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State of Democracy in South Africa Analysis

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59 views5 pages

State of Democracy in South Africa Analysis

Uploaded by

Jayson Claasen
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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FINAL ONLINE SUMMATIVE ASSESSMENT

PROGRAMME Bachelor of Commerce in International Business


MODULE Introduction to Politics
YEAR One (1)
INTAKE January 2023 Semester 2
DATE 03 November 2023
SECTION A [40 MARKS]
Read the case study carefully and answer the questions that follow.

The state of democracy in South Africa

Fifteen years ago, the United Nations General Assembly declared 15 September as the International Day of Democracy.
The date aims to encourage governments and civil societies to actively promote and protect the principles of democracy.
It also acts as a regular reminder for governments and civil society to assess the state of democracy in their own countries
to identify early warning signs of any erosion or infringement of democratic rights and, if need be, to take adequate
corrective measures.
Assessing the state of democracy in South Africa is not as easy a task as it may seem, because there may be a significant
divergence between the formal requirements for democracy and the actual quality of democracy as it is experienced by the
people. The formal requirements include regular free and fair elections, public consultation, the assurance of basic human
rights and liberties, and the separation of powers.
The good news is that South Africa ticks all the boxes when it comes to the formal requirements for democracy. It is
regularly rated as a free democracy by reputable organisations such as Freedom House, Bertelsmann Stiftung and the
Economist Intelligence Unit. This is certainly something to be proud of and celebrate.
But democracy can also be defined by its quality — by the degree to which it actually serves the will of the people. South
Africans have expressed their will in six free and fair elections since 1994. But, after 28 years, it is becoming increasingly
clear to many voters that our democracy has failed to meet the expectations that have been generated in election after
election.
Voter turnout has dropped from 86.7% in 1994 to only 65.9% in the 2019 national elections. When taking into account the
number of South Africans who were eligible to vote but did not register, the figure drops even lower and becomes more
worrying.
According to Stellenbosch academic Collette Schulz-Herzenberg, by 2019 fewer than half of all eligible South Africans cast
a vote. This means a growing number of eligible voters chose to abstain from the elections, either by not registering or by
not going to the ballot box.
Their choice not to participate in our democratic system, especially in a young democracy, should raise red flags for political
leaders and all South Africans who cherish democracy. Clearly, the legitimacy of our democratic system is at risk when half
of the eligible voters opt not to vote for it.
Growing apathy, a loss of trust in politicians and institutions, as well as increasing frustration with poor living conditions,
exacerbated by a high unemployment rate of 33.9% (Q2, 2022) and a record high inflation rate of 7.8% (August 2022) might
all be contributing factors for citizens to opt out of formal democratic processes.
Deep-rooted corruption at the highest political level, tenderpreneurship, cadre deployment and other ills have eroded the
trust of citizens and keep on sabotaging political, economic and social progress.
The latest Afrobarometer survey results for South Africa, released in November 2021 and published by the Institute for
Justice and Reconciliation, mirror this observation and show that South Africans’ trust in nearly all institutions and
representatives is low, and that only a minority say that they trust the president (38%) and parliament (27%) “somewhat” or
“a lot”.
Even more reason to be concerned is the finding that only the minority (43%) express trust in our courts, and only about
one in three people (36%) trust the Independant Electoral Commission, with trust levels particularly low among younger
respondents.
The dissatisfaction and disillusion of many South Africans with what democracy has so far delivered becomes evident in
another Afrobarometer survey result, which shows that 67% of respondents would be willing to give up elections if a non-
elected government would provide security, housing and jobs. Disturbingly, nearly half (46%) of respondents said they
would be “very willing” to do so, with higher levels of support among younger and more educated respondents.
One of the most basic ways of comparing countries involves classifying governments as democratic or nondemocratic.
Democratic governments are ones in which the people and the government are connected; in other words, the people are
self-governed.
In democratic states political rights are recognized and practised to some degree, for example the political right to organize
into a party or the political right to form a student association or a trade union, as well as the political right to protest and to
demonstrate. Of course, these rights are relative, because in every state there are rules governing the exercise of these
rights, such as the conduct of protests and demonstrations. In addition to these political rights there are civil liberties, such
as liberties of speech, freedom of the press, freedom to believe what you wish (freedom of conscience). In a democratic
state, political parties compete with each other and each has some reasonable prospect of winning the competition.
However, the elected government is nevertheless limited in what it can do. It is limited by the constitution (the fundamental
rules of the state) and by the laws of the country. A relatively independent judiciary enforces both the constitution and the
laws, which operate to limit the government as well as set the framework within which the people function.
But it would not do South Africans justice to interpret their “willingness” to trade in democracy for security, housing and jobs
as a sign that they do not support or value democracy per se or the rights and liberties granted to them under the
Constitution. The survey results should instead be seen as a stark reminder of the desperate and vulnerable living
conditions in which most South Africans find themselves.
Almost three decades after the first democratic elections, South Africa holds the negative record of being the most unequal
country in the world, and the country with one of the highest unemployment and murder rates on the planet. It is therefore
not surprising that people might ask themselves what democracy has done for them and how it has changed their lives for
the better.
Add a lack of trust in institutions and political representatives to poverty and inequality, mix in populist and extremist views,
and you have the perfect storm — a breeding ground for incendiary populist, undemocratic and unconstitutional disruptions.
Violent service delivery protests, orchestrated looting of shopping malls, arson attacks on government buildings and
infrastructure, intimidation and assassination of political opponents are just a few examples to mention in this context.
Political leaders and all those who cherish our constitutional democracy need to introspect on how we can make the vision
in our Constitution a lived reality for all South Africans.
Adapted: https://mg.co.za/opinion/2022-09-16-the-state-of-democracy-in-south-africa-is-cause-for-concern/
Answer ALL the questions in this section.

QUESTION 1 (20 Marks)

In the narrative it is claimed that, one of the most elementary ways of comparing countries involves classifying governments
as democratic or nondemocratic. Democratic governments are ones in which the people and the government are
connected; in other words, the people are self-governed. In view of this comment critically elaborate on the concepts
“Democracy” and “Democratic Formation”.

QUESTION 2 (20 Marks)


In the case study it is alluded that political leaders and all those who cherish our constitutional democracy need to
introspect on how we can make the vision in our Constitution a live reality for all South Africans. This will include the
difficult task of policy formulation. In the contexts of the South African democracy, judgementally elaborate on the public
policy making process.

SECTION B [60 MARKS]


Answer ANY THREE (3) questions in this section.

QUESTION 3 (20 Marks)


'There are three basic reasons why citizens are expected to participate in political activities. One of these is
the right of citizens to participate in elections'. In view of this statement, elaborate on:

3.1 The South African electoral system (8 Marks)


3.2 The role of traditional authorities in our democracy (12 Marks)

QUESTION 4 (20 Marks)


The legislature in the national sphere of government is referred to as parliament, and it consists of two
"houses", namely: the National Assembly; and the National Council of Provinces.

Discuss the following:

4.1 The composition and powers of these two houses. (10 Marks)
4.2 Elaborate on their role in ensuring public accountability. (10 Marks)

QUESTION 5 (20 Marks)


It is vital to note that, states vary in the extent to which they intervene in the economy and society. In view of
this statement critically elaborate on the following:

5.1 Political dominance by business (10 Marks)


5.2 The Directive Role of the State in the promotion of economies (10 Marks)
QUESTION 6 (20 Marks)
Although international relations took on a new significant role in the increasingly interconnected world, it is
certainly not a new concept. The value of International Relations in a globalized society cannot be
underestimated. Elaborate on the reasons why it is so important and why it cannot be underestimated.

END OF PAPER

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