 12 years - J.H.S)

“Dipo is just a means for the old women to get money. I don‟t think my parents have
enough money to give to fetish women” (Non-initiate; 13 years – JHS).

Early and Late Initiation Period

Through the discussion, participants expressed two dissenting views in relation to the age
of initiation. While twelve (12) initiates prefer to undergo Dipo rites at puberty so that they
can learn very important concepts that will be useful in the future, seven (7) non-initiates
were of the view that children should not be allowed to participate and two (2) non-initiates
were indifferent about the age. However, the rest did not have specific views on the subject
matter. Some of the views expressed are as follows.

“It is good to go through Dipo early because I have seen some young girls who were
pregnant at an early age. In order to relieve their family from curse and disgrace, they will
be free from any form of guilt if they get pregnant without going through the rite. However,
I was very young but I have a sister who was about to complete Junior High School. My
parents decided that I should join her so that we all undergo the rite at the same time.”
(Initiate; 16 years- J.H.S).

“I was very young when I was initiated so I cannot recall what I was taught at the time. In
fact, I can‟t attest to the fact that I was taught either home management or personal
hygiene, which was the key reason for which the rite has been instituted.” (Initiate; 14
years- S.H.S)

“… I will say that Krobo girls around the ages of 16 and above who have not undergone
the rites are different because most of these people are afraid to partake in immoral acts
before initiation.”(Non-initiate; 20 years- S.H.S)

“When I was undergoing Dipo rites I was fifteen (15) years at the time and was added to
young people between the ages of three (3) to eight (8). I felt I was too old for the rite and
this has been my feeling with regard to age. If Dipo is to teach us basic skills for marriage,
then they should allow all of us to attain a certain age before we undergo the rite. Most of
the times I feel very shy when certain rituals are performed and even if the ceremony is
over. Sometimes I regret undergoing the rite” (Initiate; 18 years- J.H.S)
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Krobo girls and Dipo puberty rites in the eastern region of Ghana / Abbey & Nasidi

Love life
The love life among the girls (initiates and non-initiates) was explained in relation to either
having a good marriage (having a man to formally ask your hand in marriage) or single
parenting (having a child out of wedlock). Initiates also expressed their views concerning
their anticipated future life. Fifteen (15) participants were happy to have undergone the
Dipo rites in order to get good marriages and for their in-laws to accept them. However, six
(6) participants reported inadequate education and training in relation to their readiness
toward marriage during initiation. According to initiates, girls who participated in Dipo
rites for three days indicated that many lessons were not acquired during the performance.
This was attributed to the short time interval, especially when they compare previous
experiences to the current state of initiation. Some of the views concerning marriage in
relation to Dipo rites were expressed as follows:
“I am happy to undergo Dipo rites because I will be accepted by my husband and in-laws.
During engagement ceremonies, men are asked if the woman has undergone Dipo.
Sometimes, in-laws ask the man before any ceremony. This has created tension which I
have witnessed in the community.” (Initiate; 14 years- S.H.S)

“Dipo is good in this society because men give respect to Krobo girls who have undergone
the rites. I am happy for undergoing the rites because it makes me feel like a Krobo woman
who is being prepared for good marriage. We were taught how we can take good care of
ourselves during menstrual periods and our future homes.”(Initiate; 13 years- JHS)

“In my area, I have realized that people who have not undergone Dipo rites have bad
marriages. They are either rejected by men who impregnated them or left alone to take care
of their children. Sometimes, the man can be frustrated by his own family members for
marrying a Krobo girl who had not undergone Dipo rites. Other times, you will see elderly
women around 35 years who were brought from other places to perform the rites because
they could not have children after several years of marriage. On the contrary, those who
have undergone Dipo rites don‟t suffer these problems.” (Initiate; 18 years- S.H.S)

“…I feel that good marriage can be achieved through morality and good attitude
irrespective of Dipo rites of passage.” (Non-initiate; 17 years- SH.S)

“My mother told me that, during their time, they were taught home management, personal
hygiene, and how to take good care of their homes. In fact, we don‟t benefit from all these
lessons these days because of the period of initiation.” (Initiate; 17 years- J.H.S)
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Traditional Rites
Most non-initiates (12 out of 14 girls) in the focused group expressed their discontentment
about the traditional nature of the rites in the community. However, very few initiates (6
girls) expressed their views on the same subject matter. To most Dipo initiates, it was seen
as traditional because of several referrals made by organizers for initiates to see the “fetish
woman” during some of the key stages of the rituals. Below are sample quotes.
“Dipo is generally good in modern times but the way it is done these days, I am not happy
about it. My problem is with the fetish impression created these days. We are constantly
referred to go to „fetish women‟ for most rituals, which makes me believe that Dipo is a
fetish. People virtually pay for major aspects of the rites for which they are spared and
allowed not to partake. This makes Dipo in modern society questionable. Some of these
things must be checked to avoid people from criticizing our culture.‟‟ (Initiate; 20 years-
J.H.S)

“Dipo is not important because initially, I was told that it is a culture for the Krobo but
now I have regretted undergoing the ceremony because it appears to be very fetish these
days. I was initiated when I was very young but had I known and had the willpower to
decide I wouldn‟t have done it.” (Initiate; 18 years- S.H.S)

“I have not gone through the rites because every single stage of the right depicts some
fetish activity. This includes libation, which is poured for the gods, sitting on a sacred stone
and even the organizers of Dipo rites are fetish priestesses.”(Non-initiate; 16 years- J.H.S).

Morals
The girls (initiates and non-initiates) reported that morals have prevented them from
engaging in immoral sexual behaviours. They explained that morals were inculcated
through Christian values and parental guidance. Below are sample quotes.

“Morals and character are the key factors that influence issues relating to my sexual life.
This is because, during initiation, an aspect of the Dipo rituals demands that a man should
carry an initiate (mostly the presumed husband) after the test of pregnancy. Usually, any
man can assist you and this man may not necessarily be your future husband. I was carried
by a man who mostly refers to me as his wife. I just smile at this but never took it seriously.
Most of my Dipo mates never joked about this opportunity. They visit these men
irrespective of their age and marital status and within a shorter period, you will see them
pregnant.” (Initiate; 20 years- S.H.S).
“Adolescent stage is a very challenging period in general. My church in stills in me good
morals and my parents also ensure that I grow to be somebody in the future. Indeed, I want
to become somebody in the future and so, I take good care of myself and avoid sexual
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issues during this stage. I will say that having good morals are key when dealing with
teenage sexual-related issues” (Non-initiate; 19 years- S.H.S)

Lessons from Dipo

Initiates also indicated that Dipo has served as a strong deterrent from engaging in sexual
behaviours. This is because of the consequences they mostly face when engaging in sexual
activities without going through the Dipo rites. For example, some initiates indicated that
one can be rejected from the family and an extreme case will be banishment from the
community. Below are some of the statements made by the respondents.

“Dipo plays a major role in sexual behavioural options because someone who has not
undergone Dipo rites will be scared to have sex or engage in an immoral act. There are
other few people who quickly get involved in sexual activity because they feel that, the
completion of Dipo serves as a license to partake in sexual behaviours. This is a problem
when young children below puberty age are allowed to participate in Dipo rites.” (Initiate;
14 years)

“I am scared to involve myself in sexual behaviours because I will be stuck on the stone,
which initiates sit on during Dipo rites. This will bring disgrace to me and my family so I
try my best to abstain from sexual behaviours. I will not be able to complete the rites and
will be sacked from the community. I have seen someone who was treated that way.”
(Initiate; 18 years- SHS)

“Dipo is believed to be a cultural rite, but because of the Christian faith and how Dipo is
portrayed as “fetish” in society, I don‟t think it is important with its lessons. I can see how
important Dipo is to most Krobo, but for me, it is about the belief and the avoidance of
future guilt. Hmmm, it‟s something… I don‟t know what to say again…” (Non-initiate; 20
years).

Discussion
The qualitative study revealed that Dipo was used to generate income for most leaders of
the rites. This income became the concept that was used to merge the gap and differences
that existed in modern society to enable Dipo girls to complete each stage of the rites
without any form of guilt. The theme (source of income) has resulted in higher participation
of Dipo among Christians. Different activities of the Dipo rites were spared and payments
were made in order to skip some traditional practices. Some ritual activities that were paid
for include the shaving of heads and the purification processes, which involves the
 1121

cleansing of girls with the blood of animals. Most Christians were mostly seen paying for
different activities so that their girls could be excluded from some stages of the rites.
Among the Christians, however, were people who believe that payment of
money with the aim of skipping certain traditional rites was ungodly and that good
Christians must desist from such practices. Other Christians were of the view that these
payments will enhance “traditional practices”, which could lead to exploitation. Other
findings indicate that among the Christians were people who participated in all the stages of
the Dipo rites without paying money. Nevertheless, some Christians still believe that Dipo
is the culture of the Krobo and must be celebrated as a unique legacy that was passed on
from one generation to the other. This has resulted in stereotypical behaviours such as
stigma among community members. Some Krobo evaluated themselves as true natives and
others (those who have not undergone the rites) as strangers. Some Krobo Christians refer
to other Krobo Christians as individuals who are ungodly because of their participation in
Dipo rites. The category of Krobo Christians who paid money to skip some activities also
looks down on those who participated in all the stages of the rites. This has been the state
and perception of Dipo among Krobo girls in the Eastern Region of Ghana.
Early and late initiation periods have been a major challenge concerning Dipo for
some time now. The arguments lie in the fact that young children (as young as 3 years)
cannot be taught to cook, practice personal hygiene, and take care of a man. The qualitative
study revealed that some initiates who went through the rites could not recall what they
were taught during initiation. Young girls mostly enjoy the music and dance accompanied
by the Dipo rites. Most participants who were initiated at a younger age grew up to see
pictures of their Dipo rites without any lesson learned at the time. Indeed, such pictures
only informed girls about their participation in the rites. Other participants who went
through Dipo at a later age (as old as 20 years) went through different degrees of
difficulties as some members of the community raised negative remarks about their
costumes in modern times. Some members of the community felt that the unique identity of
Dipo girls has led to the exposure of certain parts of the body. In a similar way, in
situations where the number of younger initiates dominates, older participants feel too old
to undergo the rites. However, the information and lessons of the rites were more useful for
 1122

older initiates than younger initiates. This has been a major challenge concerning the
observance of Dipo to date.
The current perception of Dipo revealed that girls were taught basic home
management and personal hygiene to guide their future life. The acceptance of new faith in
the Krobo society (Christianity), however, has hindered Dipo traditional rites as most
Christians are calling for its abrogation. Despite this agitation, most Christians still allow
their girls to undergo the rites for various reasons. In all, Krobo girls believe that morals,
which were inculcated through Christian religious practices and lessons from Dipo had
influenced their sexual behaviours.
The study has also revealed a time lapse between old and current cultural
demands. For instance, there has been a lapse in the activities and rituals of Dipo. When
Dipo is instituted, ways of detecting pregnancy included careful observation of young girls
(Schroeder and Danquah 2000; Corneille et al. 2005; Kearin 2013). Every activity at the
time is meaningful and necessary in the Krobo society with the form of education, which
was basically informal. The belief system is purely traditional without a new Christian
faith. Society has evolved over the years and till now there has been a great change in
ideologies and belief systems amidst fast-growing and advanced technological and
scientific transformations. Indeed, a difference in interpretations and meanings of various
activities such as knowledge, beliefs, arts, law, and customs is expected in societies today.
The change in culture through intervention and discoveries is largely accompanied by a
corresponding change of culture that depends on it.
The experiences of initiates begin with an initial stage of separation where they
are kept at the Dipo house for training purposes to be good future mothers. At the end of
the ceremony, initiates join members of the community with a new form of identity. The
ritual paradigms Gennep (2011) argues, have explained different forms of identity as
individuals mature to take up adult roles and responsibilities. The form of identity acquired
is to keep individuals from different challenges concerning the subjective sense of comfort
with the self from the past, present, and future. Dipo, therefore, serves as a means for
Krobo girls to have a cognitive awareness of their gender and to learn the associated
cultural gender norms.
 1123

The study equally revealed two schools of thought. The first school is
dominated by religious views (Christianity) that Dipo is ungodly and true Christians must
not participate in it. The second school of thought includes Christians who believe that
Dipo is a rite of passage essential for all Krobo irrespective of their religious inclinations.
Apparently, individuals who share ideas of the second school were seen as out-group
members of the „true‟ Christian community. These two schools of thought usually engage
in different behavioural measures that could lead to psychological distress among members
of the community. Behavioural measures are mostly based on criticisms, labels,
weaknesses, and negative evaluations.
Though Dipo is seen by many people as important, many participants also
expressed its relevance, especially in the contemporary period whereas others viewed it as
irrelevant. Those who recognized Dipo as relevant expressed their displeasure about its
current state in society. Even though Dipo is generally recognized by participants and well
accepted as the culture in the Krobo community, participants expressed the need to
strengthen its relevance in order not to deviate from the reasons why it was instituted. As
reported by Schroeder and Danquah (2000), Dipo was a traditional means of ensuring
personal hygiene, home management, and preventing promiscuity.
As indicated by Blumenkrantz and Goldstein (2010), meaningful rites can help
initiates gain knowledge for professional development and to build personal awareness and
resources. Indeed, there is a need for societies that have managed to sustain rites of passage
to organise meaningful and educative rites to help young girls inculcate knowledge and
skills. The hope of good marriage appears to be important to Krobo girls and is leading to
the exploration of possible opportunities where they can learn effectively in modern
society.
Non-initiates on the other hand expressed views based on religious grounds to
render the rites irrelevant in today‟s society. This is because they believe that Christian
values equally help them to acquire all kinds of knowledge for a successful life. In this
case, Dipo is viewed as a ceremony full of traditional practices and mostly directed by
traditional priests. Even though different factors can lead to a significant difference in self-
esteem, Dipo, and morals could account for the insignificant difference in self-esteem
among initiates and non-initiates.
 1124

For several years now, there has been a serious challenge regarding the age of
initiation. This was indicated by many studies including Teyegaga (1985); Steegstra
(2005); Huber (1963) just to mention a few. This is because girls as young as 3 years still
undergo the rites. According to Ruble and Brooks-Gunn (1982), age is an important factor,
which could result in heightened levels of emotional distress.

Conclusion
This paper examined the perceptions of Krobo girls who participated in Dipo rites of
passage for a period of three (3) days about their cultural values, significance, and attitudes
to it with much focus on the psychological implication. It also examined the sexual
behaviour of Krobo girls, which may be related to various effects of the Dipo rites.
The paper found out that Christianity is a major challenge to Dipo rites for a
very long period of time and this was confirmed by Teyegaga (1985) and Steegstra (2005).
This has led to the emergence of two schools of thought; for and against the Dipo rites of
passage. Keating et al. (2005), however, argue that there is a need to enhance cultural
factors that can attract group members to participate in rites of passage.
It is also observed that morals and lessons of Dipo were the themes that emerged
as factors that play a significant role in the sexual life of Krobo girls. Whereas some
initiates and non-initiates believe that morals serve as the underlining factor for sexual
behaviour, other initiates believe that Dipo has been very essential and has positively
influenced their sexual behaviours. As reported in a study by Osafo et al. (2014), girls‟
sexual behaviour is a collaborative effort of communal socialization and morality with
religious ethics. As the study revealed, however, other factors such as financial difficulties
and irresponsible parenthood can push girls into sexual behaviour.
Despite the religious, health, and ethical criticisms directed towards the Dipo
rites of passage among the Krobo in the Eastern Region of Ghana, the cultural rites stand
the test of time. This according to Affum (2009) is directly attributed to the centrality of the
peoples‟ beliefs not only on their cultural heritage, which they so much cherish but also on
the didactic and aesthetic components of the rites.
 1125

International Journal of Modern Anthropology (2023)

Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest

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To cite this article:

Abbey E.A., Nasidi N.A. 2023. Krobo girls and Dipo puberty rites of passage in the eastern region of Ghana
International Journal of Modern Anthropology. 2(19): 1110 - 1127
DOI: [Link]

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