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Generational Belonging and Historical Ruptures: Continuity or Discontinuity

of Values and Attitudes in Post-Communist Romania

Chapter · April 2018

DOI: 10.1007/978-3-319-72616-8_12

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Generational Belonging and Historical
Ruptures: Continuity or Discontinuity
of Values and Attitudes in Post-Communist
Romania

Dana Gavreliuc and Alin Gavreliuc

Historical Societal Rupture and the Subjective Change

in Post-Communist Romania

The major area of our own research over the last decade concerns the process of the
intergenerational transfer of values and attitudes in post-communist Romania,
confronting the profiles of different generational strata with radical historical cleav-
ages (Gavreliuc, 2012, 2016). The purpose of this investigation was to examine
whether a historical great rupture, like the Romanian Revolution of 1989, has
changed the Romanian’s values/attitudes. Two theoretical frameworks are at the
basis of this study. The first theory takes on a social psychology perspective and
maintains the idea of flexibility concerning the structure of values and attitudes
(Aronson, 1988; Loewenstein, 2007; McGuire, 1985). The second theory is rooted
in the frame of mentalities and social representations which illustrates the changing
character of profound mental structures and values (Braudel, 1996; Moscovici,
1988). Thus, the hypothesis of value and attitudinal change (‘changing the world’)
will confront the hypothesis regarding the persistence of attitudes and values (la
longue durée, assuming Fernand Braudel’s syntagma) (Braudel, 1996). Several
measures were used in this study examining fundamental attitudes: independence/
interdependence (IND-INT), self-esteem (SE), locus of control (LC) and self-
determination (SD). Along with the attitudinal register, the value orientation register
was also explored by using the Schwartz Values Survey (SVS).
The main importance and novelty of this current research is our attempt to change
the usual approaches from international comparisons to intranational comparisons
while preserving the methodology of the previous similar cross-cultural studies and

D. Gavreliuc (*) · A. Gavreliuc

West University of Timisoara, Timisoara, Romania
e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018 207

N. Lebedeva et al. (eds.), Changing Values and Identities in the Post-Communist
World, Societies and Political Orders in Transition,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72616-8_12
208 D. Gavreliuc and A. Gavreliuc

selecting a different generational stratum as units of comparison. Thus, the dynamics

of these portraits were analysed through representative samples for each generational
stratum, and not only for convenience samples. As the exposure to socialization
processes was significantly different for these distinct cohorts, the research examined
the impact of the (post)communist period on the generational strata.

Attitudes, Values and Societal Change

The assessment of social and political changes that have a major impact on the basic
human values has constituted a controversy in social sciences. Firstly, there is some
(limited) evidence suggesting significant changes in human values, especially in the
post-communist area (Bardi, Buchanan, Goodwin, Slabu, & Robinson, 2015; Bardi
& Schwartz, 1996; Schwartz, Bardi, & Bianchi, 2000). Secondly, the classical
studies of Inkeles and Smith (1974) as well as Inglehart (1997, 2016) conducted
on different post-war generational cohorts have shown relevant mutations in the
configuration of values, qualified as a silent revolution. These second results come
mainly from advanced industrial societies. Other comparative studies between
countries with a consolidated democracy and those with a more modest experience
with democracy (such as those from Central and Eastern Europe) have illustrated
that values are related to the political system of that society (van den Broek & de
Moor, 1994).
Values may be perceived as the core of a culture (Hofstede, 1980; Hofstede,
Hofstede, & Minkov, 2010; Schwartz, 1994, 2014). Culture is defined as a mani-
festation of practices, symbols which are assumed and evaluated at a community
level. These evaluations represent the basic values, described as what people think is
‘good or bad’, ‘what could be done’ and ‘what should be avoided’ and what is
‘desirable’ or ‘undesirable’ at the societal level (Schwartz, 1992, 2014). Cultural
values, such as freedom, order, prosperity, security, etc., are the basis of social norms
that describe social behaviours. Using sociological methods, Inglehart and col-
leagues (Inglehart, 1997, 2016; Inglehart & Welzel, 2005) conducted a broad
research project on cultural values carried out worldwide, the World Values Surveys
(WVS). The fundamental profile of attitudinal and value patterns can be divided into
the following dimensions: rational secular values vs. traditional values, as well as
self-expression values vs. survival values. Thus, throughout the world, national
cultures are distributed according to a given implicit existential pattern (to survive/
to become). On the one hand, in secular-rational cultures from the Anglo-Saxon
cluster countries and Protestant and Catholic Europe, there is an emphasis on self-
expression values. On the other hand, countries located in Africa, South Asia and
Eastern Europe (including Romania) have cultures that maintain survival and tradi-
tional values (Inglehart & Welzel, 2005).
According to this global map provided by R. Inglehart and his colleagues, certain
societies have experienced a shift from materialistic to post-materialistic values. This
change can be explained by the way young generations have grown in unprecedented
social, economic and political security conditions. Individuals in these societies
Generational Belonging and Historical Ruptures: Continuity or. . . 209

emphasize a subjective state of well-being, tolerance, trust, social functionality and

moderation. It is no surprise that societies who receive a higher ranking on self-
expression values tend to prioritize interpersonal and inter-institutional trust as a
significant social resource. Thus, a culture of trust and tolerance arises, a culture
where humans rank first values such as individual freedom and political activism.
These are specific to civic-participative political cultures (Almond & Verba, 1963).
At the same time, as in Hofstede’s (1980) and Schwartz’ studies (e.g. Schwartz,
2014), a relative homogeneity of values inside national cultures and a tendency to
conserve its axiological pattern profile were found.
Voicu and colleagues (Voicu, 2005; Voicu & Voicu, 2007) researched the
dynamic of the Romanian social values, using the WVS methodology (Inglehart,
1997). These studies (e.g. Voicu & Voicu, 2007) revealed that Romania is a case of
less change in terms of value orientation compared with other national cultures. This
attests an absence of significant changes in the last decade as well as a persistence of
a high average score on traditionalism for over a decade. We argue that two distinct
processes may be responsible for the changes in the basic values under the pressure
of a constraining socio-political environment. The first process is linked to the
assimilation phenomenon of the Communist ideology through socialization
(e.g. education, mass media, institutional practices) based on what might be called
the indoctrination phenomenon. However, not much evidence exists demonstrating
the efficacy of this process. Bardi and Schwartz (1996) reported little success in the
process of indoctrination in areas that were formerly under Soviet domination, the
values proposed by the communist propaganda being internalized rather superfi-
cially. At the same time, van den Broek and de Moor (1994) showed in their
comparative research between countries from Eastern and Western Europe that
part of the values related to politics, religion and basic human relationships are
similar in the two areas of the European continent, although individuals had such
distinct historical experiences. However, there are significant differences as well,
such as low initiative, achievement and responsibility among Eastern Europeans,
especially regarding work ethic. All of these trends relativize the indoctrination
effects; this suggests that other processes may be involved here.
A second thesis in a review of the literature is that values change as a result of
adapting to new life circumstances, following the reinforcement principle (Inkeles
& Smith, 1974; Rokeach, 1973; Sheldon, 2005). Thus, confronted with a hostile
socio-political environment, people learn ‘naturally’ adaptive responses by strength-
ening those values that are socially functional and discrediting those values that
obstruct this adaptive process (Hitlin & Piliavin, 2004; Hofmann-Towfigh, 2007).
For example, studies have shown that for people who live in a culture that encour-
ages freedom of choice, the importance of self-direction values increases in com-
parison to conformity values (Kohn & Schooler, 1983; van den Broek & de Moor,
1994). Deprivation of the basic needs described by Maslow (1970) enables a
compensation mechanism (Bilsky & Schwartz, 1994). In short, under conditions
of precarious socioeconomic conditions, the values of survival are more strongly
emphasized than self-expression values; additionally, traditional values are higher
than rational-legal values (Inglehart, 1997, 2016; Inglehart & Baker, 2000; Inglehart
& Welzel, 2005).
210 D. Gavreliuc and A. Gavreliuc

Table 1 Definitions of value types and the single items used to index them inside of the theory of
culture-level values (Schwartz, 1994, 2014)
Definition of the value types and the
Crt. no. Axiological types single items used to index them
1 Embeddedness (conservatism) Clean, devout, family security, forgiv-
Emphasis on status quo, maintaining ing, honouring parents and elders,
group solidarity and traditional order moderate, national security, obedient,
politeness, protecting public image,
reciprocation of favours, respect for
tradition, self-discipline, social order,
wisdom
2 Intellectual autonomy Creativity, curious, broad-minded
Emphasis on promoting ideas and indi-
vidual’s rights in order to achieve his/her
objectives
3 Affective autonomy Enjoying life, exciting life, pleasure,
Emphasis on promoting the individual’s varied life
independent pursuit of an affective posi-
tive experience
4 Hierarchy Authority, humble, influential, social
Emphasis on the legitimacy of hierarchical power, wealth
allocation of fixed roles and of resources
5 Egalitarianism Equality, freedom, helpful, honest,
Emphasis on transcendence of selfish loyal, responsible, social justice, world
interests in favour of a voluntary commit- of peace
ment to promote the welfare of others
6 Harmony Protecting the environment, unity with
Emphasis on fitting harmoniously into the nature, the world of beauty
environment
7 Mastery Ambitious, capable, choosing one’s
Emphasis on getting ahead through active goals, daring, independent, successful
self-assertion, through changing and mas-
tering the natural and social environment

The assessment of human basic values in different societies was carried out using
the theory of culture-level values developed by Schwartz (1994, 2014), this set of
values being considered more appropriate for comparing national samples. The
testing of the theory demonstrated the existence of seven types of values, considered
as being fundamental problems that society faces in order to optimize human
activity: embeddedness (conservatism), intellectual autonomy, affective autonomy,
hierarchy, egalitarianism, harmony and mastery (Schwartz, 2014). See Table 1 for
definitions of these values.
The hypothesis of value adaptation to the socio-political environment was tested
in a series of cross-cultural studies coordinated by Schwartz (Schwartz, 2014;
Schwartz et al., 2000) starting from the analogy proposed by Kohak (1992), who
describes the assimilation value process in a similar manner to the adaptation of
long-term incarcerated prisoners. Inmates develop a range of skills and attitudes that
Generational Belonging and Historical Ruptures: Continuity or. . . 211

allow them to survive in conditions of constraint that produce effects in the attitu-
dinal register, generating detachment of responsibilities, dependency, retractability
and fatalism. Starting from this explanatory mechanism and by operationalizing this
portrait in terms of attitudinal patterns, it is expected that the subjects who went
through such an experience be characterized by external attribution (as an expression
of avoiding responsibility), high interdependence and modest independence (as an
expression of dependency on power networks), low self-esteem (because of constant
failure) and low self-determination (as a subjective qualification of a defective
‘control’ over life).
At the value level, Eastern Europeans attribute greater importance to conserva-
tism and hierarchy values. They also place less importance on affective and intel-
lectual autonomy, egalitarianism and mastery values (Bardi & Schwartz, 2003;
Schwartz et al., 2000). As it has led to a true ‘cultural trauma’, combined with a
lack of predictability in the social environment, the communist experience has
generated an adaptive reconversion in values (Cichocka & Jost, 2014; Sztompka,
2000). For instance, the atmosphere of supervision and reclusion, the rules with
ideological content and the anxiety state that inhibited the spirit of competition and
the capacity for innovation altered autonomy values (Kohn & Schooler, 1983;
Schooler, Mulatu, & Oates, 1999). Thus, returning to Schwartz’s model (Schwartz,
2014), the affective autonomy values were strongly undermined, as well as the
corresponding values, such as enjoying life and experiencing excitement and plea-
sure. Also, intellectual autonomy values were intensely discredited due to the
ideological control, with little focus on creativity and curiosity, as well as mastery
values (such as ambition and daring).
In a socio-political environment characterized by authoritarian patterns, values
like self-discipline, moderation, social order and obedience gained a functional role,
helping people to integrate in a world in which the formal authority imposes the
rules. Moreover, in Romania, the atmosphere of suspicion, anxiety, arbitrary vic-
timization and continued surveillance—which became atrocious in the last years of
Securitate (the secret police of the Ceaușecu’s regime)—has considerably dimin-
ished aspects such as interpersonal trust (Antohi, 1999; Marody, 1988; Michelson &
Michelson, 1993; Sandu, 2003). In a climate of suspicion and relational distrust, the
registry of egalitarianism values was strongly undermined, because these values
involved community engagement in the name of a common good. In a world
characterized by inequity and social abuse, social autism and community abandon-
ment, values such as social justice, honesty, equality and freedom are considerably
discredited because their affirmation could generate substantial damage to the people
who assume them (Cichocka & Jost, 2014; Michelson & Michelson, 1993).
In Romania, due to the fact that the state has been the main agent of modern-
ization throughout the last two centuries, no matter the nature of the political
regime (Hitchins, 1994), individual involvement was confronted with a paternal-
istic dimension that emphasized passivity, public indifference, civic disengagement
and statism. These characteristics contributed to the maintenance of a status quo,
perceived as implacable, which consolidated conservatism values (Cernat, 2010).
212 D. Gavreliuc and A. Gavreliuc

In a country where public opinion, in the post-communist period, indicates

responses at around 15% when it comes to work as a success predictor and
responses at around 85% when it comes to factors such as connections and luck,
we see once more that the promotion in social networks is not acquired through
meritocratic routes but by ‘exploiting’ the relational capital and institutional
opportunism, on the basis of a pattern inherited from the communist period
(Mungiu-Pippidi, 2010). Thus, it is expected that the interdependent patterns of
self-construal will dominate the independent ones and that the attribution patterns
will be predominantly focused on dependency. Also, arbitrariness and the appre-
ciation of mediocrity generate a depreciation of mastery and intellectual autonomy
values.
These theoretical frames underline the change of values and attitudes under the
pressure of social and political context; the only aspect that remains in question is the
rhythm of the change (Bardi, Lee, Towfigh, & Soutar, 2009). Theories in social
psychology claim that radical change in the social context is accompanied by an
immediate and significant change in human attitudes and values (Albarracín, 2011;
Aronson, 1988; Loewenstein, 2007; McGuire, 1985). Equally, at the other extreme,
the school of history of mentalities and the school of social representations defend
the power of the inertia principle (Braudel, 1996; Gorshkov, 2010; Kollontai, 1999;
Moscovici, 1988). The last perspective proves the multigenerational dimension of
the profound mental structures, among them the value orientations and attitudinal
patterns form the most consistent core; they are situated in the long historical time (la
longue durée), in the register of modulation that happens over the course of several
centuries (Braudel, 1996; Le Goff, 1988). Furthermore, it has been proven that the
fundamental social representations of a shared community have a residual character
over the course of at least three generations (Flament, 1995).
Based on the theoretical outline presented above, three predictions were made:
Hypothesis 1 At the level of attitudinal structures, it is expected that the profile will
indicate high scores for interdependence, low scores for independence, moderate
self-esteem, high externalism and low self-determination patterns.
Hypothesis 2 At the basic values level, it is expected that high importance will be
given to conservatism and hierarchy, and low importance will be given to intellectual
autonomy, affective autonomy, mastery and egalitarianism.
Hypothesis 3 Two competing hypotheses were tested; the value and attitude change
hypothesis (h3.1) predicts that the ‘older generation’, who had a more consistent
socialization experience in the period of communism, is structured differently
(i.e. more conservative, externalist, interdependent) from the ‘young generation’,
who had not been so intensively exposed to the socialization patterns of commu-
nism. The difference between the two strata is more pronounced as the
intergenerational gap is greater. The value and attitude conservation hypothesis
(h3.2) predicts that, despite different generational socialization experiences, cohorts
have rather similar attitudinal and values profile.
Generational Belonging and Historical Ruptures: Continuity or. . . 213

A Brief Description of the Methodological Design

The present quantitative study has been carried out by the Psychology Department of
the West University of Timisoara. The target population was represented by the
inhabitants of the West Development Region in Romania (Timiş, Caraş-Severin,
Arad, Deva counties).
The membership in a generational stratum was decided based on the participant’s
age. In order to be included in the study, the difference between the participant’s age and
the average age of the generational strata could not be greater than 2 years (
2 y.o.).
Within each generational stratum (conventionally called cohorts), a random sampling
was made sampling step and on quotas. The field operators had the following indication
of inclusion in the study sample: age, gender and the type of residence (rural/urban).
Participants were randomly selected from the electoral lists provided by the counties’
city halls, using a sampling fixed step established for all operators.
Target selection for each cohort was around 500 participants, with an estimated
sampling error of about 4.4% at a confidence level of 95%. Global response rate was
relatively high (57%).
The total sample consisted of 1481 participants, being divided into three cohorts
as follows—G30, n ¼ 472 with M ¼ 30.34 years; G45, n ¼ 529 with M ¼ 44.92
years; and G60, n ¼ 480 with M ¼ 60.27 years.
The main instruments used were:
– The Self-Construal Scale (Singelis, 1994). The version with 13 items is intended
to measure the attitude toward self-construal. The reliability for independence is
α ¼ 0.72 and α ¼ 0.74 for interdependence.
– The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965) evaluates the explicit pos-
itive and negative attitudes toward self. The scale consists of ten items and has
very good internal consistency, α ¼ .90.
– The Locus of Control Scale (Rotter, 1966) evaluates the type of attribution
(internalist/externalist) and consists of 29 items, of which 23 are active items
and 6 items are neutral. In this sample, Cronbach’s alpha coefficient is α ¼ 0.77.
– The Self-Determination Scale (Sheldon, Ryan, & Reis, 1996) measures the
overall attitude toward ‘owning one’s life’. It is composed of two subscales,
each of it with five items: awareness of self and perceived choice. The two
subscales can be used separately or combined in order to give an overall score
of self-determination. In the present study, the overall score of self-determination
was used. The reliability coefficient obtained for the global scale is α ¼ 0.72.
– Schwartz Values Survey Questionnaire—SVS (Schwartz, 1994, 2014) includes
56 single values which subjects need to rate according to their importance (‘as the
guiding principle in my life’). This set of individual values is listed in Table 1.
The SVS questionnaire fits with the conceptual definition of value types, and the
empirical coherence in analyses conducted at a cultural level has been demon-
strated (Bardi & Goodwin, 2011; Schwartz, 2014). In the present study, an
average score for all value types was calculated for each cohort.
214 D. Gavreliuc and A. Gavreliuc

Results of the Intergenerational Analysis

Hypothesis 1 predicted that, across all cohorts, participants will show high scores for
interdependence, low scores for independence, moderate self-esteem, high external-
ism and low self-determination patterns. The results confirmed this hypothesis with
the exception of self-esteem, for which high scores were found (see Table 2).
One-way ANOVAs found statistically significant intergenerational differences
regarding interdependence, F(2, 1478) ¼ 2.46, p < 0.05. Bonferroni post hoc
comparisons of the three groups indicated that the cohort 30 (G30) is more
interdependent than cohort 45 (G45) and cohort 60 (G60) (see Table 2).
Intergenerational differences were found for locus of control, F(2, 1478) ¼ 2.12,
p < 0.05, which reveals that the younger generation (G30) is more externalist than
the middle generation (G45). For self-determination, significant differences were
found, F(2, 1478) ¼ 3.56, p < 0.01; further analyses showed that G30 has the lowest
self-determination level, lower than G45 and G60 (see Table 2). No significant
differences between generations were found for independence and self-esteem.
To summarize, significant intergenerational differences were found for three
dimensions, namely, interdependence, locus of control and self-determination. No
differences were found for independence and self-esteem. These findings provide
only partial support for the attitude stability Hypothesis 3 (h3.2).
With regard to the SVS scales, following the structure of the scales from SVS and
the average of each scale (see Table 3), it was found that only conservatism values
were significantly higher than the average scale, following the study prediction.
Thus, in the value register, Hypothesis 2 has been only partially confirmed. Pair
comparisons showed that statistically significant differences appear between cohort
G60 and cohort G45: G45 has higher scores for conservatism and hierarchical values
than G60, whereas G60 has more pronounced scores for egalitarianism and

Table 2 Intergenerational Generation

comparison of attitudes
G60 G45 G30
(one-way ANOVAs)
M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) F-values
Independence 2.22 2.10 2.18 1.48
(0.32) (0.29) (0.34)
Interdependence 2.90a 2.94a 3.13b 2.46*
(0.39) (0.42) (0.44)
Self-esteem 30.18 28.16 31.15 1.67
(4.98) (4.79) (5.11)
Locus of control 14.15ab 12.05a 14.85b 2.12*
(4.11) (3.98) (4.26)
Self-determination 22.04b 20.97b 17.70a 3.56**
(4.23) (4.07) (3.93)
Notes: df ¼ 2, 1478. Means with same letters do not differ
significantly
*p < .05; **p < .01
Generational Belonging and Historical Ruptures: Continuity or. . . 215

Table 3 Intergenerational comparisons of values (one-way ANOVAs)

Generation
G60 G45 G30
Value type M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) F-values
Embeddedness (conservatism) 4.06a 4.68b 4.21a 2.89*
(0.15) (0.23) (0.18)
Hierarchy 2.12a 2.97b 2.29ab 3.32**
(0.23) (0.31) (0.21)
Harmony 4.19 4.17 4.08 1.75
(0.34) (0.29) (0.26)
Egalitarianism 4.62b 4.23a 4.46ab 2.69*
(0.22) (0.19) (0.20)
Intellectual autonomy 4.78b 4.12a 4.43ab 2.93*
(0.41) (0.44) (0.38)
Affective autonomy 3.56ab 3.21a 3.81b 2.54*
(0.40) (0.29) (0.33)
Mastery 3.96 3.77 3.82 1.57
(0.12) (0.17) (0.20)
Notes: df ¼ 2, 1478. Means with same letters do not differ significantly
*p < .05; **p < .01

intellectual autonomy than G45. In terms of harmony, affective autonomy and

mastery, no significant differences between the two cohorts were found (see
Table 3).
When comparing G45 to G30, it was found that they are significantly different on
the conservatism value type: individuals from the ‘middle generation’ are more
conservative. Individuals belonging to G45 have lower affective autonomy than
those from G30. No significant differences between G30 and G45 were found for
hierarchy, harmony, egalitarianism, intellectual autonomy and mastery value types.
Comparisons between cohorts G60 and G30 showed no significant differences in the
registry of values.
Across all results for the Schwartz values, there is more evidence for value
stability (h3.2) than value change (h3.1). Combining the findings for both attitudes
and values, it can be concluded that this study invalidates the hypothesis of changing
attitudes and values under the burden of social pressure and confirms the conserva-
tion of attitudes and values hypothesis (h3.2).

Confirming the Hypothesis of Continuity

In the current study, three generations of Romanians were compared with regard to
various attitudes and values. The older generations (G60) consisted of participants
who went through powerful communist socialization and were deeply integrated into
the old social and political order; generation 45 consisted of participants who had a
secondary consistent socialization during communism but who lived the second part
216 D. Gavreliuc and A. Gavreliuc

of their life in post-communism and democracy; generation 30 consisted of partic-

ipants with almost exclusive socialization in post-communism and democracy. By
comparing these three different generations, we learn more about changes in atti-
tudes and values as a consequence of the dramatic changes in the society after the
breakdown of communism. It started from the premise that these representative
samples integrated the attitudinal and value tendencies of the population associated
with the specific cohorts. It has also been questioned which generational stratum was
more strongly influenced by post-communism.
It is evident that the collapse of communism brought major changes at a social,
political and behavioural level; however, little changes occurred in the profound
mental structures (attitudes, especially values), as shown in this study. The current
study focused on values which play an important role in society, as being consistent
predictors of attitudinal and behavioural structures (Boehnke, 2008; Homer, 1993;
Scott, 2000).
The results support the ‘incarceration’ model explanation, building a picture
dominated by high interdependence (INT) for all the cohorts. This illustrates that
in a confrontation with the discretionary social and political environment, the capital
relational resources are very important in contouring an adaptive strategy. It is
important to highlight that in the present study there are some results contradictory
with other classical studies that focused on the independence and interdependence
dimensions (Singelis, 1994; Singelis, Bond, Sharkey, & Lai, 1999; Singelis &
Brown, 1995). In short, studies that operate with these dimensions in relation with
the age variable have noticed that youth is a predictor of a high level of indepen-
dence. Likewise, the late adulthood period is accompanied by a more pronounced
level of dependence, because of the increasing need for assistance. While individ-
ualism and collectivism were considered extremes of a continuum by cross-cultural
psychology studies (Hofstede, 1980), Singelis (1994) argues that independence and
interdependence can coexist in one person; independence is the personal correspon-
dent of articulated individualism at the cultural and societal level, whereas
interdependence is the correspondent of collectivism.
In our research, the scores for independence (IND) were modest for all the three
cohorts, and no significant differences were found across cohorts. This suggests for
all three cohorts as an adaptive response to the social and political environment
characterized by disengagement and social dispersion. Likewise, the tendency
regarding interdependence contradicts results from other studies (e.g. Singelis,
1994 ; Singelis et al., 1999): we found that younger participants are more
interdependent. Once again, the responsible, involved youngster stereotype is not
confirmed in Romania, although behavioural changes between diverse generational
strata were registered (Gavreliuc, 2016; Voicu, 2005; Voicu & Voicu, 2007).
Several previous researches (Miroiu, 1999; Mungiu-Pippidi, 2010; Sandu, 2010)
suggest that in post-communist Romania, an atmosphere of institutional mistrust,
paternalism, corruption, insecurity and arbitrariness has persisted since the commu-
nist period. These trends attest that in Romania, similar to other post-communist
countries, many of these pathological circumstances still exist (Kopecky,
Doorenspleet, & Mudde, 2008; Lewis, 1997; Roskin, 2001). The fact that only a
Generational Belonging and Historical Ruptures: Continuity or. . . 217

‘façade democracy’ (Pasti, Miroiu, & Codiță, 1996) characterizes Romania is an

expression of the transgenerational nature of the individual attitudinal pattern.
A similar trend is remarked on the locus of control dimension, highlighting the
dominance of an externalist attribution pattern, which proves the existence of an
increased helplessness in the young generation (Gherasim, 2011). The locus of
control theory (Rotter, 1966) emphasizes the role of social learning in the activation
of a specific attribution mechanism. Favouring one of the externalism-internalism
poles over the other is anticipated by the subjects’ ability to routinely control the
context around them. Thus, the subjects who cannot control the context tend to
become helpless and inert (hence the syntagma learned helplessness), failing con-
stantly in tasks that require effort. These people often invoke being unlucky (‘lack of
chance’) in life (Roesch & Amirkham, 1997). Failing constantly at different tasks,
having no credible alternative success, results in an attributional alibi that inhibits
taking charge of their own behaviour. This trend is more pronounced in the young
generation and less present in the middle generation, suggesting once again that
young people have a high inclination toward detaching from responsibility, which
underlines the power of the post-communist context.
All cohorts presented high scores of self-esteem, and no differences across
generations were found. This tendency is surprising as we deal here with groups
of participants who faced precarious material and aspirational experiences specific to
modest social capital societies with a reduced GDP/capita and limited opportunities
for success (Inglehart, 2016; Inglehart & Welzel, 2005). However, such results are
not an exception in social psychology and attest the presence of a deficiency in the
way people relate to relevant standards. The tendency is similar to that observed in
education, where it was revealed that students from marginal high schools have a
higher self-esteem than pupils from elite schools (Bachman & O’Malley, 1986).
Thus, students from marginal schools feel an important psychological comfort when
compared to colleagues in their modest local environment than if the same compar-
ison is made in a fierce, competitive environment, with high-performance students.
Not having a balanced point of comparison, students feed on the illusion that they are
‘very good and gifted’ and their self-esteem is strengthened (Bachman & O’Malley,
1986). Returning to the current study, the standard relativization (the formula ‘it
could be even worse’ has already become routine in the Romanian public discourse)
and everyday expertise of failure have produced this adaptive solution. The fact
could be explained by the great migration process, especially after Romania joined
the European Union in 2007, when over 2 million Romanians have decided to work
in countries with developed economies. As a result, they achieved new patterns of
attitudes and values which contaminated the entire Romanian society, remodelling in
a more demanding way the comparative self-image standards (Sandu, 2010).
The intergenerational analysis of self-determination revealed differences in a
counterintuitive way, showing that young people were more modestly self-
determined than the elderly, contrary to the studies conducted in Western cultures
(Deci & Ryan, 2000). This fact can be explained through a generalized
transgenerational fatalistic trait characteristic for the Romanian society (Antohi,
1999), which encourages the formation of a precariously self-determined and
218 D. Gavreliuc and A. Gavreliuc

frightened individual (Miroiu, 1999). When it comes to the value register, high
scores for conservatism can be noticed, supporting the theoretical model that
emphasized the adaptation to the circumstances of a socio-political environment.
The middle generation (G45), often labelled as the generation of ‘decree’ (the
Ceausescu’s Decree No. 770/1966 for interdiction of abortion), is a distinct social
stratum, one that may have internalized a dramatic social destiny: the generation who
decisively contributed to the breakdown of the communist regime in Romania.
When drawing the portrait of this particular generation, its instability, ambivalence
and vulnerability are evidently sustained (the most pronounced conservatism,
favouring the most intense hierarchy, lower average scores for egalitarianism, but
especially the most modest average scores for intellectual and affective autonomy
across the three cohorts, suggesting internalization of generational insecurity). The
results also indicate an achievement in terms of sociohistorical traumas, with deep
implications in people’s identity profile, this vulnerability being reported in other
similar studies regarding the ‘legacy of trauma’ (de Mendelssohn, 2008;
Kellermann, 2001). If the middle generation were taken out of the picture, no
significant differences in value orientations would be observed between ‘parents’
(G60) and ‘their children’ (G30). Therefore, it can be argued that intergenerational
value transfer persists, despite radical socio-political changes. Operating with gen-
erational representative samples, the sets of attitudes and social values can be
considered as ‘transgenerational’, a term used in previous studies (Boehnke, 2008;
Boehnke, Hadjar, & Baier, 2007; Homer, 1993; Scott, 2000).
Taking into account the scores of Western Europe as a reference, when comparing
the present study to other studies that used a similar instrument, it can be observed that
conservatism and hierarchy values are more prevalent for the Romanian sample.
Harmony values, intellectual autonomy, affective autonomy and egalitarianism are
less predominant for Romania than for the West European countries (Schwartz, 2014;
Schwartz et al., 2000). These results appeared without any substantial differences
regarding the mastery value type between scores of Romania and those of the Western
European countries. However, these scores should be read with caution, because the
present comparison is not legitimate from a statistical point of view—a test of
significance has not been made, not having any access to the European database of
cited studies. The samples were also built differently (convenience sample consisting
of teachers and students in European studies vs. regional generational representative
samples in the Romanian study).
Having been ruled by communist regimes for half a century, Central and Southern
European countries (including Romania) activated adaptive strategies that boosted
conservatism and hierarchy values, reducing the importance attributed to intellectual
and affective autonomy, egalitarianism and mastery values (Bardi & Schwartz,
1996; Schwartz et al., 2000). Furthermore, studies in other cultural areas proved
the existence of an extremely slow process of value change, in spite of political,
social and economic radical transformations (Moghaddam, 2008; Moghaddam &
Crystal, 1997; Putnam, 1993; Schwartz et al., 2000).
Generational Belonging and Historical Ruptures: Continuity or. . . 219

Conclusions. The Consequences of the Confirmation

of the Conservation Hypothesis

The conservation hypothesis was confirmed, as the investigated social strata were
characterized by a series of transgenerational patterns. Thus, high interdependence,
modest independence, high self-esteem, dominant externalism and low self-
determination were highlighted at the attitudinal level, whereas conservatism and
low affective and intellectual autonomy values were noted at an axiological level.
Young Romanians seem to be the most vulnerable, dependent and less willing to
take their life in their own hands, when compared to the other cohorts. Additionally,
young people structure their implicitly assumed values and attitudes in the same way
as the older generation, ‘their parents’, even if children these days sometimes
condemn their parents for complicity and ‘shameful disposals’ in the communist
times. Such narrative recurrences appear frequently in the oral interviews with
individuals who are part of the young cohorts, despite the persistence of
transgenerational fatalistic attitudes (Gavreliuc, 2016). Nevertheless, the studies
we conducted have some shortcomings. For example, the studies were limited to
only one historical moment. Moreover, only one regional area from Romania was
studied, with its own specificity (Sandu, 2003). A longitudinal research with repre-
sentative samples could have tested the hypotheses more directly.
Furthermore, it is important to take into account the link between the current
tendencies and other structural and individual factors that have proven to be relevant,
such as the economic level (Inglehart, 2016; Inglehart & Welzel, 2005), previous
types of political regime and dominant economic and social structures (Rupnik,
1988) or religiosity (Fontaine, Duriez, Luyten, Corveleyn, & Hutsebaut, 2005;
Schwartz & Huismans, 1995). Lastly, a qualitative approach would complement
the current study.

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Dana Gavreliuc (Ph.D. in Psychology at the “Babes-Bolyai” University from Cluj-Napoca with a
thesis focused on social axioms and cultural dimensions in the Romanian educational environment)
is associate professor at the Department for Teacher Training, West University of Timisoara. She
has been involved in 5 national grants of research and she has published 3 books as a single/first
author and over 20 articles/book chapters in the area of Educational Psychology, Cross-Cultural
Psychology, and Social Psychology. Her research interests are value transmission, social axioms,
and diagnosis of educational environment.
Alin Gavreliuc (Ph.D. in Social Psychology at the University of Bucharest and Habilitation in
Psychology at the “Babes-Bolyai” University from Cluj-Napoca) is professor at the Department of
Psychology, Faculty of Sociology and Psychology, West University of Timisoara, and director of
the Centre for Social Diagnosis from the same university. He has coordinated 10 national and
international grants of research, and he has published seven books as a single/first author and more
than 50 articles in representative scientific journals in the area of Social Psychology, Cross-Cultural
Psychology and Ethno-Psychology. He is a member of the International Association for Cross-
Cultural Psychology (IACCP). His research interests are intergenerational transmission of values
and attitudes in contemporary Romania, self-construals in cross-cultural contexts, social and
cultural changes, and ethnic identity.

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